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Journal articles on the topic 'Sacrifice – China'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Yang, Hua. "Water Spirits of the Yangzi River and Imperial Power in Traditional China." Religions 13, no. 5 (April 22, 2022): 387. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13050387.

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Most research on the water spirits of the Yangzi has focused on popular worship and paid little attention to the Confucian discourse and its major role in establishing imperial legitimacy. Yet it is a crucial aspect to understand traditional politics in China. The water spirits of the Yangzi River and its tributaries and lakes were venerated, offered imperial sacrifices, and incorporated into codes of state ritual in traditional China. The canonized sacrifices to the water spirits of the Yangzi River basin symbolized the religious–political legitimacy of the imperial regimes. When an imperial court offered sacrifice to the water spirits of the Yangzi River basin incorporated by previous dynasties, this action demonstrated that the current court directly connected to past regimes and inherited the authority of sacrifice passed down from the ancient and the orthodox tradition of Confucian ritual classics. Since the majority of dynasty capitals in traditional China were located in the north with fewer rivers, worshipping water spirits of the Yangzi River basin would imply recognition and blessing from southern divinities. The practice of granting noble titles and temple plaques to those water spirits would further demonstrate the imperial courts’ control over the divine power. By communicating with and managing the water spirits of the Yangzi River, the imperial courts would also symbolize their political and military administration over the south and they are united, rather than divided, regimes.

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2

Poo, Mu-chou. "Food, Sacrifice, and Sagehood in Early China." Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 72, no. 2 (2012): 423–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jas.2012.0023.

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3

Kuo, C. H. "Food, Sacrifice, and Sagehood in Early China." East Asian Science, Technology and Society 9, no. 2 (January 1, 2015): 217–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/18752160-2868285.

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4

Trubshaw, Bob. "Food, Sacrifice and Sagehood in Early China." Time and Mind 6, no. 2 (January 2013): 241–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2752/175169713x13589680081975.

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5

Li, Teng. "The Sacred River: State Ritual, Political Legitimacy, and Religious Practice of the Jidu in Imperial China." Religions 13, no. 6 (June 2, 2022): 507. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13060507.

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This paper focuses on the Jidu 濟瀆 (i.e., the Ji River 濟水), one of the four waterways (sidu 四瀆) in imperial China. Even though it vanished a long time ago, the Jidu had always been a part of the traditional Chinese ritual system of mountain- and water-directed state sacrifices. From the Western Han dynasty to the Qing dynasty, it continuously received regular state sacrifices. However, Western scholars have failed to notice it. Some modern Chinese and Japanese scholars have studied the development of the Jidu sacrifice, but its embodied political and religious significances for the state and local society were largely ignored. To remedy this neglect, I provide here, with new discoveries and conclusions, the first comprehensive study of the Jidu sacrifice in imperial China. Surrounding this coherent theme, this paper draws several original arguments from its four sections. The first section is a brief history of the state sacrifice to the Jidu. In the second section, I analyze the ideas of state authority, political legitimacy, religious belief, and cosmology, as these underlie the ritual performance concerning the Jidu. I argue that the Jidu was not only tightly associated with controlling water but was also a symbol and mechanism of political legitimacy. Relying on concrete official and local records, in the third section I further investigate the role that the Jidu God played in local society. I argue that after the Song dynasty, the Jidu God was transformed into a regional protector of local society and savior of local people in addition to an official water god. In the fourth section, I, for the first time, examine the interaction between the Jidu cult and other religious traditions including Daoism, Buddhism, and folk religion.

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6

Feng, L. "ROEL STERCKX. Food, Sacrifice, and Sagehood in Early China." American Historical Review 117, no. 5 (December 1, 2012): 1557–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/117.5.1557a.

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7

Wang, Yuanlin. "The Sacrificial Ritual and Commissioners to the South Sea God in Tang China." Religions 12, no. 11 (November 2, 2021): 960. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12110960.

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Previous studies on the Nanhaishen Temple 南海神廟 (Temple of the South Sea God) in Guangzhou in the Tang dynasty focus mainly on the South Sea God as the patron of the Maritime Silk Road, without thoroughly discussing the state ritual and the sacrificial right of the Tang government. This paper illuminates five new points concerning the ritual. First, the sacrificial ritual to the South Sea God developed from the suburban rituals in previous dynasties into both forms of suburban and local rituals, which was also categorized as the medium sacrifice among the three major sacrifices in the state ritual system of the Tang dynasty. Second, the first commissioner who was sent by the central government to perform the sacrificial ritual to the South Sea God was Zhang Jiuling, and henceforth the temporary assignment of court officials to the ceremonies became institutionalized. In the tenth year of Tianbao (751), the South Sea God was entitled Guangliwang 廣利王 (King Guangli), and the commissioner sent on this mission was Zhang Jiuzhang, Zhang Jiuling’s third younger brother, rather than his second younger brother Zhang Jiugao as seen in some records. Third, most of the commissioners were dispatched by the central government in the early Tang, and therefore the sacrifice to the South Sea God was related to the state ritual system; but in the late Tang local officials became dominant in the ritual ceremonies, and thus good harvests and social stability in the Lingnan region became the major concern of the sacrifice. Fourth, the legend that the Buddhist Master Xiujiu 休咎禪師 took over the temple and accepted the South Sea God as his disciple reflected the reciprocity between Buddhism and the South Sea God belief. Last but not the least, the sacrificial ceremonies to the South Sea God established in the Tang dynasty and performed by the officials of both the central and local governments had a significant influence on the ritual in the following dynasties.

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8

You, Wei, Tianyu Dai, Wuqing Du, and Jiabai Chen. "Special Sacrifice and Determination of Compensation Standard for Land Expropriation in the Urbanization Process—A Perspective of Legal Practice." Sustainability 14, no. 19 (September 26, 2022): 12159. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su141912159.

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In the current context of rapid global urbanization, China’s urbanization is also accelerating, and the rational planning and sustainable use of state land and space have become a growing concern. The expansion of urban geographic space is inevitably accompanied by the massive expropriation of rural land. The research objective of this article is to explore, from a jurisprudence perspective, under what circumstances land expropriation in urbanization has caused special sacrifices to farmers and what compensation standards have been determined by the Chinese courts after the special sacrifices have been caused. To achieve this research objective, the authors first identified the causal relation between the expansion of urbanization and conflicts over land expropriation in China through the empirical analysis method, and found that the expansion of urban geographic space has led to an increase in conflicts over land expropriation and that the land expropriation compensation system is the key to alleviating such conflicts. Secondly, by interpreting and summarizing the compensation standards for land expropriation in China’s legislation texts and judicial judgments through normative analysis, this article finds that the compensation standards for land expropriation currently adopted by the people’s courts of China are pluralistic and conflict with those in the legislation text. This article concludes that if land expropriation in urbanization leads to an infringement of civil liberties which results in a special sacrifice of citizens, such special sacrifice should be justly compensated. To effectively mitigate the conflicts concerning land expropriation in the urbanization process, China should build a unified compensation standard for land expropriation under the guidance of legislative text in the future, achieve a reconciliation between the doctrinal and practical compensation standards for land expropriation, and support the rule of law to guarantee the sustainable development of urbanization.

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9

Li, Fa, and Ken-ichi Takashima. "Sacrifice to the wind gods in late Shang China – religious, paleographic, linguistic and philological analyses: An integrated approach." Journal of Chinese Writing Systems 6, no. 2 (June 2022): 81–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/25138502211063232.

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There is a bewildering array of rituals and sacrifices performed by the aristocratic, ruling elite in late Shāng China (c. 13th–11th centuries BC). They range from major, regularly scheduled, ritual observances to unscheduled rituals and sacrifices directed to the ancestors and the nature gods such as the wind, rivers, mountains and other deities. They were often accompanied with apotropaic prayers. What might have been their rationale is a question that remains to be answered. Sacrificing to the wind gods, for example, is often encountered in oracle-bone inscriptions. Scholars do not seem to have examined the deeper, ontological problem of the raison d’être of various rituals and sacrifices. A closer reading of the inscriptions containing fēng 風 ‘wind’, fèng 鳳 ‘phoenix’ and other collocated words may restore their original meanings. This paper distinguishes the ‘wind’ as a natural phenomenon from the ‘wind god’, even though they are written by the same graph. It also distinguishes between dì fēng 禘風 ‘dì-sacrifice to the wind (god)’ and níng fēng 寧風 ‘appease (unwanted) winds’. Identifying collocations of the words involved is an effective way for the distinctions we will be making. The paper also explores the need for the wind sacrifices accompanied by various other sacrifices. By addressing these issues, the paper is intended to stimulate further, in-depth discussion of the ritual and sacrificial system of late Shāng China. It covers a wide-ranging topic on late Shāng religious beliefs. They are analyzed in terms of paleography, linguistics and philology in an integrated manner.

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10

Brindley, E. "Food, Sacrifice, and Sagehood in Early China. By Roel Sterckx." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 80, no. 2 (May 11, 2012): 544–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfs007.

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11

Lei, Wen, and Luying Zhao. "Daoism and Sacrifices to the Five Sacred Peaks in Tang China (618–907)." Religions 13, no. 5 (April 26, 2022): 398. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13050398.

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The five sacred peaks had both political and religious significance in traditional China. Daoism profoundly impacted the state sacrifice to the sacred peaks in the medieval era. Through examining related stone inscriptions, we argue that the establishment of the Shrines for the Perfected Lords of the five sacred peaks, the Shrine for the Elder of Mount Qingcheng, and the Temple for the Envoy of the Nine Heavens at Mount Lu were in debt to the suggestions of the Daoist master Sima Chengzhen during the reign of Emperor Xuanzong (r. 712–756). The constructions of the shrines manifested Daoist masters’ efforts to transform the state sacrifice system. Nevertheless, the shrines were not able to replace the state sacrifice system but functioned as Daoist abbeys to pray for the state, the emperor, and the people. In the late Tang dynasty, the imperial authority in turn permeated the Daoist sacred geographic system. Interestingly, the elevated status of Daoist Perfected Ones and Transcendents was widely recognized in Tang folklore.

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12

Hürelbaatar, A. "Contemporary Mongolian sacrifice and social life in Inner Mongolia: the case of the Jargalt Oboo of Urad." Inner Asia 8, no. 2 (2006): 205–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/146481706793646701.

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AbstractThis article discusses the contemporary Mongolian sacrifice and social life1 in Inner Mongolia, China.2 Rather than discussing sacrifice itself, it will describe the contemporary social practice of traditional Mongolian sacrificial offerings in the wider context of the changing power structures of the Mongols and Han Chinese at the national level, and in the context of changing social authority and economic life at the local level.

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13

Altaher, Bassmah Bassam. "Geling Yan'sThe Flowers of War: Bitterness and Sacrifice in Colonized China." Asian Journal of Women's Studies 23, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 132–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12259276.2017.1281535.

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14

Swancutt, Katherine. "Animal Release and the Sacrificial Ethos in Inner Asia." Inner Asia 22, no. 2 (November 4, 2020): 199–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105018-12340147.

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Abstract Animal release is often understood as the practice of freeing an animal from human consumption or the burden of labour. Typically associated with various Buddhist or Daoist cosmologies in which liberating an animal is a merit-making act, animal release tends to be conceptualised in altruistic terms. Yet the diverse forms that sacrifice and animal release take across Inner Asia suggest that the focus of analysis sometimes shifts from a concern with freeing animals to protecting the human imperative to live. Introducing new ethnography on the ethical underpinnings of sacrifice among Buryats in northeast Mongolia and the Nuosu of southwest China, I propose that animal release can be an act of restrained violence that evokes the mythopoetic contours of human–animal relations, animal sentience and human self-preservation. Offering case studies on scapegoats, deferred sacrifice, and contingent forms of slaughter, I show how Buryats and Nuosu manage the ethical tensions posed by sacrifice.

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15

von Falkenhausen, Lothar, and Michael J. Puett. "To Become a God: Cosmology, Sacrifice, and Self-Divinization in Early China." Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 64, no. 2 (December 1, 2004): 465. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25066751.

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16

Duara, Prasenjit. "Spectacle and Sacrifice: The Ritual Foundations of Village Life in North China." Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 71, no. 1 (2011): 163–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jas.2011.0014.

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17

Bujard, Marianne. "Spectacle and Sacrifice: The Ritual Foundations of Village Life in North China." T'oung Pao 97, no. 4-5 (2011): 413–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853211x613927.

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18

Lu, Ke, and Xuefen Wang. "Analysis of Perceived Value and Travelers’ Behavioral Intention to Adopt Ride-Hailing Services: Case of Nanjing, China." Journal of Advanced Transportation 2020 (May 30, 2020): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2020/4380610.

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This study explored travelers’ behavioral intention to adopt ride-hailing services. With regard to perceived value, several factors related to perceived benefit and perceived sacrifice were considered. Moreover, subjective norm and perceived policy support were further introduced into the concept model. After the construction of the concept model, an empirical analysis was put forward to test the hypotheses proposed. In addition, the effect of sociodemographic factors and usage frequency was further investigated. The empirical analysis was based on a survey that put forward in Nanjing, China. The results demonstrate that perceived value is positively related to behavioral intention. And factors of perceived benefit are related to perceived value positively, while factors of perceived sacrifice have a negative effect on perceived value.

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19

Brownell, Susan, and Angela Zito. "Of Body and Brush: Grand Sacrifice as Text/Performance in Eighteenth-Century China." American Historical Review 105, no. 2 (April 2000): 523. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1571483.

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20

Larson, Wendy. "Can a Revolutionary Be Happy?" Prism 16, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/25783491-7480309.

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Abstract In 1963, China Youth published letters from youth on the topic of happiness. While some agreed that following the model of self-sacrifice exemplified by Lei Feng was the only way to be a happy revolutionary, others brought up contradictions in the approach to happiness promoted by the Chinese Communist Party. Through an investigation of happiness in Marxism and Maoism, the author analyzes the arguments put forward in the letters, concluding that by the early 1960s any notion of a unified revolutionary subjectivity was riddled with cracks. The young letter writers question the panreligious embrace of self-sacrifice, struggle, and misery, which can then be transformed into revolutionary happiness through willpower.

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21

Baumler, Alan. "Masculinity, Femininity, Sacrifice, and Celebrity during China’s War of Resistance: Telling the Lives of the Aviators Yan Haiwen (1916-37) and Lee Ya-Ching (1912-98)." NAN Nü 22, no. 1 (June 8, 2020): 70–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685268-00221p03.

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Abstract During the War of Resistance against Japan (1937-1945) the Chinese government publicized heroic pilots to win domestic and international support for the war effort and to raise money. These pilots also helped create a gendered image of China that was used by both state and non-state actors. The male pilot and martyr Yan Haiwen (1916-37) was part of a masculine discourse of sacrifice aimed at domestic audiences. The female pilot Lee Ya-Ching (1912-98) presented a modern, technologized Chinese femininity which assisted in the Chinese war effort by appealing to white audiences, but was also used by Overseas Chinese communities for their own purposes.

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22

Smith, Richard J. (Richard Joseph). "Of Body and Brush: Grand Sacrifice as Text/Performance in Eighteenth Century China (review)." China Review International 7, no. 1 (2000): 283–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2000.0048.

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23

Zhang, Fan. "Spectacle and Sacrifice: The Ritual Foundations of Village Life in North China. David Johnson." China Journal 66 (July 2011): 181–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/tcj.66.41262820.

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24

Yu, Shiao-ling. "Sacrifice to the Mountain: A Ritual Performance of the Qiang Minority People in China." TDR/The Drama Review 48, no. 4 (December 2004): 155–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1054204042442035.

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In 2002, a group of Qiang in China's Sichuan Province performed an ancient ritual combining the sacred and the secular. This ritual remains an integral part of the Qiang people's religious and social lives

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25

Guy, R. Kent. "Of Body and Brush: Grand Sacrifice as Text/Performance in Eighteenth-Century China (review)." Philosophy East and West 50, no. 4 (2000): 623–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pew.2000.0006.

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26

Liu, Yiting, Yang Wang, Rowan Flad, and Xingshan Lei. "Animal sacrifice in burial: Materials from China during the Shang and Western Zhou period." Archaeological Research in Asia 22 (June 2020): 100179. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ara.2020.100179.

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27

Liu, Jian, Liman Zhao, Xiaofeng Du, and Guanxing Xu. "Study on the Ideal Matching Mode of Sleep Time and High Academic Performance of High School Students in China and Its Early Warning Mechanism." Best Evidence in Chinese Education 6, no. 2 (November 23, 2020): 845–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.15354/bece.20.ar074.

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Based on a sample survey of high schools in Province S of China, this study used quantitative statistical analysis to explore the ideal matching mode of sleep time and high academic performance and established a multi-level early warning mechanism for schools that sacrifice student sleep for high academic performance. The results showed that “students achieve the best academic performance when they sleep for eight hours or more.” This is an ideal matching mode for schools to ensure the healthy development of students and build a good educational environment. Teachers, schools, education administrators, and parents should hold correct educational values and view comprehensively the relationship between students’ sleep time and academic performance. For schools that sacrifice students' sleep time and blindly pursue high grades, a multi-level early warning mechanism should be established and their rectification should be supervised.

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28

Selbitschka, Armin. "SACRIFICE VS. SUSTENANCE: FOOD AS A BURIAL GOOD IN LATE PRE-IMPERIAL AND EARLY IMPERIAL CHINESE TOMBS AND ITS RELATION FUNERARY RITES." Early China 41 (2018): 179–243. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eac.2018.7.

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AbstractOne of the medical manuscripts recovered from Tomb No. 3 at Mawangdui (dated 186 b.c.e.) states that, “When a person is born there are two things that need not to be learned: the first is to breathe and the second is to eat.” Of course it is true that all healthy newborn human beings possess the reflexes to breathe and eat. Yet, the implications of death should have been just as obvious to the ancient Chinese. Once the human brain ceases to function, there is no longer a biological need for oxygen and nourishment. Nevertheless, a large number of people in late pre-imperial and early imperial China insisted on burying food and drink with the dead. Most modern commentators take the deposition of food and drink as burial goods to be a rather trite phenomenon that warrants little reflection. To their minds both kinds of deposits were either intended to sustain the spirit of the deceased in the hereafter or simply a sacrifice to the spirit of the deceased. Yet, a closer look at the archaeological evidence suggests otherwise. By tracking the exact location of food and drink containers in late pre-imperial and early imperial tombs and by comprehensively analyzing inscriptions on such vessels in addition to finds of actual food, the article demonstrates that reality was more complicated than this simple either/or dichotomy. Some tombs indicate that the idea of continued sustenance coincided with occasional sacrifices. Moreover, this article will introduce evidence of a third kind of sacrifice that, so far, has gone unnoticed by scholarship. Such data confirms that sacrifices to spirits other than the one of the deceased sometimes were also part of funerary rituals. By paying close attention to food and drink as burial goods the article will put forth a more nuanced understanding of early Chinese burial practices and associated notions of the afterlife.

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29

Howland, D. R. "Of Body and Brush: Grand Sacrifice as Text/Performance in Eighteenth-Century China. Angela Zito." History of Religions 39, no. 4 (May 2000): 388–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/463607.

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30

Kryukov, Vassili. "Symbols of power and communication in pre-Confucian China (on the anthropology ofde) preliminary assumptions." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 58, no. 2 (June 1995): 314–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x0001079x.

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If Clifford Geertz's definition of religion as a culturally determined system of symbols is valid, then it can be argued that the religious ideology of pre-Confucian—Early (or Western) Zhou—China is centred around the symbols of power and communication. Heaven, sacrifice, and gift-decree are some of the categories of this religious system, the majority of them reducible to the themes of a sacred hierarchy and communicative relationship between its subjects. The crucial position in this context is occupied by the concept of.

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31

Huang, Chenxi, and Siyu Chen. "The Northern Stronghold Sacrifice and the Political Legitimacy of Ethnic Minority Regimes in the Late Imperial China." Religions 13, no. 4 (April 15, 2022): 368. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13040368.

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Traditional Chinese state sacrificial ritual represented a symbolic system of integrating religious belief, divine authority, and political legitimacy. The Northern Stronghold (Beizhen 北鎮, i.e., Mount Yiwulü 醫巫閭山) was equal in status to the other four strongholds, which, moreover, served as a strategic military fortress and represented the earth virtue in the early state sacrifice system. In the late imperial era of China, and during the Yuan (1279–1368) and Qing (1644–1911) dynasties in particular, the Northern Stronghold swiftly achieved prominence and eventually became an instrument used by minority ethnic groups, namely the Mongolians and Manchus, when elaborating upon the legitimacy of their political regimes. During the Yuan dynasty, the mountain spirits of the five strongholds (Wuzhen 五鎮) were formally invested as kings and, as a result, were accorded equivalent sacrifices in comparison to those given to the five sacred peaks (Wuyue 五嶽). Given that the Northern Stronghold was located near the northeast of Beijing, the Yuan government considered it the foundation of the state. Thereafter, the Northern Stronghold was regarded as the most important of the five stronghold mountains. In the Ming dynasty (1368–1644), the Northern Stronghold Temple (Beizhenmiao 北鎮廟) was reconstructed as both a military fortress and religious site, while its representation as a significant site for a foreign conquest dynasty diminished and its significance as a bastion of anti-insurgent suppression emerged. By the Qing dynasty, the Northern Stronghold was regarded as an integral component of the geographic origin of the Manchu people and thereby assumed once again a position of substantial political significance. Several Qing emperors visited the Northern Stronghold and left poems and prose written in graceful Chinese to present their high respect and their mastery of Chinese culture. The history of the Northern Stronghold demonstrates how the ethnic minority regimes successfully utilized the traditional Chinese state sacrificial ritual to serve their political purpose.

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32

Zhang, Wenyi. "Healing Through States of Consciousness: Animal Sacrifice and Christian Prayer Among the Kachin in Southwest China." Medical Anthropology 35, no. 2 (September 2015): 119–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01459740.2015.1089240.

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33

Robertson, Christopher J., Bradley J. Olson, K. Matthew Gilley, and Yongjian Bao. "A Cross-Cultural Comparison of Ethical Orientations and Willingness to Sacrifice Ethical Standards: China Versus Peru." Journal of Business Ethics 81, no. 2 (August 7, 2007): 413–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10551-007-9504-3.

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34

Li, Qin. "Mothers Left without a Man: Poverty and Single Parenthood in China." Social Inclusion 8, no. 2 (April 28, 2020): 114–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v8i2.2678.

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Most single-parent families in China are headed by women, and single mothers represent one of the fastest-growing groups living in poverty. Yet few studies have examined this group. This article seeks to better understand how (and why) single mothers are disadvantaged in China. Based on in-depth interviews conducted in Zhuhai, Guangzhou Province, it demonstrates that single mothers are left behind in four respects: lower income and worse economic conditions, lower employment and career development opportunities, worse physical and mental health, and poorer interpersonal relationships and less chance of remarriage. The causes of these disadvantages include Chinese family beliefs, a culture of maternal sacrifice, the traditional division of labour between men and women and social stereotypes about single mothers. The article highlights the impacts of Chinese familism culture on single mothers and advocates incorporating a gender perspective into the agenda of family policy and other relevant social policies in China.

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35

Yang, Lei Yu. "Research on Foreign Trade Strategy of China under the Perspective of Low Carbon." Applied Mechanics and Materials 687-691 (November 2014): 4442–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amm.687-691.4442.

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China's foreign trade implicit carbon net export country, China's huge trade surplus has brought the huge net exports implicit carbon emissions. There are quite a part of China's large amounts of carbon dioxide emissions is through exports to developed countries bear, only from a unilateral think China bring huge argument for carbon emissions is unfair. For this kind of problem, it should establish and improve the corresponding system and inspection system, and from the Angle of final consumption. It clears the main culprit of a carbon emissions and the necessary assumption of responsibility. Developed countries as an excuse and a carbon tariff on China's export products, an apparent bad intentions with trade protectionism. The international community should see China sacrifice for the development of the world, from a global view of China's carbon emissions.

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36

HILLMAN, BEN. "Law, Order and Social Control in Xi’s China." Issues & Studies 57, no. 02 (June 2021): 2150006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251121500065.

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In his first term (2012–2017), Xi Jinping’s signature domestic policy was an anti-corruption campaign that targeted political enemies and venality in public office. The anti-corruption work has continued in his second term while being superseded in domestic political importance by a campaign to “Sweep Away Black and Eliminate Evil (2018–2020).” On the surface, the campaign to Sweep Away Black and Eliminate Evil is an anti-crime campaign that focuses on the “black and evil forces” of organized crime and their official protectors, but its scope extends well beyond the ganglands to target a wide range of social and political threats to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Drawing on interviews with government officials, police and citizens as well as analysis of policy documents, this paper argues that the campaign is a populist initiative designed to bolster CCP legitimacy and serve as a mechanism of social control. Like the Chongqing prototype that inspired it, however, the campaign harbors a dark side that could undermine the contemporary Chinese social contract in which people are willing to sacrifice personal freedoms in exchange for security and material benefits.

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Mirzayan, G. V. "Russian-Chinese Relations: Temporary Companions or Anti-American Entente?" Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 9, no. 6 (February 10, 2020): 116–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2019-9-6-116-124.

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Today, China is perhaps one of the leading Russian partners in the international arena. However, there is still no general opinion in Russia about what kind of partner it is. Some call him a good friend, a pillar of Moscow, almost a Savior against the background of the Russian-Western conflict. Others position China as an aggressive predator interested in maximising Russia’s weakness, either for further plunder or further absorption — even territorial. Still, others urge not to rush from extreme to extreme. China is not Russia’s friend. Our interests are too different — not contradictory, but different. On the other hand, it is precise because of the absence of such contradictions that China is not an enemy. We have practically nothing to share — we do not threaten each other. So, China is more of an opportunity. Cooperation with Beijing (to which we are so pushed by Washington) will strengthen Russian foreign policy, balance its Western direction. However, all the positive aspects of such cooperation will be only manifested if Moscow does not forget its national interests. And, he would not sacrifice them for a ghostly friendship — or a ghostly conflict.

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Wang, Yuanlin, and Aiyun Ye. "Evolution of the Sacrificial Ritual to the South Sea God in Song China." Religions 13, no. 10 (October 9, 2022): 939. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13100939.

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Previous studies on the Nanhaishen Temple 南海神廟 (Temple of the South Sea God) in Guangzhou in the Song dynasty focus mainly on its state sacrificial ritual and local temple fairs, without fully discussing the differences of the sacrificial ritual between the Southern and Northern Song dynasties or the changes of the sacrificial ritual in Lingnan after the Song dynasty. This paper aims to illuminate the following five points. First, after the reunification of the Northern Song dynasty, the sacrificial ritual to the South Sea God in Guangzhou was advanced. Second, when the South Sea God and his temple were conferred with the holy titles for the fourth time, the god’s role to bless local stability was further manifested, which means the imperial power gradually permeated into the Lingnan culture. Third, the blessing of the South Sea God was more prominent than ever before because of its geographical location in the southeast of the state during the Southern Song dynasty, and thus the Nanhaishen Temple Fair was the largest of its kind in Lingnan. Fourth, the stele inscription of Liuhou Zhi Ji 六侯之記 (Records of the Six Lords) shows that local people attempted to incorporate their folk beliefs into the canonized sacrifice to the South Sea God, and thus many religious spots were built in other places in Lingnan as detached palaces (ligong 離宮) of the god who was generally endorsed by the local officialdom. Fifth, the sacrifice to the South Sea God in Guangzhou in the Song dynasty had a far-reaching influence, as the god was worshipped by the later generations in the temples which also accommodated the worship of Buddhism and Daoism. In summary, the lengthy process for the South Sea God to evolve from a national god to a local patron is the result of the country’s long-term implementation of the ritual system as far as the ritual culture is concerned.

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Edgerton-Tarpley, Kathryn Jean. "From “Nourish the People” to “Sacrifice for the Nation”: Changing Responses to Disaster in Late Imperial and Modern China." Journal of Asian Studies 73, no. 2 (February 27, 2014): 447–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911813002374.

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This article seeks to spark a conversation about shifting conceptualizations of disaster under modernizing states. It employs case studies of two major disasters, the North China Famine of 1876–79 and the Yellow River flood of 1938–47, to map changes and continuities in Chinese responses to disaster. State approaches to the late-Qing famine both drew on a millennium of Chinese thinking about disaster causation and anticipated new issues that would become increasingly important in twentieth-century China. The catastrophic Yellow River flood occurred when China's Nationalist government deliberately breached a major dike in a desperate attempt to “use water instead of soldiers” to slow the brutal Japanese invasion. The Nationalist state's technologization of disaster, its rejection of cosmological interpretations of calamity, and its depiction of flood victims as heroes sacrificing for the nation mark departures from late-imperial responses to disaster, but foreshadow features of the devastating Mao-era Great Leap Famine of 1958–62.

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Chen, Yanyan, and Yuejun Zheng. "Willingness to Sacrifice for the Environment: A Comparison of Environmental Consciousness in China, Japan and South Korea." Behaviormetrika 43, no. 1 (January 2016): 19–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2333/bhmk.43.19.

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Nylan, Michael. "Reviews of Books:To Become a God: Cosmology, Sacrifice, and Self-Divinization in Early China Michael J. Puett." American Historical Review 108, no. 4 (October 2003): 1117–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/529803.

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Vidaurreta, Irene, Christian de la Fe, Juan Orengo, Ángel Gómez-Martín, and Bernardino Benito. "Short-Term Economic Impact of COVID-19 on Spanish Small Ruminant Flocks." Animals 10, no. 8 (August 5, 2020): 1357. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ani10081357.

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The human pandemic COVID-19 caused by the severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus-2 (SARS-CoV-2) started in China in 2019 and has rapidly spread around the world, leading to extreme control measures such as population confinement and industry activity closure. Although small ruminants are not sanitary affected by this virus, the short-term economic impact derived by COVID-19 on Spanish flocks is estimated in this study, using data provided by producers and two major slaughterhouses. Milk prices of dairy goat flocks suffered a substantial drop in April 2020, close to 4.5 cts EUR/liter compared to the previous month. In contrast, the monthly milk prices in sheep remained almost stable during this period, and even increases of more than EUR 6 cts were reported in comparison with the previous year. Nevertheless, economical differences are reported by areas where producers could receive a higher income, close to EUR 0.3 per liter of milk. Global data provided by feedlots affecting 2750 Spanish flocks evidenced a lamb price drop ranging from 16.8% to 26.9% after the pandemic arrival; in line with the data directly reported by a limited sample of producers (ranging from 11.0% to 23.7%). The goat kid meat market also suffered a reduction in prices per kg, near 12.5%; although, for some flocks, losses reached up to 40%. In the same line, 2 slaughterhouses reported a sudden sacrifice drop around 27% for lambs and goat kids sacrifices in April, in contrast with the usual sacrifice figures from the beginning of 2020. Moreover, our study showed a temporary and unexpected retention of lambs and goat kids at farms due to a reduction in animals slaughtered during this period. In conclusion, data evidenced a considerable negative economic impact on Spanish small ruminant flocks, throughout the first 60 days after COVID-19’s pandemic declaration. Further studies are needed to evaluate the long-term economic consequences, in order to establish contingency plans and avoid the collapse of small ruminant industries when a crisis of these characteristics occurs.

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Zhang, Bei. "A Study of the Differences about Chinese Qixi Festival Custom——Taking Shanxi’s Old Local Chronicles as an Example." International Journal of Culture and History 8, no. 1 (February 5, 2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijch.v8i1.18154.

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The Qixi Festival is a traditional festival in China, which inherits the production model of men's farming and women's weaving for thousands of years. It is considered as a symbol of Chinese farming culture and widely propagated in many provinces in China since a long time ago. However, people in different areas celebrate this festival in different ways during different periods. This can be found in the documents that recorded in local chronicles. This research takes Shanxi Province as an example. Through sorting out 72 types of local chronicles that recorded the contents of the Qixi Festival which compiled during the Qing Dynasty and the Republic of China, we found that the differences mainly manifested in four aspects: the gender and age of the participants, the objects of sacrifice, the sacrificial offering, and the behavior of begging dexterousness. Through analyzing, it can be seen that these differences are caused by the impact of the environment and also related to the integration of multiple cultural elements in the festival itself.

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Fan, Chen, and Yanghuan Long. "The Secularization of Religious Figures: A Study of Mahoraga in the Song Dynasty (960–1279)." Religions 13, no. 2 (February 17, 2022): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13020177.

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Mahoraga dolls, a type of figurine showing a child holding a lotus leaf, are sacrifice utensils that were commonly used in the Qixi Festival to pray for reproduction throughout the Song Dynasty in China. Scholars pay great attention to the Buddhistic origins of Mahoraga, relating it to different figures within Buddhism and discussing its religious artistic values. This paper focuses on the transformation of this cultural appropriation in Chinese society by discussing the localization of Mahoraga as well as the reasons behind the use of Mahoraga in worship in Qixi in particular. We believe that the population crisis and national population policies in the Song Dynasty stimulated Chinese people’s longing for procreation and this desire was responded to by the secularization and popularization of Buddhism in China, together with the increased prosperity of citizen culture, which ultimately promoted the popularity of Mahoraga in Song society.

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Zhang, Wenyi. "Bearing the Decline of Animal Sacrifice: Enhanced State of Consciousness, Illness, Taboos, and the Government in Southwest China." Anthropology of Consciousness 25, no. 1 (March 2014): 116–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/anoc.12021.

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Nylan, Michael. "Food, Sacrifice, and Sagehood in Early China. By Roel Sterckx. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011. ix + 235 pp." T’oung Pao 98, no. 4-5 (2012): 567–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685322-984500r8.

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Muscolino, Micah S. "Refugees, Land Reclamation, and Militarized Landscapes in Wartime China: Huanglongshan, Shaanxi, 1937–45." Journal of Asian Studies 69, no. 2 (March 26, 2010): 453–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911810000057.

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This article investigates relationships between refugee flight and environmental change during the Sino-Japanese War of 1937–45 through a study of land reclamation projects in Shaanxi's Huanglongshan region. During the conflict with Japan, China's Nationalist government resettled thousands of refugees who fled war-induced natural disasters in Henan to Huanglongshan to reclaim uncultivated wastelands. Land reclamation reflected an ongoing militarization of China's environment, as political leaders looked to land reclamation to provide relief for refugees, further economic mobilization by exploiting untapped natural resources, and foster an ethos of dedication and self-sacrifice for the nation. Unrestrained land clearance decimated forests that had returned to Huanglongshan's hillsides since its abandonment during the rebellions of the late Qing. By compelling displaced people to cultivate marginal lands, war also threatened the health of refugees by exposing them to endemic disease. Yet the militarizing logic that motivated these reclamation initiatives continued to reshape China's natural landscape long after the Sino-Japanese War ended.

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Zhou, Yating. "Longxian Shehuo: Two-thousand-year-old folk customs gestated from eight hundred miles of loess." Highlights in Art and Design 1, no. 2 (October 19, 2022): 18–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/hiaad.v1i2.1893.

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Shehuo originated from a kind of entertainment activity in the square of "Hundred Dramas", which was gradually combined with other acrobatics in the activities of sacrificing to the Earth God and the Valley God in ancient China. This activity was widely spread in China, and it was one of the folk ways of social sacrifice to seek good fortune and avoid bad luck. Later, it gradually evolved into an entertainment activity for the Spring Festival. As one of the birthplaces of Chinese culture, the Weihe River Basin in Shaanxi Province has bred ancient national culture. The Shehuo in Longxian County is one of the unique cultures bred on the 800 mile plain. In the 21st century, there are still many problems in the inheritance and protection of the community fire culture in Longxian County. To actively solve these problems, we need to promote the inheritance and innovation of traditional folk culture through government guidance, mass participation and other ways.

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Jia, Jinhua. "Formation of the Traditional Chinese State Ritual System of Sacrifice to Mountain and Water Spirits." Religions 12, no. 5 (April 30, 2021): 319. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12050319.

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Sacrifice to mountain and water spirits was already a state ritual in the earliest dynasties of China, which later gradually formed a system of five sacred peaks, five strongholds, four seas, and four waterways, which was mainly constructed by the Confucian ritual culture. A number of modern scholars have studied the five sacred peaks from different perspectives, yielding fruitful results, but major issues are still being debated or need to be plumbed more broadly and deeply, and the whole sacrificial system has not yet drawn sufficient attention. Applying a combined approach of religious, historical, geographical, and political studies, I provide here, with new discoveries and conclusions, the first comprehensive study of the formational process of this sacrificial system and its embodied religious-political conceptions, showing how these geographical landmarks were gradually integrated with religious beliefs and ritual-political institutions to become symbols of territorial, sacred, and political legitimacy that helped to maintain the unification and government of the traditional Chinese imperium for two thousand years. A historical map of the locations of the sacrificial temples for the eighteen mountain and water spirits is appended.

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Hao, Feng, Weiwei Huang, and Melissa M. Sloan. "Environmental Concern in the United States and China: The Influence of Measurement in National Context." Social Currents 5, no. 5 (February 23, 2018): 479–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2329496518759130.

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We compare environmental concern between people in the United States and China by analyzing two General Social Surveys carried out in 2010. The two surveys have the same questions about the environment that have been answered by national probability samples of respondents from each country. This study serves as a starting point to understand variation in environmental concern between these two countries that have major global environmental impacts. Our hypotheses draw on the measurement hypothesis and the theory of planned behavior. We found the Chinese report higher environmental concern when measured as environmental sacrifice and perceived dangerousness, whereas the Americans reported a greater frequency of pro-environmental behaviors. Results from structural equation modeling show that the connections between sociodemographic predictors and environmental concern vary depending on the dimension of environmental concern being examined. We discuss these findings in the context of existing literature and factors unique to each country.

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