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Journal articles on the topic 'Rwanda History Civil War'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Thasiah, Victor. "Prophetic Pedagogy: Critically Engaging Public Officials in Rwanda." Studies in World Christianity 23, no. 3 (December 2017): 257–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2017.0195.

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After genocide, civil war and a complex history of colonial and postcolonial state violence, many within and beyond the African Great Lakes region have called for Rwandan Christians to better maintain critical distance from the state and hold public officials responsible for the flourishing of all, regardless of ethnic identity or political persuasion. The pairing of Rwandan community organising practices and Emmanuel Katongole's political theology offers what I call a prophetic pedagogy for responding to this need. To support this claim, we consider (1) Katongole's theoretical contribution to prophetic Christianity in Africa; (2) the practical contribution of John Rutsindintwarane – the founder–executive director of PICO Rwanda (People Improving Communities through Organizing) – to critically engaging public officials through community organising; and (3) the views of PICO Rwanda's most respected leaders, who demonstrate the potential for holding the Rwanda government accountable. We also use PICO Rwanda's work to develop an effective response to Katongole's sharpest critics.

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2

Longman, Timothy. "Church Politics and the Genocide in Rwanda." Journal of Religion in Africa 31, no. 2 (2001): 163–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006601x00112.

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AbstractChristian churches were deeply implicated in the 1994 genocide of ethnic Tutsi in Rwanda. Churches were a major site for massacres, and many Christians participated in the slaughter, including church personnel and lay leaders. Church involvement in the genocide can be explained in part because of the historic link between church and state and the acceptance of ethnic discrimination among church officials. In addition, just as political officials chose genocide as a means of reasserting their authority in the face of challenges from a democracy movement and civil war, struggles over power within Rwanda's Christian churches led some church leaders to accept the genocide as a means of eliminating challenges to their own authority within the churches.

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3

Walter, Barbara F. "Peacemaking in Rwanda: The Dynamics of Failure. By Bruce D. Jones. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2001. 200p. $49.95." American Political Science Review 96, no. 4 (December 2002): 884–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402280478.

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By almost all indicators, Rwanda's civil war should have ended in a successful negotiated settlement. Both the Tutsi rebels and the Rwandan government had agreed to participate in negotiations brokered by a team of Tanzanian mediators whom most people considered highly skilled. The two parties to the negotiations were able to reach and sign a detailed peace settlement that guaranteed both parties representation in the legislature and a set percentage of slots in the military. And the United Nations offered to “guarantee” the security of the two sides during the implementation period. Almost all factors purported to lead to a peaceful solution were present at the time the Arusha accords were signed in 1994. Rwanda's civil war, however, did not end peacefully. Instead, a peace process that seemingly had all the elements of success ended in one of the most rapid genocides in recorded history.

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4

Walder, Andrew G. "Anatomy of a Regional Civil War: Guangxi, China, 1967–1968." Social Science History 46, no. 1 (December 10, 2021): 35–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2021.42.

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AbstractDuring the violent early years of China’s Cultural Revolution, the province of Guangxi experienced by far the largest death toll of any comparable region. One explanation for the extreme violence emphasizes a process of collective killings focused on households in rural communities that were long categorized as class enemies by the regime. From this perspective, the high death tolls were generated by a form of collective behavior reminiscent of genocidal intergroup violence in Bosnia, Rwanda, and similar settings. Evidence from investigations conducted in China in the 1980s reveals the extent to which the killings were part of a province-wide suppression of rebel insurgents, carried out by village militia, who also targeted large numbers of noncombatants. Guangxi’s death tolls were the product of a counterinsurgency campaign that more closely resembled the massacres of communists and suspected sympathizers coordinated by Indonesia’s army in wake of the coup that deposed Sukarno in 1965.

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5

Monjane, Celso M., and M. Anne Pitcher. "The Elusive Dream of Democracy, Security, and Well-Being in Mozambique." Current History 121, no. 835 (May 1, 2022): 177–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2022.121.835.177.

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The 1992 peace accords ending a 16-year civil war, followed by the 1994 democratic elections, promised a brighter political and economic future for Mozambique. Despite the adoption of multiparty politics and robust economic growth since the 1990s, however, Mozambique today faces seemingly intractable challenges. Amid increasing allegations of electoral fraud, Frelimo continues to be the country’s ruling party, a position it assumed after independence in 1975. Political insiders control most of the country’s considerable economic assets, including vast natural gas deposits in the north. A violent jihadi insurgency, which began in the northern province of Cabo Delgado in 2017 and tapped into local grievances, has so far resisted the combined efforts of the national military, regional security forces, and a contingent of troops from Rwanda to eliminate it. With spaces for peaceful civic participation and action shrinking, the glimmer of hope for democracy, security, and well-being in Mozambique is fading.

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6

Bumet, Jennie E. "Situating Sexual Violence in Rwanda (1990–2001): Sexual Agency, Sexual Consent, and the Political Economy of War." African Studies Review 55, no. 2 (September 2012): 97–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2012.0034.

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Abstract:This article situates the sexual violence associated with the Rwandan civil war and 1994 genocide within a local cultural history and political economy in which institutionalized gender violence shaped the choices of Rwandan women and girls. Based on ethnographic research, it argues that Western notions of sexual consent are not applicable to a culture in which colonialism, government policy, war, and scarcity of resources have limited women's access to land ownership, economic security, and other means of survival. It examines emic cultural models of sexual consent and female sexual agency and proposes that sexual slavery, forced marriage, prostitution, transactional sex, nonmarital sex, informal marriage or cohabitation, and customary (bridewealth) marriages exist on a continuum on which female sexual agency becomes more and more constrained by material circumstance. Even when women's choices are limited, women still exercise their agency to survive. Conflating all forms of sex in conflict zones under the rubric of harm undermines women's and children's rights because it reinforces gendered hierarchies and diverts attention from the structural conditions of poverty in postconflict societies.

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7

HORNE, JOHN. "Introduction." European Review 14, no. 4 (September 8, 2006): 415–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798706000457.

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International trials of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide are currently a matter of considerable interest – legal, political and human. The work of the International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda (ICTY and ICTR), set up respectively in 1993 and 1994, and the establishment of the International Criminal Court (ICC) at the Hague in 2002, have focused attention on the practice and value of such juridical processes both as forms of law and in terms of the events they address. The unexpected death of Slobodan Milosevic during his trial at the ICTY has only intensified the controversy aroused by such proceedings. Politics, history, memory, mourning, reparation and even reconciliation are inescapably part of the legal process, often in an explicit and even formal manner. This means that scholars in disciplines other than legal science and people from many backgrounds are interested in the work of such international tribunals and in the types of ‘truth’ that they seek to establish.Such trials are not new. The idea stems directly from the intersection of military violence and humanitarian impulses in the 19th century. Geneva law, emanating from the International Red Cross (founded after the main war of Italian unification), dealt with the humane treatment of wounded and prisoners. Hague law, which codified the conduct of belligerents towards non-combatants, grew from the Lieber Code devised by the Union during the American Civil War and from the attempts by European powers to regulate military conduct after the Franco-Prussian War, culminating in the Hague conferences of 1899 and 1907.

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8

Pearn, John. "History, Horror and Healing: The Historical Background and Aftermath to the Rwandan Civil War of 1994." Health and History 1, no. 2/3 (1999): 202. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40111344.

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9

Krivushin, Ivan. "Causes of the 1990—1994 Civil War in the Interpretation of the Rwandan History Schoolbooks and Programs." ISTORIYA 11, no. 8 (94) (2020): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840011062-7.

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10

Oko Ajah, Richard. "“Lilies in the Mires”: Contesting Eurocentric Paradigms and Rhetoric of Civilization in Scolastique Mukasonga’s War Narratives." Human and Social Studies 4, no. 1 (March 1, 2015): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hssr-2015-0004.

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Abstract The Rwandan writer, Scholastique Mukasonga chronicles her eye-witness account of Rwandan civil war and genocide; her two novels are part of literary attempts to historicize ethnic collective trauma and memory, but they end up traumatizing national history itself and deconstructing Eurocentric representations. Her works are popularly read as autobiographies and could be mapped under trauma studies. However, this study intends to read these works as autoethnographical texts which this hyphenated writer uses to dismantle conventional boundaries of linguistic morpho-syntax of French, to deconstruct European historical constructions and to contest Eurocentric epistemologies that gave rise to the literary cartography of the Other world. This Eurocentrism produces markers of post/colonial idioms such as “civilized/primitive” and “modern/traditional” as means of justifying the essence of empires. Mukasonga’s account opens our eyes to Rwandan indigenous art, science, medicine and society; therefore, it contests the ontology of European civilization. Although her novels are predominantly written in French, Mukasonga uses her native dialect of Kinyarwanda to unveil age-long Rwandan [African] civilization, thus forcing her European readership to see the “lilies in the mires”.

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11

Akresh, Richard, Philip Verwimp, and Tom Bundervoet. "Civil War, Crop Failure, and Child Stunting in Rwanda." Economic Development and Cultural Change 59, no. 4 (July 2011): 777–810. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/660003.

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12

Nicki Hitchcott. "Visions of Civil War and Genocide in Fiction from Rwanda." Research in African Literatures 48, no. 2 (2017): 152. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/reseafrilite.48.2.11.

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13

Marszalek, John F., and Clark G. Reynolds. "Civil War." Journal of Military History 58, no. 3 (July 1994): 529. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2944147.

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14

Hutchison, Coleman. "Civil War Today, Civil War Tomorrow, Civil War Forever." American Literary History 30, no. 2 (2018): 331–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajy001.

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15

Onuoha, Onyekachi. "Eclipse in Rwanda as Remembering in Pyschosocial Poetics of Trauma." English Linguistics Research 8, no. 3 (September 12, 2019): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/elr.v8n3p25.

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Trauma exists in a synthetic mode of the referential and this is the underlying temperament in Eclipse in Rwanda. The genocide that is chronicled in the narratives of the Nigerian Civil war as recreated in Joe Ushie’s Eclipse in Rwanda foreshadows the pogrom in the mid 90s. Using Cathy Caruth’s concept of trauma as a theoretical framework, this paper examines Eclipse in Rwanda as remembering in psychosocial poetics of trauma. This paper further explicates Eclipse in Rwanda as a text of memory, which poetically captures the trauma and foreshadows the social construction of natives/ non-natives in Africa at large and in Nigeria in particular. Through the poems analysed in this paper, our findings show that Tutsis’ genocide is a poetic fulcrum for the poet to pensively recall the Nigerian Civil War and other hotspots/ narratives of politically motivated violence against fellow citizens. Eclipse in Rwanda attempts to entrench the memories of the dead in us through the poetics of remembering and by so doing indict the collective consciences of the society.

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16

De Donno, Martina. "Post Genocide Rwanda." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 18 (November 1, 2012): 80–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.18.7.

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M. D. Toft has argued that rebel military victories, that put an end to civil war, results in a higher likelihood of enduring peace and democratization. This research paper explains that, prima facie, this assumption could be the most desired outcome in order to stop violence, but in the long-term it is unlikely to be effective, specially in Rwanda. The 'Rwandan path to democracy', and the umpteenth construction of the identities in this country indeed could be the cause of possible future violence, and not the solution to it. A full respect of the logic of power-sharing and a genuine understanding of the identities instead represent the better alternative to construct a better Rwanda. Kaufmann (1996) stated that 'solutions to ethnic wars do not depend on their causes'. This paper will prove that he is wrong.

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17

Hepburn, Sharon A. Roger. "Knoxville: A Civil War within the Civil War." Reviews in American History 36, no. 1 (2008): 48–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2008.0007.

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18

Dorronsoro, Gilles. "Afghanistan’s Civil War." Current History 94, no. 588 (January 1, 1995): 37–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1995.94.588.37.

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19

McWhiney, Grady, Reid Mitchell, and James I. Robertson. "Civil War Soldiers." Journal of Southern History 56, no. 1 (February 1990): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2210682.

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20

DeCredico, Mary A., and Brooks D. Simpson. "America's Civil War." Journal of Southern History 63, no. 2 (May 1997): 410. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2211314.

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21

Bohannon, Keith S., Peter Wallenstein, and Bertram Wyatt-Brown. "Virginia's Civil War." Journal of Southern History 72, no. 2 (May 1, 2006): 476. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27649104.

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22

Power, J. Tracy, and Catherine Clinton. "Civil War Stories." Journal of Southern History 67, no. 1 (February 2001): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3070116.

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23

Hashim, Ahmed S. "Iraq's Civil War." Current History 106, no. 696 (January 1, 2007): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2007.106.696.3.

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24

Apio, Ann, Martin Plath, and Torsten Wronski. "Recovery of Ungulate Populations in Post-Civil War Akagera National Park, Rwanda." Journal of East African Natural History 104, no. 1-2 (June 2015): 127–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2982/028.104.0110.

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25

Dallaire, Lieutenant-General the Honourable R. "Foreword–Rwanda Revisited: Genocide, Civil War, and the Transformation of International Law." Journal of International Peacekeeping 22, no. 1-4 (April 8, 2020): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-0220104001.

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26

Cohen, Aaron J. "The Civil War after the Civil War: Conflict, Reconciliation and Locality in Russian Civil War Monuments, 1922–1941." Revolutionary Russia 33, no. 2 (July 2, 2020): 246–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546545.2020.1815379.

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27

Summers, Mark Wahlgren, and Ken Burns. "The Civil War." Journal of American History 77, no. 3 (December 1990): 1106. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2079149.

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28

Shelden, R. A. "Civil War Washington." Journal of American History 100, no. 3 (November 1, 2013): 942–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jat523.

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29

Ballard, M. B. "Virginia's Civil War." Journal of American History 92, no. 4 (March 1, 2006): 1438–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4485939.

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30

Neely, Mark E. "Was the Civil War a Total War?" Civil War History 50, no. 4 (2004): 434–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2004.0073.

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31

Carroll, Dillon J. "Civil War Soldiers and Dreams of War." Civil War History 66, no. 2 (2020): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2020.0029.

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32

Masur, Louis P., Anne C. Rose, and Kathleen Diffley. "Civil War Stories." Reviews in American History 21, no. 4 (December 1993): 606. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2703400.

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33

Masur, Louis P., Kenneth M. Stampp, and Timothy Sweet. "Seeing Civil War." American Quarterly 43, no. 3 (September 1991): 510. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2713115.

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34

DuBois, Ellen Carol, Ken Burns, and Ric Burns. "The Civil War." American Historical Review 96, no. 4 (October 1991): 1140. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165010.

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35

Silva, Manik de. "Sri Lanka’s Civil War." Current History 98, no. 632 (December 1, 1999): 428–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1999.98.632.428.

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36

Kaplan, Susan, and Walter Lowenfels. "Walt Whitman's Civil War." Journal of Military History 54, no. 3 (July 1990): 358. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1985950.

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37

Hall, Mitchell. "United States Civil War." Michigan Historical Review 25, no. 2 (1999): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20173831.

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38

Teed, Paul E., and Albert Castel. "Tom Taylor's Civil War." Michigan Historical Review 27, no. 2 (2001): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20173933.

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39

Marszalek, John F., and Albert Castel. "Tom Taylor's Civil War." Journal of Military History 65, no. 3 (July 2001): 799. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2677556.

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40

Glade, Betsy, and James Marten. "The Children's Civil War." Journal of Southern History 66, no. 1 (February 2000): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2587469.

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41

Robinson, Glenn E. "Syria's Long Civil War." Current History 111, no. 749 (December 1, 2012): 331–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2012.111.749.331.

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42

Bennett, M. "The English Civil War." English Historical Review CXXV, no. 513 (March 24, 2010): 438–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceq023.

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43

Soderberg, Susan C. "Maryland’s Civil War Monuments." Historian 58, no. 3 (March 1, 1996): 531–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.1996.tb00962.x.

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44

Graham, Helen. "The Spanish Civil War." Historical Journal 30, no. 4 (December 1987): 989–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00022445.

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45

Beringer, Richard E., Timothy H. Donovan, Roy K. Flint, Arthur V. Grant, Gerald P. Stadler, and Thomas E. Griess. "The American Civil War." Journal of Southern History 54, no. 1 (February 1988): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2208540.

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46

Nelson, Scott Reynolds. "Virginia's Civil War (review)." Civil War History 53, no. 2 (2007): 217–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2007.0039.

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47

Grow, Matthew. "The shadow of the civil war: A historiography of civil war memory." American Nineteenth Century History 4, no. 2 (June 2003): 77–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14664650312331294324.

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48

Lischer, Sarah Kenyon. "Civil war, genocide and political order in Rwanda: security implications of refugee return." Conflict, Security & Development 11, no. 3 (July 2011): 261–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2011.593808.

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49

Guglielmetti, L., A. Cazzadori, A. Scardigli, R. Valentinotti, M. Conti, and E. Concia. "Tuberculosis Incidence at the Burundi-Rwanda Border 15 Years After the Civil War." Clinical Infectious Diseases 54, no. 1 (November 3, 2011): 155–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cid/cir779.

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50

Berry, Marie E. "From Violence to Mobilization: Women, War, and Threat in Rwanda*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 20, no. 2 (June 1, 2015): 135–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-20-2-135.

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Theories of social movement emergence posit “threat” as an important concept in explanations of mobilization. This article uses the case of the 1994 Rwandan genocide to investigate whether threats that stem from mass violence can also have a mobilizing effect. Drawing from interviews with 152 women in Rwanda, I reveal how threatening conditions created by the genocide and civil war initiated a grassroots mobilization process among women. This mobilization featured women founding and joining community organizations, engaging in new forms of claims making toward state institutions, and eventually running for political office. Two mechanisms facilitated this process: the social appropriation of feminine values for the reconceptualization of women as legitimate political actors, and the brokerage of connections between individual women, organizations, and government institutions by foreign actors. I conclude by suggesting that this mobilization served as a necessary, but not sufficient, condition for the meteoric rise of women in Rwanda's politics.

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