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Academic literature on the topic 'Russian republics'

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Published: 26 July 2024
Last updated: 27 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Russian republics"

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Jankiewicz, Szymon, and Nadezhda Knyaginina. "Language Conflicts in Russia’s Education System." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 16, no. 1 (April 1, 2019): 188–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117_01601009.

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This article analyses changes to the language policy in Russia in 2017, and their effects on the state (national) languages of Russia’s republics within the education system. In July 2017, Russian President Vladimir Putin gave a speech at the Council on Interethnic Relations, addressing the language rights of the Russian-speaking population and stressing the existing limit of the power of Russia’s 22 ethnic republics to introduce compulsory study of their official languages. The President’s statements provoked widespread prosecutorial inspections in the republics’ schools and a new round of public discussion about language policy. Public discontent in Tatarstan, Bashkortostan and Komi led to protests against both ethnic Russians and the native speakers of languages recognised as co-official with Russian (‘state languages of the republics’). The authorities of some republics publicly disagreed with the position taken by the federal government. In other republics, however, the President’s speech did not trigger any public discussion. In many republics, it looks like the regional authorities will ultimately accept the decision of the federal government and speakers of republican languages will not actively defend their languages. Effectively, the balance of rights of the federation and the republics for the establishment of state languages, achieved in the 1990s, was violated.
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Arshin, Konstantin. "RUSSIANS AS A «STATE-FORMING PEOPLЕ» OR «STATE-FORMING PEOPLE» AS RUSSIANS (Response to the article by V.A. Achkasova “Why do Russians need the status of a “state-forming people?”)." Political Expertise: POLITEX 19, no. 2 (2023): 333–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2023.212.

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The article disputes the point of view that the introduction of the term state-forming people into Article 68 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation is a legal nonsense and has only the consequence that it irritates the ethnocratic elites of the national republics that are part of Russia. From the author's point of view, the Russians have never asserted themselves as a state-forming people. The culture of the Russian people was inclusive, which allowed it to include the most important elements of the culture of other peoples. Slogan "Russia for the Russians", popular among modern Russian nationalists and nationalists of the early 20th century, turns out to be borrowed, and its initial understanding was associated with the assertion of the need for Russia's development and as a reaction (!) to the actions of the ethnocratic elites of the outlying territories of the country. In Soviet times, it was the Russians who brought a lot of good to the peoples of the RSFSR and the union republics. An analysis of the current state in terms of the formation of the Russian nation has shown that, according to sociological studies, it is regions (where Russians are the majority) who are more positive about the idea of the Russian nation and are ready to form it. On the contrary, residents of national republics are more inclined to emphasize their regional identities to the detriment of their general civic identity. The author agrees with a number of political scientists who argue that the basis of the nation is the development of civil society, and only if a developed civil society appears in Russia, the project of a general civil Russian nation can be successfully implemented.
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Mironov, B. N. "Derusification of Administration in USSR." Modern History of Russia 11, no. 2 (2021): 436–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2021.209.

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Non-Russian peoples were represented in Russian power structures long before the revolutions of 1905 and 1917, but less than the democratic norm, which suggests de facto ethnic discrimination in the Empire. In Soviet times, the actual ethno-political inequality of peoples in the USSR was gradually overcome, and participation of non-Russians in power structures grew systematically and even accelerated, and the role of Russians decreased accordingly. The increase in non-Russians’ share in governmental bodies was almost exclusively due to an increase in their ethnic status. By 1979, Russians had a very small majority in all government structures in the USSR as a whole, except for the legislative branch, which roughly corresponded to their higher share in the country’s population (50.8 % in 1989). However, the situation was different in the Union republics. Only in the Russian Federation did all peoples, Russian and non-Russian, participate in governmental bodies in proportion to their numbers and in full compliance with the democratic norm. In Belarus, Moldova, and Uzbekistan, titular ethnic groups were underrepresented, and Russians were overrepresented. In Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kazakhstan, and Estonia, the representation of Russians was below the democratic norm, and in nine republics it was higher, but despite this, they did not have a majority in any union republic. This situation developed as a result of the center’s national policy, which aimed at strengthening the authorities with national personnel, accelerating the modernization of the Union republics and raising the level of development in the lagging republics to the level of the most developed republics.
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Yakhshiyan, O. Yu. "CONSISTENCY OF THE PROVISIONS ON THE ALL-RUSSIAN CIVIL IDENTITY CONTAINED IN THE DOCTRINAL DOCUMENTS ON THE STATE NATIONAL POLICY OF RUSSIA AND THE REPUBLICS-SUBJECTS OF THE FEDERATION." Vestnik Universiteta, no. 12 (February 3, 2021): 176–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2020-12-176-183.

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The article contains a comparative analysis of doctrinal documents in the field of state national policy at the federal and regional-republican levels for consistency of provisions on the Russian nation and all-Russian civil identity. The paper considers in detail the interpretation of the relevant provisions in the Strategy of the State National Policy of the Russian Federation for the period up to 2025. The author draws on the publications of Russian ethnopolitologists, which study the practice of politicizing the titular ethnic identity in a number of republics of the Russian Federation with the prospect of identifying ethnic and regional identities. Reference to the corpus of concepts (strategies) of national policy in the republics – subjects of the Russian Federation allowed us to identify the accepted provisions on the all-Russian civil identity contained in the federal Strategy, and the republican-ethnic accents in its interpretation, and the provisions that have not yet been picked up. In particular, the analysis of doctrinal documents of the republics showed that one of the most important provisions of the Federal Strategy on Preservation of Russian Cultural Dominance (a Single Cultural-Civilizational Code), common to all the peoples of Russia, as the basis of all-Russian civil identity has not received a response in concepts (strategies) of the Russian republics.
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Aksiutin, Yurii M. "The Russian Identity in Southern Siberian Republics: Transformation Dynamics and Basis Perception According to the Opinion Polls of 2013-2019." RUDN Journal of Political Science 24, no. 4 (December 7, 2022): 732–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-732-756.

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The structure of the identity of Russians (including those in Southern Siberia) began to transform after the collapse of the Soviet Union, which resulted in the revival of ethnic identities or the strengthening of different local and territorial ones. The first case was typical for titular Russian ethnic groups, while Russians didn’t have such an evident option. The Russians mostly levelled their identities down and could not find themselves among the vague new Russian identity. The beginning of the 2010s was characterized by not only discussions of the content of Russian identity and the basis for national policy, but also huge generation changes. The purpose of this article is to analyze the dynamics of Russian identity and discover typical features of Russian identity bases among the inhabitants of Khakassia, Tyva and Altai Republics. The analysis is based on opinion polls held in these polyethnocultural regions. As seen from the poll results, about 30 % consider themselves to be inhabitants of Russia. Russian identity is of high priority for people in Khakassia and Altai Republics (it is the first grade in their identities’ structure), while in the Tyva Republic Russian and regional identities are equal. The study discovered that 35-45 % of titular ethnic groups marked Russian citizenship as the basis of their identification: hence, the Russian identity is mostly a mixture of civil and state identities (about one-third of respondents noted “civil identity”). Approximately the same proportion of Russians noted the social and cultural nature of Russian identity.
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Chung, Kyung Taek. "A Study on Ethnic-Language Problems in Tatarstan as a Subject of Russian Federation." Korean Association of Slavic Languages 28, no. 2 (October 31, 2023): 181–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.30530/jsl.2023.28.2.181.

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Tatarstan, which declared independence on August 30, 1990, a year before the dissolution of the Soviet Union, gained equal status with 15 federal republics and further promoted sovereign independence, but remained as a national republic in the Russian Federation through a treaty with the Russian Federation in February 1994. In the process of gaining sovereignty, the Tatar language law was enacted in July 1992, the Tatar language was established as a national language along with Russian, a 10-year republic-level program was enacted in April 1994, and the Latin Translation Act was adopted in September 2001. But the push for linguistic independence was only natural, causing discontent and confusion among Russians and other Russian-speaking minorities, with the indigenous-led Tatar population barely exceeding half of the republic's population, and causing checks from the Russian federal government. In particular, parents' dissatisfaction with the decline in Russian education time due to the increase in the number of Tatar education hours in school education has increased, and the negative effects of text replacement, such as the possibility of interaction with Turkey in the Muslim-led ethnic republic. This eventually resulted in the addition of Russian to the list of more languages, allowing all ethnic republics to learn Russian in more education classes, and allowing only Cyril-based notation to be established. It was a change in the Russian federal government's ethnic-language policy, concerned about the enormous influence of the establishment and expansion of the identity of the Tatar and the Tatar languages, the most populous and traditional ethnic minorities in the Russian Federation.
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Klimenko, Liudmila, Zuriet Zhade, and Irina Petrulevich. "IDENTITY OF THE POPULATION OF THE MULTIETHNIC SOUTH OF RUSSIA IN THE CONTEXT OF SOCIETAL INTEGRATION OF THE MACROREGION." CENTRAL ASIA AND THE CAUCASUS 22, no. 3 (September 27, 2021): 136–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.3.011.

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The South of Russia is characterized by a complex structure, a contradictory history of interethnic relations and active migration processes. All of the above creates difficulties for the region’s societal integration and strengthening of macroregional ties. The state’s national strategy presupposes the formation of a positive civic identity of Russia’s population while preserving its ethnocultural diversity. The self-determination processes of ethnosocial groups in the post-Soviet space have revealed a competition between the civic and ethnic components in the identity of the national republics’ population. Therefore, the structural and dynamic dimension of the identity of the multiethnic population in the South of Russia is being actualized. The article empirically characterizes the complex identity of the population in the multiethnic subregions of the Russian South in terms of the region’s societal (macrolevel) integration. Based on the sociological research conducted in early 2021 in the Rostov region, the Republic of Adygea and the Republic of Daghestan, the nature of the local residents’ identity along the following axes is analyzed: (1) civic, regional and ethnic identifications; (2) I- and we-identifications; (3) primordial and constructed forms of identity. Modern sociological measurements demonstrate that in the structure of cognitive I-identifications of the population of the Russian South, primordial (gender, marital status) and constructed civic (Russian citizen) identity components prevail. In the Rostov region, the core of the respondents’ identity comprises a macroregional component (resident of the South of Russia). Whereas in the North Caucasian republics in question, ethnic (in Adygea and Daghestan), confessional and republican (in Daghestan) identifications compete with the all-Russian identity. At the emotional we-identity level, residents of the Russian South most often indicate affinity with groups of everyday communication (people of the same generation and occupation) and supra-ethnic constructed communities (citizens of Russia). A strong orientation towards the South Russian identity is also manifested among the Rostov residents, while ethnic, religious and republican identification complexes have greater significance in the national republics of the Northern Caucasus. Comparative analysis with the results of 2010-2011 studies (conducted using identical instruments in the Rostov region and Adygea) shows a stable predominance of constructed civic and macroregional identities in the subregions dominated by the Russian population, and ethnic and North Caucasian identities—in the republican segment. The continuing discrepancy in the identity content structure in the ethnoterritorial segments of the Russian South may have disintegration potential and slow down the formation of a supra-ethnic societal integrity of a multi-component macroregion.
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Modest, Kolerov. "World Revolution Against Russia: the Factor of the Ukraine in the Cause of Russia Fragmentation for the Sake of World Soviet Republics (1923)." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 1, no. 2014 (February 28, 2024): 127–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2024-0-1-127-136.

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The history of Russia transforming into the USSR is the history of fragmentation of Russian into the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic and other union republics of the USSR initiated by the Bolsheviks on the basis of their doctrine. In other words, the history of the Bolshevik project of world revolution, or the World Soviet Republics, that was supposed to be realized in the world mosaic of ethno national states. This concept was clearly evident in the process of USSR Constitution preparation in 1924 (it came into force in 1923)
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Lityński, Adam. "Ukraina na drodze do suwerenności. Uwagi historyka prawa. Recenzja: A. Olechno, Ewolucja konstytucyjnych podstaw systemu rządów Ukrainy, Białystok 2019, ss. 290." Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica 20, no. 2 (2021): 233–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/mhi.2021.20.02.13.

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The author deals with the history of the formation of a sovereign state – Ukraine in the twentieth century. The author begins with the activities of Ukrainians after the Russian Revolution of 1917. Among Ukrainian politicians, there were different ideas: autonomy within the Federation Republic of Russia or as a sovereign state. The idea of fighting for a sovereign Ukraine was prevalent. Simon Petlura was the main proponent of this direction. Territorial affairs were very contentious. Which country should compose a sovereign Ukraine in the future? In this matter, the Ukrainians came into conflict with all their neighbours. Thus, the Ukrainians were almost in a siege. Between 1918 and 1920 the Ukrainians fought the most serious battles against the Russian Bolsheviks. In Ukraine there was also a civil war with the Ukrainian Bolsheviks. At that time Simon Petlura allied himself with Poland against the Russian Bolsheviks. The Ukrainian people did not support this alliance. Ukraine was conquered by Bolshevik Russia. For several decades, Ukraine became one of the republics of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. As you know, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics – contrary to its name – was a centralised state in which terror prevailed for decades. In 1991 – under Michael Gorbachev – Ukraine was one of the republics of the USSR that left the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics fastest. For the first time in its history, Ukraine became a sovereign state.
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Davis, Howard, and Anna Sosnovskaya. "Representations of otherness in Russian newspapers: the theme of migration as a counterpoint to Russian national identity." Journal of Intercultural Communication 9, no. 3 (September 30, 2009): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.36923/jicc.v9i3.486.

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This article examines the coverage of migration topics in a selection of Russian newspapers with nationwide circulations in the first six months of 2005 and tries to answer to the question: how does the Russian national press represent people and features which are significantly different from so-called Russian character and national identity? The analysis is based on three main themes: immigration, the national project, and Russians abroad. The coverage of immigration addresses issue of Russian and Russian-speaking minorities in the former Soviet republics; immigrants, refugees and displaced persons on territories of Russia; and labour force decline and ‘brain drain’ from the Russian Federation. The discourse on migration is conducted within the framework of the developing national project on construction of a new identity for Russia and Russians. The national project is expressed in terms of the consolidation of Russian society and creation of unified values. The conclusion is that representatives of ‘others’ who differ from Russians significantly in terms of language and culture or who are territorial outsiders are represented in the press in three main ways. Firstly, there is a benevolent attitude expressed in terms of traditional ties to sisters and brothers from the fifteen Soviet republics. Secondly, there is a predominantly aggressive stance towards those who are seen as not wanting to assimilate or not wanting to engage with Russia and regard it as the older brother. Representations of the Chinese and the Baltic states fit this category. Finally, there is an ambivalent response, mainly in relation to stories of Russians abroad in Europe or North America, toward the interactions between Russian and non-Russian attitudes, values, etc. When the question of Russian national identity surfaces, there is a consistent message but it is differently articulated according to the diversity of the Russian press.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Russian republics"

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Lankina, Tomila. "Local self-government and ethnic mobilisation in the Russian Federation, 1990-1999." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365629.

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Kosygina, Larisa Vladimirovna. "The Russian migration regime and migrants' experiences : the case of non-Russian nationals from former Soviet republics." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2010. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/650/.

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This thesis explores how the Russian migration regime is reflected in migrants' experiences and identities. The conceptual framework developed in the thesis is informed by the theory of structuration. On the basis of this theory and the analysis of primary empirical data, the thesis seeks to refine the understanding of the concepts of 'migration regime', 'social exclusion' and 'territorialisation' of identity. The empirical research conducted for the thesis focuses on the period 2002-2009 and on the experiences and identities of a particular group of migrants, namely, former Soviet citizens from former republics of the USSR, who are currently living in post-Soviet Russia without Russian citizenship. The thesis explores and analyses, on the one hand, the structures which constitute the Russian migration regime and, on the other, the stories told by interviewed migrants about their lives in Russia. The thesis argues that the current migration regime of the Russian Federation represents 'a differentiated system of othering' and shows that this system is informed by two processes - nation-building and racialisation. It also argues that differentiations institutionalised in the Russian migration regime affect the social exclusion of migrants and through this the 'territorialisation' of their identities.
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Üre, Pınar. "Byzantine heritage, archaeology, and politics between Russia and the Ottoman Empire : Russian Archaeological Institute in Constantinople (1894-1914)." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1005/.

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This dissertation will analyse the history of the Russian Archaeological Institute in Constantinople, which operated between 1895 and 1914. Established under the administrative structure of the Russian Embassy in Constantinople, the institute occupied a place at the intersection of science and politics. Focusing nearly exclusively on Byzantine and Slavic antiquities in the Ottoman Empire, the activities of the institute reflected the imperial identity of Russia at the turn of the century. As was explicitly expressed by Russian diplomats, bureaucrats, and scholars, the establishment of an archaeological institution in the Ottoman capital was regarded as a foreign policy tool to extend Russia’s influence in the Near East, a tool of “soft power” in modern parlance. On the Ottoman side, foreign archaeological activities were regarded with suspicion especially in the later part of the 19th century. In an attempt to preserve its vulnerable sovereignty, Ottoman Empire closely monitored foreign archaeological activities on its territories. For the Ottoman Empire, archaeology was also a way of projecting its image as a modern, Westernised empire. For both Russian and Ottoman archaeologists, European scholarship was regarded as an example that should be followed, and a rival at the same time. Russian archaeologists had to close down their office with the outbreak of World War I. The complications that arose with the disintegration of the institute were solved only in the late 1920s between the Soviet Union and Republican Turkey, under completely different political circumstances.
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Kahn, Jeff. "A federal facade : problems in the development of Russian federalism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.300727.

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Duncan, Peter John Stuart. "Russian messianism : a historical and political analysis." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1989. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/6873/.

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This is an analysis of the nature and political significance of Russian messianism: the idea that the Russian people or the Russian State is the `chosen people' or the `chosen instrument'. I outline the genesis of the theory of Moscow, the Third Rome and discuss the ideas and activities of the nineteenth-century Slavophils, the pan-Slavists, Dostoevsky and Vladimir Solovyov. I examine the influence of messianism on Russian Communism, considering Berdiaev's views. The main part of the work investigates the rebirth of interest in Russian messianism in the Brezhnev period. I try to investigate the links between this cultural movement and the Russian nationalist elements within the political éite. My main sources for this are samizdat journals and articles, in particular the journal Veche, cultural journals such as Novyi mir, Molodaia gvardiia and Nash sovremennik, Party documents and éigré/ journals. I find that Russian messianism has been especially important at times when the country is in crisis: Russia is in Golgotha, but where there is suffering there is also redemption, not only for Russia but for humanity. It has by no means been always dominant in intellectual thought. It has had little influence (under either tsars or Communists) on the fields of nationality policy, policy towards religion or foreign policy. Today, as in the nineteenth century, its adherents can be opponents or supporters of the existing State structure. The growth of non-Russian nationalism under Gorbachov, combined with glasnost', has fuelled Russian nationalism. This is unlikely to be co-opted into the official ideology, because it would increase the dissatisfaction of the non-Russians.
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Croll, Neil Harvey. "Mikhail Tukhachevsky in the Russian Civil War." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2002. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1577/.

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Much has been written about Mikhail Nikolaevich Tukhachevsky. His development of the “Deep Battle” military theory in the late 1920s and 1930s, the attendant mechanisation of the Red Army and his role in the development of the Soviet military/industrial complex have been well-researched. The “Tukhachevsky Affair”, the discussion surrounding his execution in the military purge of 1937, continues to attract interest. However, a detailed analysis of his early life and Civil War command career has never been completed. This gap is filled by this thesis. Tukhachevsky’s early life is explored to provide background, but also to provide a biographical account and to illustrate who he was when he joined the Red Army and Bolshevik Party in 1918. The thesis demonstrates that he was not a communist at this stage. However, his command experiences during the Civil War, combining military tactics of continuous manoeuvre warfare with constant frontline mobilisations, political agitation and repression, allowed him to develop a theory of class warfare and saw his conversion to a belief in the efficacy of Marxist principles when applied to military methods. Tukhachevsky’s success in the Civil War is compared to his failure in the Polish-Soviet War and the basis for the latter is that his continuation of class warfare methods were unsuitable for the conflict in Poland. The success of Tukhachevsky’s class warfare methods is explained by their relevance to the situation and social fabric of Russia at the time. The retention of these principles to form the basis of the operational side of “Deep Battle” is argued, as is Tukhachevsky’s openness to innovation in weaponry and tactics gleaned during his Civil War command. Tukhachevsky’s role in the early Red Army formulation is detailed, as is his development of the concept of “unified command” involving the creation of Red Commanders. The Communist Party leadership’s use of Tukhachevsky as a “troubleshooter” to deal with prioritised areas during the Civil War, leading to his service on every major Front at crucial stages is highlighted, as are the connections he made on the Civil War battlefields, friendly and hostile. It is shown that during his Civil War commands he met with those with whom he would later work and that their collaboration and experimentation began almost immediately.
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Opdahl, Ingerid Maria. "Mutually supportive? : the Russian state and Russian energy companies in the post-Soviet region, 1992-2012." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6548/.

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This thesis investigates relations between five Russian energy companies – RAO UES/Inter RAO (electricity), Minatom/Rosatom (nuclear energy), Lukoil (oil), Transneft (oil pipelines) and Gazprom (gas) – and the Russian state from 1992 to 2012, with particular regard to state-company interaction over Russian foreign policy and companies’ activities in the post-Soviet region. The argument is that, due to the institutional legacies of the Soviet system, state-company interaction over foreign policy and energy operations abroad was part of their interaction over the Russian state’s institutional development. The study is based on the conceptual framework of social orders developed by North, Wallis and Weingast (NWW). State-company relations are seen to vary according to their informality and formality, and how closely the companies, and their rent streams, are tied to the state and the ruling coalition, or regime. The thesis concludes that the institutions that structure companies’ relations with the Russian state at home make them more or less available as foreign policy tools. In particular, domestic state-company relations influence the companies’ role in maintaining post-Soviet energy dependence on Russia. The thesis highlights the energy companies’ importance for state infrastructural power, and for the durability of Russia’s authoritarian regime.
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Phillips, James Peter. "The Eastern Crisis, 1875-1878, in British and Russian press and society." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2012. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/13629/.

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This thesis of 84,616 words uses the Eastern Crisis of 1875-78 to consider the Press in Great Britain and Russia. 5 case-study chapters consider respectively the reaction to the Bosnian and Hercegovinian revolt of 1875, the Bulgarian 'Atrocity Campaign' of 1876, the outpouring of public sympathy in Russia for the cause of the Serbs in 1876, the involvement of Greece in Eastern crisis, and the British 'Jingo' movement. For each case study, the relationship of the mass activity to the newspaper and periodical press is considered, as well as tracing the interplay between government and Press, and examining whether the Press was able to act as an intermediary between people and government. As this is a comparative study, these movements are considered not only through their own national Press, but through that of the other nation. A recurring theme throughout, is the running current of suspicion existing between Britain and Russia throughout this period, which is analysed in some detail, and shown to have been a highly significant factor in much of what was undertaken by both governments and individuals in Britain and Russia at this time.
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Kim, Seongjin. "Regionalism in the Congresses of People's Deputies of the USSR and Russia : a case study of Siberia and the Russian Far East." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2000. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2447/.

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This study is concerned with the influence of regionalism in the Congresses of People's Deputies of the USSR and Russia between 1989 and 1993 and its implications for future reform including the development of federal relations in Russia. In particular, emphasis will be placed on regionalist tendencies developed in Siberia and the Russian Far East. After perestroika, the discussion of federal relations showed varieties of possible developments, ranging from a unitary system to a confederation. Despite these varieties, it appears to be generally perceived that stable and 'genuine' federal relations are required in Russia. However, little attention has been paid to the role of the newly re-emerging political actor, the deputies of the central legislature, who are directly engaged in the establishment of such federal relations. This study reaches three main conclusions. First of all, regional socio-economic disparities affected the attitudes of deputies towards reform, including changes in centre-periphery relations. Secondly, the analysis suggests that at least two main streams of regionalism were developed during 1989-1993: one developed in the Congress by the regional deputy groups, and the other outside the Congresses by regional political leaders. Thirdly, despite growing regionalist tendencies in Russia at that time, regional political actors were not strong enough to initiate a federal structure of their preference, lacking horizontal and vertical coordination. This discussion of regionalism in the Congress leads us to a further conclusion that regional interest articulation was rather chaotic, hampering legislation of policies and thus facilitating the regionalisation of reform. Despite strong regionalist tendencies in some sub-national units, particularly based on ethno-nationalist sentiments, such a development may erode the legacy of reform as well as regional autonomy itself.
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Wright, Alistair S. "The establishment of Bolshevik power on the Russian periphery : Soviet Karelia, 1918-1919." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2012. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3105/.

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Using an array of original materials from Russian regional and central archives this detailed study of Soviet Karelia from 1918-1919 is the first to appear in English after the fall of the Soviet Union. It adds to the still limited number of regional studies of the civil war period and using the Karelian districts as a case study discusses how the Bolsheviks consolidated power on the periphery, what factors hindered this process and what were the sources of resistance. Karelia is unique for a combination of reasons. First, it is a grain deficit region and so was always in need of help with the supply of grain from the Volga and other parts of central Russia. Second, the political influence of the Left Socialist Revolutionary party (Left SRs) continued for a considerable time after the events of July 1918. The thesis explores how power was transferred in the region following the October revolution and how the planned political objectives of the Bolsheviks were stalled by the lack of political control in the districts not least of all, for most of 1918, because of the influence of the Left SRs. However, despite political, economic, social and military crises the Bolsheviks gained more experience in power as the civil war progressed and a semblance of order emerged from the chaos. They gained enough control over the food supply shortages for the population to subsist and increased their control in key Soviet institutions, such as the provincial security police (the Cheka) and the Red Army, which ultimately ensured the survival of the Bolshevik regime and victory in the civil war.
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Books on the topic "Russian republics"

1

Simon, Adams. Russian Republics. North Mankato, Minn: Smart Apple Media, 2004.

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Vladimir, Shlapentokh, Sendich Munir, and Payin Emil, eds. New Russian Diaspora: Russian Minorities in the Former Soviet Republics. Armonk, N.Y: London, 1994.

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3

Publications, East View. Online databases of Russian/NIS publications: Central Russian newspapers. Minneapolis, MN: East View Publications, 2002.

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Vladimir, Shlapentokh, Sendich Munir, and Payin Emil, eds. The new Russian diaspora: Russian minorities in the former Soviet republics. Armonk, N.Y: M.E. Sharpe, 1994.

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Taagepera, Rein. The Finno-Ugric republics and the Russian state. London: Hurst & Co., 1999.

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Taagepera, Rein. The Finno-Ugric republics and the Russian state. London: Hurst & Co., 1999.

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Laitin, David D. Identity in formation: The Russian-speaking populations in the near abroad. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998.

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Bennich-Björkman, Li, and Saulius Grybkauskas. Moscow and the Non-Russian Republics in the Soviet Union. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003244608.

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Lynn, Nicholas J. A political geography of the republics of the Russian Federation. Birmingham: University of Birmingham, 1996.

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United States. Central Intelligence Agency. Directorate of Intelligence., ed. USSR--demographic trends and ethnic balance in the non-Russian republics: A research paper. [Washington, D.C.]: Directorate of Intelligence, 1990.

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Book chapters on the topic "Russian republics"

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Kolomiyets, Lada, and Oleksandr Kalnychenko. "Translating Russian Literature in Soviet and Post-Soviet Ukraine." In Translating Russian Literature in the Global Context, 295–320. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.11647/obp.0340.17.

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This chapter describes Russian-Ukrainian literary translation from the early 1920s to the early 2020s within the so-called “common cultural space.” Close, chronological analysis of the shifting priorities across a century of Ukraine’s translation-publishing history demonstrates that Russian-Ukrainian translation has both bright and dark sides. On the one hand, literary translation provided a means by which Ukrainian writers absorbed Russian culture, its literary forms and ideas, thereby contributing to the advancement of Ukrainian literature. On the other hand, a Soviet cultural space was established that not only deliberately isolated the Communist bloc from the world cultural space, but was intended to replace it by imposing Russian language and translations from Russian. For the Soviet Republic of Ukraine (UkrSSR), the result was Russification of the Ukrainian language and the provincialization of Ukrainian literature. This study distinguishes the key stages in recent Russian-Ukrainian translation, from the earliest phase between 1917-1926 when poetry translation played a leading role, to the present-day when Ukraine’s “common information space” with Russia contracted to the point of disappearing following Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014 and then full-scale invasion in February 2022. Echoing the view voiced by Ukrainian author Oksana Zabuzhko that Putin’s offensive on 24 February owed much to Dostoevskyism, Ukraine’s Ministry of Education and Science passed legislation barring the inclusion of texts belonging to the Russian literary canon from foreign literature programmes in Ukrainian secondary and higher education institutions. By way of extension, translations of Russian-speaking writers from the former Soviet republics have also been curbed.
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Prokhorova, Anna. "Diaspora Policies, Consular Services and Social Protection for Russian Citizens Abroad." In IMISCOE Research Series, 263–76. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51237-8_15.

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AbstractRussia’s diaspora policies target a broad category of compatriots including both Russian nationals residing abroad and non-nationals with Soviet background, which are estimated at around 30 million people. Russian nationals abroad constitute about 1/5 of all compatriots residing abroad. Diaspora-related legislation and institutional framework are focused on compatriots living in former Soviet republics, so-called ‘Near Abroad’. Until 2006, diaspora policies addressed primarily cultural and language support of Russian-speaking compatriots abroad. In 2007, to compensate for the natural population decline, Russian authorities launched the State Program for Assisting Compatriots Residing Abroad in Their Voluntary Resettlement in the Russian Federation. Meanwhile, after 2010, the outflow of Russian nationals for permanent residence abroad increased. Between 2011 and 2017, the estimated 2.7 million people left the country to live somewhere beyond former Soviet republics. Russian citizens residing abroad have a right to pension benefits, one family-related benefit, and free access to public health services on the territory of Russia. Russian nationals permanently residing in the so-called ‘Far Abroad’ have been mostly beyond the outreach of the Russian authorities. Legislative initiatives targeting specifically this category of compatriots are rare, and often associated with control mechanisms rather than support measures.
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Batta, Anna. "The Russian minority in Central Asia." In The Russian Minorities in the Former Soviet Republics, 149–92. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003205340-5.

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Batta, Anna. "The Russian minority in the Baltic states." In The Russian Minorities in the Former Soviet Republics, 101–48. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003205340-4.

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Gitelman, Zvi. "Nationality and Ethnicity in Russia and the Post-Soviet Republics." In Developments in Russian and Post-Soviet Politics, 237–65. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23461-5_10.

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"Russian Muslim Republics." In Russia and the GCC. I.B. Tauris, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755646180.0012.

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Mandelstam Balzer, Marjorie. "Contested Ecological, Cultural, and Political Sovereignty in Russia." In Galvanizing Nostalgia?, 1–23. Cornell University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501759772.003.0001.

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This introductory chapter provides an overview of the fragile and disorganized dynamic of differential, nested sovereignties that has developed within Russia, centered on its frequently overlooked “ethnic republics.” Based on field and historical research in the republics of Sakha (Yakutia), Buryatia, and Tyva (Tuva), the book highlights the implications of indigenous groups' concerns. Self-determination for indigenous groups in Russia's republics is problematic when many of the republics have majority or plurality Russian populations. However, being a minority is far from the key to indigenous status or identity, especially in Siberia, with its historically shifting and varied legacies of uneven colonial settlement in different remote regions. Many indigenous Siberians prefer not to think of themselves as minorities, given that some were majorities in their homelands until relatively recently. The book explores possibilities that indigenous peoples and local Russians have had for cooperation and self-determination in Siberia's Far East.
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Mankoff, Jeffrey. "Russia’s Borderlands and the Territorialization of Identity." In Empires of Eurasia, 44–59. Yale University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300248258.003.0003.

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Russia’s imperial legacy also shapes Moscow’s interactions with the roughly 19 percent of its population that does not identify as ethnically Russian. Much of this population is concentrated in ethnic republics created by the USSR that dot Russia’s eastern and southern peripheries. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, these ethnic republics, above all in the North Caucasus, have experienced struggles between demands for local autonomy and the Kremlin’s interest in strengthening the “power vertical.” Russia held onto the North Caucasus thanks to two brutal wars in Chechnya and, more recently, a turn to consciously imperial forms of rule, where local notables—most prominently Chechnya’s Ramzan Kadyrov—act as Russian vassals. Kadyrov’s brutality, coupled with his infusion of Islamic (and pre-Islamic) elements to Chechen politics, is the starkest example of Moscow’s continued reliance on the “politics of difference” in its postimperial borderlands.
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Westwood, J. N. "Shocks and therapies." In Endurance and Endeavour, 522–34. Oxford University PressOxford, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199246175.003.0019.

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Abstract The 1989 census had indicated that 51 per cent or 147,386,000 of the USSR’s population lived in the Russian Republic. The next biggest republic, the Ukrainian, contained 18 per cent, and the other republics had much smaller populations. With the exception of the three Baltic states and Georgia, the former union republics had agreed in late 1991 to form the Commonwealth of Independent States.
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Graney, Katherine. "Russia." In Russia, the Former Soviet Republics, and Europe Since 1989, 141–70. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190055080.003.0006.

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This chapter examines Russia’s tortured history and present with the idea of its own “Europeanness” and sense of belonging to Europe. It argues that we must see the period of 1989 as the newest iteration of a long historical cycle, wherein Russia is seen as both part of and central to, and also apart from and threating to, “Europe.” After a brief discussion of the historical trajectory of arguments about the level of Russian and Soviet “Europeanness,” the chapter identifies the four different discourses of Europe that are found in contemporary Russian self-identity and politics. It then examines Russia’s Europeanization efforts in the cultural-civilizational, political, and security realms, focusing in particular on Russia’s attempt to create “Euro-alternatives” to the EU and NATO in the form of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) and the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO).
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Conference papers on the topic "Russian republics"

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Panov, Petr. "INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF ETHNICITY IN THE CAPITAL CITIES OF THE «NATIONAL REPUBLICS» OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION." In MODERN CITY: POWER, GOVERNMENT, ECONOMY. Digital Transformation State and Municipal Administration. Perm National Research Polytechnic University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15593/65.049-66/2021.24.

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The ethnic nature of the constitution of the national republics of the Russian Federation suggests that, to some extent, they are characterized by the institutionalization of ethnicity, which manifests itself at the normative level, in particular, in the structure of government bodies, their representation in public space, in the distribution of political and administrative positions based on ethnicity (power-sharing). Institutionalization of ethnicity occurs not only at the republican level, but also in the authorities of the capital cities of the ethnic republics. In relation to the structure of government bodies and their representation, it is expressed here to a lesser extent, however, the position of the mayor of the capital city plays a significant role in the informal institutionalization of the distribution of political and administrative positions along ethnic lines.
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Khodzhiev, M., O. I. Yushkova, and A. V. Kapustina. "THE DEGREE OF MIGRANT WORKERS BODY OVERSTRAIN AND MORBIDITY DURING COVID‑19 PANDEMIC." In The 17th «OCCUPATION and HEALTH» Russian National Congress with International Participation (OHRNC-2023). FSBSI «IRIOH», 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.31089/978-5-6042929-1-4-2023-1-493-497.

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The relevance of the research topic is due to the need to assess the functional state and working stress of labor migrants, since the demand for labor migrants from the Republics of the Southern regions to perform a number of labor duties in Russia is high. The purpose of the study is to evaluate the clinical and physiological features of working stress, overstrain and the frequency of prevalence of certain diseases in migrant workers from the Republic of Tajikistan working in various regions of the Russian Federation during the pandemic of COVID‑19. Materials and methods. Comprehensive clinical and physiological studies included an assessment of the degree of labor intensity, physiological studies of the central nervous system, neuromuscular apparatus, and cardiovascular system. The study of the state of health was carried out according to a subjective and objective assessment. Results. The accumulation of work stress during the pandemic among migrants from the southern republics (food delivery couriers, metro builders, road network workers and migrant women) is shown. The influence of production factors in conditions of COVID‑19, that determine the frequency of some work-related diseases has been studied, their dependence on the length of stay in the territory of the Russian Federation, i.e. the length of work of migrants, has been analyzed. Conclusion. It was established during the pandemic period, based on the results of changes in the functional state of workers, the formation of overstrain and an increase in the prevalence of certain diseases among migrants of the surveyed occupational groups.
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Ergül, Osman. "Regionalism in Russian Foreign Policy and Russian Integration Strategy through Eurasian Economic Community." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00560.

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This paper aims to analyze how Russia could develop different regional models of economic cooperation in order to integrate better into the world economy. Russia’s new strategy especially after the establishment of the EurAsEC and its perception of regionalism, especially in the context of EurAsEC, is an important issue. This is valid not only for the specific analysis of the current concept of regionalism; but also for identifying the key variables of both the new international order and the changing character of new inter-state relations. With in this context, Russian foreign policies toward former Soviet republics in the areas of economy and energy have significant effects on the formation of a new world order. This article therefore aims at studying the attempts of the integration process within the EurAsEC that can be defined as a unique example combining both the process of old regionalism with the new one. Thus, EurAsEC is also worth analyzing not only for drawing inspiration from the EU; but also for being the only example declaring its ambition in its founding treaty of customs union to become a supranational integration process in the post-Soviet area.
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PETROVA, Elena. "RUSSIAN POPULATION OF THE SIBERIAN REPUBLICS: SOME INDICATORS OF DEVELOPMENT IN 1989–2010th." In Republics in the East of Russia: Trajectories of Economic, Demographic and Territorial Development (1991-2017). Publishing House of Buryat Scientific Center, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.30792/978-5-7925-0522-3-2018-62-72.

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Sarı, Yaşar. "Kyrgyzstan’s Relations with International Financial Organizations: Curse or Curve?" In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00358.

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Kyrgyzstan since the collapse of Soviet Union went to the transition path and while it is argued that it succeeded at some points, levels or degree. It is certainly that major obstacles to the successful transition are not overcome. First of all it was necessary to get out of Russian dominated economy since it was itself declining. Kyrgyzstan was the first former Soviet republics left Russian ruble zone and accepted its own currency, som in 1993. Moreover, it is also the first former Soviet republics entered to World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1998. Second, finding new trade partners and external markets was a challenge. Kyrgyz governments wanted to go outside for two reasons: trading with outsiders at time of economic downturn in CIS was rise profitable and trading with outsiders would be a manifestation of their independence and sovereignty. It is obvious that since the independence Kyrgyzstan still serves as supply of raw material such as Kyrgyzstan’s primary budget income is still composed from natural resources (gold export). The Kyrgyz Republic is also classified as a low-income country with high debt vulnerability, due to these characteristics it is eligible to receive a significant level of grant from international financial organization, like World Bank. In this paper, Kyrgyzstan’s relations with the International Financial Organizations will divide three stages: Romantic years in 1990s, Debate on Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative in 2000s, and the last one, after HIPC and Revolution in 2010.
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DUGARZHAPOVA, Dolgorma. "SOCIO-ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF LIVING STANDARDS AND QUALITY OF LIFE OF THE POPULATION OF THE REPUBLICS OF THE SIBERIAN FEDERAL DISTRICT OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION." In Republics in the East of Russia: Trajectories of Economic, Demographic and Territorial Development (1991-2017). Publishing House of Buryat Scientific Center, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.30792/978-5-7925-0522-3-2018-25-37.

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Sîciov, Serghei. "Reflection in the media of the celebration of the new year by the russian urban community." In Simpozionul Național de Studii Culturale, Ediția a 2-a. Institute of Cultural Heritage, Republic of Moldova, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.52603/9789975352147.25.

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One of those holidays that unites the Russian urban community of the Republic of Moldova is the celebration of the New Year. Even more important for Russians is the celebration of the New Year in the old style, which according to the Julian calendar occurs from 13 to 14 January. Based on the materials of the newspaper “Russkoe slovo” and a number of online news sites, the elements of the celebration of this event were analyzed. Every year the main organizer is the Russian Community of the Republic of Moldova and the Russian Center for Science and Culture. According to the mass media, the New Year celebration was held in educational and cultural institutions in such cities as Chisinau, Balti, Tiraspol and Bender. As a result of the analysis of the news, it became obvious that the old New Year is of great interest as a cultural event. During the performance, the pupils demonstrated the tradition of celebrating the New year from pagan times to the present day. The reporters noted the educational nature of the holiday: the pupils were told about the history of the holiday and the customs of celebrating the Old New Year in Russia, which coincides with St. Basil’s Day.
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Erdem, Çağrı. "Burgeoning Sino-Russian Economic Relations and the Russian Far East: Prospects and Challenges." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00623.

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The colossal economic transformations and political intrusions had been affecting brutally China and the Soviet Union in the final decades of the twentieth century. Currently, Russia is a gigantic power, struggling to rebuild its economic base in an era of globalization. There are a number of significant difficulties of guaranteeing a stable domestic order due to demographic shifts, economic changes, and institutional weaknesses. On the other hand, the economic rise of China has attracted a great deal of attention and labeled as a success story by the Western world. The current growth of the Chinese economy is of immense importance for the global economy. Both nations are part of the world’s largest and fastest-growing emerging markets—member of the BRIC. Their respective GDPs are growing at an impressive rate by any global standards. Relations between China and Russia have evolved dramatically throughout the twentieth century. However, it would be fair to argue that during the past decade China and Russia have made a number of efforts to strengthen bilateral ties and improve cooperation on a number of economic/political/diplomatic fronts. The People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation maintain exceptionally close and friendly relations, strong geopolitical and regional cooperation, and significant levels of trade. This paper will explore the burgeoning economic and political relationships between the two nations and place the Russian Far East in the context of Russia's bilateral relations with China in order to examine the political, economic, and security significance of the region for both sides.
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Yayar, Rüştü, Yunus Emre Birol, and Yusuf Demir. "Analysis of Turkey’s Export and Import Demand Functions within the Context of Foreign Trade with Russia." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00783.

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The main purpose of this study is to analyze the foreign trade of Russia and Turkey. Considering the foreign trade volume between the two countries, an experimental study was carried out to determine export and import demand functions of Turkey. The Russian Federation has been one of the countries having an important part in export of Turkey. Whereas textile products have taken the first place within the export of Turkey, petroleum gas and natural gas have taken the first place in import. The data used in the study covered the period between 1995 and 2010 quarterly. The data were obtained from Turkish Republic Central Bank, International Money Fund, Russian Central Bank and Russian Federal Statistics Service databases. According to obtained results, export of Turkey to Russia has affected more from the income of Russia rather than the relative prices, and import of Turkey from Russia has affected more from the income of Turkey rather than the relative prices. When income and price elasticity of export and import demands were analyzed, income and price elasticity of the export demand was noticed as being greater than the income and price elasticity of the import demand.
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Albrecht, M., and G. Yarovoy. "OPENING PANDORA’S BOX: A BRIEF INTRODUCTION INTO THE CHALLENGES TO IMPLEMENT ALL NEW RUSSIAN WASTE LEGISLATION IN KARELIAN RURALITIES." In Perspektivy social`no-ekonomicheskogo razvitiia prigranichnyh regionov 2019. Институт экономики - обособленное подразделение Федерального исследовательского центра "Карельский научный центр Российской академии наук", 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36867/br.2019.65.29.001.

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Russias waste management system and legislative framework has undergone a recent revision process to fix Russias pending waste crisis. While the revisions have not been able to silence waste related public protest, the local implementation processes of these central policy ideasare widely neglected, particularlyfor rural areas. Framed by the revised Regional Waste Management Programme and the Territorial Waste HandlingScheme of the Karelian Republic the study evaluates the sociospatial processes that shape the implementation of Russian waste legislation in three rural villages in the Karelian Republic. With a focus on local perceptions, waste management infrastructure and the spatial components of the locality, the study highlights an incompatibility between the current institutionalized planning documents and aims and the geographical realities in the rural settlements.
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Reports on the topic "Russian republics"

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Golovko, Khrystyna. TRAVEL REPORT BY ALEKSANDER JANTA-POŁCZYNSKI «INTO THE USSR» (1932): FROG PERSPECTIVE. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11091.

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The article analyzes a series of materials by Aleksander Janta-Polczynski «Into the USSR» from Soviet Russia during the in 1932, published on «Wiadomości Literackiе». The purpose of this article is explain the uniqueness of the reporter’s style and personality. We want to emphasize the role of Janta-Polczynski as the pioneer of reportage journalism. He was the first who worked professionally in this position in the full sense of this word. Analyzed the cycle of Alexander Janta-Polczynski from Russia, we can emphasize the scale of the reporter’s trip: in 1932 the journalist made the largest journalistic trip to the USSR. Janta visited the Eastern republics, which differed from the popular Moscow and Leningrad. Also, he saw the largest construction in the USSR at this time – which it bragged about russian newspapers – Magnitogorsk and Dneprostroy. For a better understanding are given the visual examples from reportorial texts. It should be noted that for Janta the main task of the reporter is to show what is seen and recorded: only facts and personal experience in communication. This cycle can safely be called a journey and social expedition. The main task for Janta the scene where the reportage takes place is to find proper characters and convince them of the importance of their story. These are the materials of a reporter – an eyewitness, not a researcher, a report from the scene, which pushes the reader to an independent conclusion. We explore that all the Janta-Polczynski texts are inextricably linked by looking into the «middle» of the process: the diversity of what is seen allows the journalist to look for differences and similarities, compare, look at the fundamental components, track changes and distinguish them. Special attention was paid to a low-angle shot in his materials. He describes how Soviet society lives, how factories work, how the system of educating a Soviet person, goes to the movies and exhibitions, communicates with ordinary citizens. Undoubtedly, all this is successfully complemented by the factual detail and uniqueness of the author’s style.
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Melnyk, Iurii. Китайська газета Женьмінь Жибао про російсько-українську війну (2022). Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2023.52-53.11733.

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The objective of the study is to outline the vision of the Russian-Ukrainian war in Renmin Ribao, the main newspaper of the People’s Republic of China. The source base of the research is the content of the Renmin Ribao website during 2022 in English, Spanish, French, Russian, German, Italian, and Portuguese languages. The material was selected using the keywords «Ukraine», «Russia» (and other derivatives), analyzed using induction, vocabulary analysis, classification analysis, and content analysis. Renmin Ribao rarely uses the term “war” to refer to events in Ukraine, resorting to streamlined formulations such as “situation”, “issue”, “crisis”, “conflict” and even “Russian military operation”. The newspaper sees the United States, not Russia, as responsible for the events in Ukraine. Rather, Moscow is a victim of many years of intrigues on the part of the United States, which manifested itself in efforts to restrain and weaken Russia, in particular with the help of Ukraine. The newspaper often reproduces Russian narratives and Russian fakes, disseminates messages typical of Russian propaganda (for example, about biological laboratories in Ukraine), reports on referendums in the occupied Ukrainian territories from the evidence of the Russian RT television channel, about the annexation of four Ukrainian regions from the testimony of Chairman State Duma Vyacheslav Volodin, about the attack on the Crimean bridge from the evidence of the FSB. Renmin Ribao is inclined to the opinion of the harmfulness of anti-Russian sanctions and the impracticality of supplying weapons to Ukraine, sees a priority way out of the Russian-Ukrainian war in an abstract “peace”, and not the victory of Ukraine. The issue in which Renmin Ribao sharply diverges from the position of official Moscow is the identification of the situation in Ukraine and the situation in Taiwan. Drawing parallels between Taiwan and Ukraine is popular in both the Russian and the Western press. However, when the war began to look less and less victorious for Russia, these parallels became unacceptable to both Renmin Ribao and official Beijing. Keywords: Russian-Ukrainian war, media of China, Renmin Ribao, anti-Russian sanctions, arms supply to Ukraine, Taiwan.
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Kukushkina, Nataliya. Аdministrative division of Russia. The Tyva Republic. Edited by Nikolay Komedchikov, Alexandr Khropov, and Larisa Loginova. Entsiklopediya, April 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.15356/dm2016-05-12-12.

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Novichkova, Tatiana. Аdministrative division of Russia. Republic of Dagestan. Edited by Nikolay Komedchikov and Alexandr Khropov. Entsiklopediya, August 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.15356/dm2016-07-19-2.

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Novichkova, Tatiana. Аdministrative division of Russia. The Udmurt Republic. Edited by Nikolay Komedchikov, Alexandr Khropov, and Larisa Loginova. Entsiklopediya, April 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.15356/dm2016-07-25-5.

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Novichkova, Tatiana. Аdministrative division of Russia. The Chuvash Republic. Edited by Nikolay Komedchikov, Alexandr Khropov, and Larisa Loginova. Entsiklopediya, April 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.15356/dm2017-03-04-1.

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Kukushkina, Nataliya. Аdministrative division of Russia. The Mari El Republic. Edited by Nikolay Komedchikov, Alexandr Khropov, and Larisa Loginova. Entsiklopediya, July 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.15356/dm2016-05-12-7.

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Novichkova, Tatiana. Аdministrative division of Russia. The Republic of Adygea. Edited by Nikolay Komedchikov and Alexandr Khropov. Entsiklopediya, April 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.15356/dm2016-05-17-1.

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Novichkova, Tatiana. Аdministrative division of Russia. The Republic of Tatarstan. Edited by Nikolay Komedchikov, Alexandr Khropov, and Larisa Loginova. Entsiklopediya, April 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.15356/dm2016-07-25-4.

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Rikhlova, Tatiana. Аdministrative division of Russia. The Republic of Buryatia. Edited by Nikolay Komedchikov and Alexandr Khropov. Entsiklopediya, April 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.15356/dm2016-07-26-3.

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