Relevant bibliographies by topics / Russian

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Russian'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 31 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Russian"

1

Karolak-Michalska, Magdalena. "About Russia Policy Towards Their Compatriots Living in Post-Soviet Area." Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość XIII (May 3, 2017): 231–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0054.3075.

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This article deepen the study of Russia's policy towards compatriots abroad the country. The author notes that post-Soviet Russia began to look beyond the instruments of political and economic, which could keep influence in the "near abroad." This indicates fact that the change in attitude of Russia in relation to Russians abroad was taking the presidency by Vladimir Putin when Russia decided to exploit the potential of Russian-speaking population abroad, referring to it closer cooperation. Exploring the selected topics, shows that against the background of post-Soviet states Russia's policy towards the Russian minority has a special character in relation to the Russians in Ukraine. The author comes to the conclusion that Russia is protecting the rights of the Russian minority "paves" "paths" to exert influence on the policy of the CIS states, which turn strengthens its position in the post-Soviet area. In turn, the same minority also works to promote the interests of the Russian Federation, which is especially the case in countries of Eastern Europe.
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f, f. "Study on Changes in the Language Situation of the Republic of Estonia during so-called Special Military Operation." Korean Association of Slavic Languages 29, no. 1 (April 30, 2024): 33–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.30530/jsl.2024.29.1.33.

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All three Baltic states considered the Soviet period an illegal occupation and, since gaining independence, have pursued the most hostile policy towards the Russian Federation. The use of Russian language was expanded during the Soviet period due to the migration of many Russians and Russian speakers, but since gaining independence, the three countries have designated each language of the titular nation as their state language and deprived official status of Russian language (a means of inter-ethnic communication) and ignored its very existence. This was especially aggravated after Russia's annexation of the Crimean Peninsula in 2014 and a so-called Special Military Operation by Russian Federation in 2022. Russian repression and the ban on the use of the Russian language are noticeable in Estonia. Kaja Kallas (1977-), who was appointed Prime Minister of Estonia in January 2021, has been hostile towards Russia and Russian language and is the most hostile towards Russia in the world after a special military operation. Currently, the number of Russians living in Estonia is 306,801, accounting for 22.46% of Estonia's total population of 1,365,884, the largest population among ethnic minorities, and it is very difficult to drive out Russians and the Russian language at this point, but it is obvious that cooperation with neighboring countries, EU and NATO members will lead to a break with the Russian Federation. It is clear that this will soon lead to the assimilation of Russians and Russian-speaking users living in Estonia, or to their expulsion, which will also have a significant impact on neighboring Latvia.
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DUNCAN, PETER J. S. "CONTEMPORARY RUSSIAN IDENTITY BETWEEN EAST AND WEST." Historical Journal 48, no. 1 (March 2005): 277–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04004303.

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This is a review of recent English-language scholarship on the development of Russian identity since the collapse of the USSR in 1991. The first part examines literature on the economic and political changes in the Russian Federation, revealing how scholars became more sceptical about the possibility of Russia building a Western-type liberal democracy. The second part investigates approaches to the study of Russian national identity. The experience of empire, in both the tsarist and Soviet periods, gave Russians a weak sense of nationhood; ethnic Russians identified with the multi-national Soviet Union. Seeking legitimacy for the new state, President El'tsin sought to create a civic identity focused on the multi-national Russian Federation. The Communist and nationalist opposition continued to promote an imperial identity, focused on restoring the USSR or creating some other formation including the Russian-speaking population in the former Soviet republics. The final section discusses accounts of the two Chechen wars, which scholars see as continuing Russia's imperial policy and harming relations with Russia's Muslim population. President Putin's co-operation with the West against ‘terrorism’ has not led the West to accept Russia as one of its own, due to increasing domestic repression and authoritarianism.
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Kuzio, Taras. "Russian stereotypes and myths of Ukraine and Ukrainians and why Novorossiya failed." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 52, no. 4 (November 2, 2019): 297–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2019.10.007.

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This article discusses two inter-related issues. Firstly, the factors lying behind Russia's fervent belief that its Novorossiya (New Russia) project, aimed to bring back to Russia eight oblasts of Donetsk, Luhansk, Kharkiv, Dnipro, Zaporizhhya, Odesa, Mykolayiv, and Kherson in eastern and southern Ukraine and launched during the 2014 “Russian Spring,” would be successful. Russian identity misunderstood, and continues to misunderstand, Ukraine and Ukrainians through stereotypes and myths of Ukraine as an “artificial state” and Ukraine's Russian speakers as “fraternal brothers” and Russians and Ukrainians as “one people” (odin narod). Secondly, why Ukrainian national identity was different than these Russian stereotypes and myths and how this led to the failure of the Novorossiya project. Russian stereotypes and myths of Ukraine and Ukrainians came face to face with the reality of Russian-speaking Ukrainian patriotism and their low support for the Russkij Mir (Russian World). The article compares Russian stereotypes and myths of Ukraine and Ukrainians with how Ukrainians see themselves to explain the roots of the 2014 crisis, “Russian Spring,” and failure of Russian President Vladimir Putin's Novorossiya project.
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Obushnyi, Mykola. "FEATURES OF ETHNOCULTURAL ACTIVITY OF THE UKRAINIAN DIASPORA IN RUSSIA IN THE AGE OF PUTINISM." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 28 (2021): 77–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2021.28.13.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the Ukrainian diaspora organizations ethnocultural activity peculiarities in the Russian Federation (RF), the beginning of which is connected with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the proclamation of Ukraine‟s independence (1991). The author connects their appearance with the growth of national consciousness, which was based on the idea of Ukraine‟s independence. This idea has always been perceived extremely negatively and cautiously by the ruling class of Russia, as well as by a significant number of Russians, at all times when Ukrainians were under the imperial roof. Even in the conditions of the total crisis at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s, when the systemic disintegration of the USSR began, the Communist Party leadership constantly kept the "Ukrainian question" in view. This is confirmed, in particular, by the termination in 1989 of the magazine "Ukrainian Question", the publication of which was organized by the Moscow branch of the "Ukrainian Helsinki Union". A similar fate befell a number of other Ukrainian communities already in modern Russia. Among them are the two largest all-Russian diaspora organizations of Ukrainians in Russia: the Union of Ukrainians of Russia (ESD) and the Federal National-Cultural Autonomy "Ukrainians of Russia" (FNKAUR). The analysis below shows that their activities were carried out in accordance with Russian legislation, in particular the Federal Law of Russia "On National and Cultural Autonomy" and was aimed at organizing and conducting ethnocultural work among Ukrainians. However, Putin's leadership found "evidence of political activity" from both ESD and FNKAUR and banned their activities by court order. In fact, the main reasons for the author's cessation are the independence policy of modern Ukraine and the leaders of Ukrainian diasporas, their "disobedience" to pursue Russia's state imperial policy among Ukrainians, and their unwillingness to ignore the ethnocultural needs of Ukrainians. Currently, there is no all-Russian organization of Ukrainians in Russia. Activists of the Ukrainian diaspora have repeatedly, and since 2014, tried to register at least one of them, but they are constantly denied on the grounds that they will allegedly "glorify Bandera" and negatively affect Ukrainian-Russian relations. In fact, the reason is different, namely, in the traditional imperialism not only of Russia's ruling class, but also of a significant number of Russians who do not see a Russian neo-empire without Ukraine. This Russian propaganda cliché penetrated deeply not only into the consciousness of Russians, but also distorted the national consciousness of a significant number of Ukrainians in Russia, who cease to identify themselves as Ukrainians. The article emphasizes that the deidentification of our compatriots is based on persecution, harassment, contempt, not only the Kremlin authorities, but also a significant number of Russians towards Ukrainians in Russia.
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Lankina, Tomila. "The Cossacks: A Guarantor of Peace or a Land-Mine in Russia's Federalism?" Nationalities Papers 24, no. 4 (December 1996): 721–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408480.

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Russia's policy towards the Cossacks may prove detrimental to the development of federalism in Russia. Their rehabilitation is important for the rebirth of Russian culture. Yet, the Cossacks as a social-military institution, may further harm the relations between ethnic Russians and non-Russians in the Caucasus, which may revive the dispute over the preservation of the ethnic principle in Russia's federalism.
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Knox, Zoe. "Russian Orthodoxy, Russian Nationalism, and Patriarch Aleksii II." Nationalities Papers 33, no. 4 (December 2005): 533–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990500354004.

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The Russian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate) is a highly visible institution in Russia, and arguably the most prominent and influential religious or cultural body. The Orthodox Church figures prominently in various discussions as the driving force behind Russia's post-Soviet renewal and recovery. Surveys show that Russians trust the Orthodox Church more than any other public institution, including law courts, trade unions, mass media, the military, the police and the government. Estimates of the number of self-identified Orthodox adherents range from 50 million, which amounts to slightly more than one-third of Russia's population, to 70 million, or roughly one half of the population. A leading newspaper consistently ranks Patriarch Aleksii II, head of the Moscow Patriarchate, the governing body of the Orthodox Church, in the top 15 of the country's most influential political figures. These indicators confirm that the Orthodox Church has a significant role in Russia's post-Soviet development. This is widely accepted by commentators both within and without the Orthodox Church, and within and without Russia.
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Arshin, Konstantin. "RUSSIANS AS A «STATE-FORMING PEOPLЕ» OR «STATE-FORMING PEOPLE» AS RUSSIANS (Response to the article by V.A. Achkasova “Why do Russians need the status of a “state-forming people?”)." Political Expertise: POLITEX 19, no. 2 (2023): 333–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2023.212.

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The article disputes the point of view that the introduction of the term state-forming people into Article 68 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation is a legal nonsense and has only the consequence that it irritates the ethnocratic elites of the national republics that are part of Russia. From the author's point of view, the Russians have never asserted themselves as a state-forming people. The culture of the Russian people was inclusive, which allowed it to include the most important elements of the culture of other peoples. Slogan "Russia for the Russians", popular among modern Russian nationalists and nationalists of the early 20th century, turns out to be borrowed, and its initial understanding was associated with the assertion of the need for Russia's development and as a reaction (!) to the actions of the ethnocratic elites of the outlying territories of the country. In Soviet times, it was the Russians who brought a lot of good to the peoples of the RSFSR and the union republics. An analysis of the current state in terms of the formation of the Russian nation has shown that, according to sociological studies, it is regions (where Russians are the majority) who are more positive about the idea of the Russian nation and are ready to form it. On the contrary, residents of national republics are more inclined to emphasize their regional identities to the detriment of their general civic identity. The author agrees with a number of political scientists who argue that the basis of the nation is the development of civil society, and only if a developed civil society appears in Russia, the project of a general civil Russian nation can be successfully implemented.
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Senina, E. V., and K. A. Poliakova. "Cultural-Perceptions of Russia and Russians in China Today." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 7, no. 3 (September 30, 2023): 90–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2023-3-27-90-103.

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The study of cultural-perception of countries and peoples’ has been gaining momentum in history, literary studies, ethnopsychology, journalism, imagology and other fields of scientific knowledge over the past decade. The cultrual-perception is constructed by ethnic, religious, political, ideological and artistic frames of perceptual consciousness. In connection with the development of Russian-Chinese relations, the topic of rethinking Oriental studies in line with the framework of the studies of philosophical and cultural problems is especially relevant today. The novelty of the research consists in updating the data already available in scientific publications on the culturalperception of Russia and Russians by the Chinese. This article examines the cultural-perception of Russia and Russians in China based on the results of polls conducted by the authors in 2021–2022. The poll contained open-ended questions concerning associations with Russia, symbols of the country, names of famous Russians, the Russian character, and Russian cities. The data obtained helped to identify and confirm certain historical patterns and stereotypes concerning the perception of the Russian character. The analysis of the poll results showed that Chinese people’s perceptions of Russia depend largely on their personal experience with Russians. The Chinese who have not been to Russia have an image of our country closely associated with that of the Soviet Union; they have a vague idea of contemporary life in Russia but are quite familiar with the works of Russian classics writers and composers. The Chinese permanent residents of the Russian Federation are more aware of both the classical and contemporary culture of the Russians. In addition, the personality of Russian President Vladimir Putin plays an important role in shaping the current perception of Russia in China. Putin's personality plays an important role in shaping the current perception of Russia.
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Peyrouse, Sébastien. "Les Russes d'Asie centrale : une minorité en déclin face à de multiples défis." Revue d’études comparatives Est-Ouest 39, no. 1 (2008): 149–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/receo.2008.1885.

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Russians in central Asia: A declining minority faced with major challenges Since the 1990s, the situation of the Russian minority in central Asia has been deeply affected. Left behind by the empire, it has had to cope with massive migrations toward Russia and challenges to its privileged status. Organizations for defending Russians and political authorities in the five new states differ with regard to the questions of: dual citizenship, occupational discrimination, the status of the Russian language, schooling in Russian and access to the media in Russia. However tighter economic relations between central Asia and Russia (in particular labor migrations) are creating a clear-cut separation between the question of the Russian minority and that of the Russian language in the region.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Russian"

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Darieva, Tsypylma. "Russkij Berlin Migranten und Medien in Berlin und London /." Münster : Lit, 2004. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/57343027.html.

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Sopkin, Artem. "Cooperation of Russia and BRICs countries: Russian opportunities." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-207067.

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Internationalization of energy resources has led to a problem of the smooth functioning of the global energy industry , and now this problem has a greater influence on the entire system of international economic relations. One of the key instruments of the country under such circumstances becomes a foreign policy aimed at providing leadership and competitiveness in the world. The Russian Federation has a unique geographical and strategic position in Eurasia , the largest reserves of primary energy resources on the planet, has a well developed industrial infrastructure and a significant intellectual potential .
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Rose, Katherine Mae. "Multivalent Russian Medievalism: Old Russia Through New Eyes." Thesis, Harvard University, 2016. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33493416.

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This thesis explores representations of medieval Russia in cultural and artistic works of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, with an eye to the shifting perceptions of Russia’s cultural heritage demonstrated through these works. The thesis explores the history of medievalism as a field of study and interrogates the reasons that medievalism as a paradigm has not been applied to the field of Russian studies to date. The first chapter is an investigation of architectural monuments incorporating Old Russian motifs, following the trajectory of the “Russian Style” in church architecture, one of the most prominent and best-remembered forms of Russian medievalism. Chapter two explores the visual representation of medieval Russian warriors, bogatyri, in visual and plastic arts, and the ways in which this figure is involved in the national mythmaking project of the nineteenth century. The third chapter focuses on the Rimsky-Korsakov opera, The Invisible City of Kitezh and the Maiden Fevroniya, investigating the ways that different medieval and modern elements come together in this work to present an aestheticized image of medieval Russia. In this analysis of diverse and far-ranging facets of Russian medievalism in the plastic, visual, literary and performing arts, the complicated relationship between medievalism and the prevalent discourse of nationalism is investigated, opening up new opportunities for scholarly intersections with other medievalisms – in Western Europe and beyond.
Slavic Languages and Literatures
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Shmulyar, Gréen Oksana. "Entrepreneurship in Russia Western ideas in Russian translation /." Göteborg : Department of Sociology, University of Gothenburg, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2077/21128.

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Foxall, Andrew David. "The geopolitics of ethnic relations in Russia : ethnic Russian and non-ethnic Russian citizens in Stavropol’skii krai." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:81b0880b-b1ca-4917-b3ef-442a3b686b98.

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Ethnic relations are an important feature of contemporary Russia. This is especially true in the North Caucasus where ongoing insecurity combined with a depressed economy has led to growing Russian nationalism, xenophobia, and fears over immigration. In Stavropol’skii krai, the only ethnic Russian dominated territory in the North Caucasus Federal District, the situation is especially acute. In this thesis I investigate how the geopolitics of ethnic relations in Stavropol’skii krai, as part of the wider North Caucasus situation, impact on the everyday life of citizens in Stavropol’. I do this through employing an eclectic methodology, including both qualitative and quantitative techniques. Through four research papers, I explore how the built urban environment, through the politics of naming place (for example, street names and monuments), has become a space through which ethnic identity can be (re)produced and contested. I show how ethnic relations are (re)presented and performed in Stavropol’ through the Den’ kraya celebration, a performance that is based on a Soviet-era idealised framing of ethnic relations, and one which is open to challenge. I explore how in summer 2007 ethnic relations turned violent as ethnic Russian and non-ethnic Russian citizens rioted, and I attempt to explain the geopolitics surrounding this. Finally, I show how everyday ethnic relations have turned increasingly violent in Stavropol’ since 1991, drawing on reports from non-governmental organisations and independent researchers. I situate this research within the context of the changing ethnic geography of the krai since 1991. Together, this research represents a geopolitics of ethnic relations in Stavropol’skii krai.
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Shank, Ashley C. "Composers as Storytellers: The Inextricable Link Between Literature and Music in 19th Century Russia." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1290275047.

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Potter, S. "Eighteenth-century Russian cartography : An aspect of Westernisation in Russia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.375998.

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Yusupova, Marina. "Shifting masculine terrains : Russian men in Russia and the UK." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2017. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/shifting-masculine-terrains-russian-men-in-russia-and-the-uk(8415776e-60c9-43bd-9033-000d2c0cf632).html.

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This dissertation examines the conception and performance of masculinities amongst two groups of Russian men, half of whom live in Russia and the other half in the United Kingdom. A total of forty in-depth biographical interviews were carried out, twenty in each country, with men of different ages and highly different social backgrounds. On the basis of these interviews, the thesis portrays contemporary Russian masculinities as a complex, socially and historically constructed phenomenon, situated within large-scale social and political processes. It explores the most prominent reference points and social hierarchies employed by the respondents in order to negotiate their individual gender projects, and shows how these are culture-specific, context-specific, and rooted both in individual life history and in the social, economical and political realities of different historical periods. While the respondents play an active role in defining and constructing their own masculinities, they do so within the macro-parameters laid down by the state, in accordance with broader socio-cultural and political factors. Shifts in the macro-parameters (such as the collapse of the Soviet Union or migration to another country) change the environment in which an individual lives and give rise to new resources for negotiating masculinity. Like the reference points and social hierarchies referred to above, these new resources are rooted in specific historical, cultural, political and personal events. Each resource belongs to a particular social topography that orients people towards the places, practices and discourses which they need to realise their masculinity. The main empirical findings in the thesis are ordered in accordance with the contexts, reference points and hierarchies for making masculinity which were referred to by the research participants themselves. The dissertation is structured around four contexts which emerged from the data: (i) the Soviet past; (ii) the first post-Soviet decade (the 1990s); (iii) the second post-Soviet decade (the 2000s); (iv) the immigration period. I explore different masculinity construction strategies and the reference points on which they rely as the site of a socio-cultural power struggle that offers a unique prism through which to understand how Russian masculinities and gender relations are validated and contested, and how they change.
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Wilmes, Justin Allen. "The Red Scare: The Evolution and Impact of Russian Computer Hackers." Miami University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=muhonors1146055290.

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Nilsson, R. "Revanchist Russia? : Russian perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian sovereignty, 1990-2008." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2010. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/19223/.

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The theme of this thesis concerns post-Soviet Russian foreign policy perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian sovereignty between 1990 and 2008. In the thesis I argue that Russian perceptions became increasingly revanchist in nature during this period, and that we may distinguish between two different types of revanchism, the consequences of which for Belarusian and Ukrainian sovereignty are quite different. I argue that all Russian perceptions of international affairs are constituted by perceptions of Russia. Thus, perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian sovereignty may be divided into three categories, or paradigms, each of which centres on a specific concept that legitimises the existence of Russia, and determines how Belarus and Ukraine are viewed. The three central concepts are the concepts of Law, Power, and Nation, respectively. In the introduction, I outline these paradigms, both in abstract terms and in relation to Russian foreign policy in general, as well as Russian foreign policy towards Belarus and Ukraine. Subsequently, I present my methodology and my literature review, together with a discussion of the theoretical assumptions, which provide the foundation for my argument. Then, I briefly outline Russian foreign policy making during the period relevant for my thesis, before the four main chapters of my thesis outline in roughly chronological fashion how the relative significance of the three paradigms has changed over time. Overall, I find that whereas the paradigm of Power has generally dominated perceptions, the paradigm of Law has gradually lost influence, whereas the influence of the paradigm of Nation has gradually increased. Since I define both the paradigm of Power and the paradigm of Nation as “revanchist,” I conclude that Russian perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian sovereignty between 1990 and 2008 gradually became more revanchist in nature.
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Books on the topic "Russian"

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Marlène, Laruelle, ed. Russian nationalism in Putin's Russia. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2009.

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I͡A︡, Ėlʹi͡a︡nov A., ed. Russia today: A Russian view. [Jerusalem]: The Leonard Davis Institute for International Relations, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1994.

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T, Akishina, and Robin Richard M, eds. Russian for Russians =: Russkiĭ dli︠a︡ russkikh. Bloomington, Ind: Slavica, 2002.

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Sollohub, Edith. The Russian countess: Escaping revolutionary Russia. Exeter [England]: Impress Books, 2009.

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A, Pierce Richard, and Bancroft Library. Regional Oral History Office., eds. Russian emigré recollections: Life in Russia and California : California-Russian emigré series. Berkeley, Calif: Regional Oral History Office, the Bancroft Library, 1986.

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Company, Berlitz Publishing. Russian concise dictionary: Russian-English, English-Russian. Singapore: Berlitz Pub., 2007.

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Ksana, Benyuch, ed. Russian-English, English-Russian. New York: Hippocrene Books, 1993.

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Albina, Ozieva, ed. Harper Collins Russian dictionary: Russian-English, English-Russian. Glasgow: HarperCollins, 1995.

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(EDT), Langenscheidt. Langenscheidt's pocket Russian dictionary: Russian-English, English-Russian. Berlin: Langenscheidt], 1989.

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Albina, Ozieva, and Stott Olga, eds. Collins gem Russian dictionary: Russian-English, English-Russian. 3rd ed. Glasgow: Collins Gem, 2003.

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Book chapters on the topic "Russian"

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Starodubtsev, Andrey. "Russia (Russian Federation)." In The Forum of Federations Handbook of Federal Countries 2020, 287–99. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-42088-8_21.

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Weaver, John Michael. "Russian Federation (Russia)." In The U.S. Cybersecurity and Intelligence Analysis Challenges, 101–18. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-95841-1_9.

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Rovnova, Olga. "Russian dialects outside Russia." In The Soft Power of the Russian Language, 200–209. New York, NY : Routledge, [2019] | Series: Studies in contemporary Russia: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429061110-17.

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Becker, Torbjörn, and Anders Åslund. "The EU's Dependence on Russian Energy—A Force that Divides or Unites the Union?" In The Borders of the European Union in a Conflictual World, 147–75. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-54200-8_7.

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AbstractThis chapter analyzes how the European Union (EU) and Russia's interdependence has developed with a focus on Russian energy exports to the EU. The main question is whether this will lead to division or greater cohesion in the EU when Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine has forced the EU to reconsider its dependence on Russian energy. The chapter details the different types of energy EU countries imported from Russia and discusses the sanctions implemented by both sides. The effects of sanctions will be felt both in Europe and in Russia in the short term, but in the longer term, Russia is the big loser both in terms of relations with the EU and its own economic development. Energy exports are a fundamental driver of the Russian economy and without major institutional changes, the country will not be able to rid itself of its dependence on fossil energy exports. For the EU, the major challenge will be to deal with the internal fissures that are exposed when it reconsiders its relationship with Russia. The authors argue that this is a historic opportunity to accelerate the green transition in the EU while improving the Union's security by making itself independent of Russian energy.
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Rubin, Aaron D., and Lily Kahn. "Russian." In Jewish Languages from A to Z, 169–72. New York : Routledge, [2021]: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351043441-34.

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Comrie, Bernard. "Russian." In The World's Major Languages, 282–97. Third edition. | Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, [2018] | “First edition published by Croom Helm 1987.”: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315644936-16.

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Hughes, Michael. "4. Selling Revolution." In Feliks Volkhovskii, 105–48. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.11647/obp.0385.04.

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This chapter examines Volkhovskii’s activities in the years immediately following his flight from Siberian Exile. After a few months in Canada, where he gave lectures to audiences about the plight of Russians who opposed the tsarist government, he moved to England where he was reunited with his old friend Sergei Stepniak. Stepniak had over the previous few years worked hard to encourage more positive views about Russian revolutionaries among the British public, helping to set up the Society of Friends of Russian Freedom and its newspaper Free Russia. The Society attracted much of its support from Liberal nonconformists like the influential solicitor Robert Spence Watson, although many Fabians also joined the Society, along with a small number of radical socialists such as William Morris. Following his arrival in London, Volkhovskii quickly became an important contributor to Free Russia, writing pieces on subjects ranging from the Russian police through to the plight of Siberian exiles, and often served as de facto editor in place of Stepniak. He also became close to some important literary figures in Britain, including Edward and Constance Garnett, encouraging Constance to learn Russian, which in turn set her on the path to becoming the leading translator of Russian literature in Britain. Volkhovskii was also active in the Russian Free Press Fund, which produced radical literature for distribution among Russian émigré communities and for smuggling into Russia itself. He edited the newssheet Letuchie listki which was designed to appeal to all elements in the Russian opposition movement, reflecting Volkhovskii’s view that greater unity was required among all those critical of the tsarist government, a perspective shared by Stepniak. Both men were careful when writing for a western audience to argue that members of the Russian revolutionary movement were typically interested in securing political reform rather than wholesale social and economic revolution.
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Coynash, Halya. "How to Use This Course." In Russian, 4–6. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11239-5_1.

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Coynash, Halya. "Making Travel Arrangements." In Russian, 109–22. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11239-5_10.

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Coynash, Halya. "Ordering a Meal." In Russian, 123–34. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11239-5_11.

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Conference papers on the topic "Russian"

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Bedaev, Aleksandr, Elena Mikhailova, and Valentina Tikhonova. "Russian diasporas of the Caspian region countries in the implementation of the "Russian world" project." In "The Caspian in the Digital Age" within the framework of the International Scientific Forum "Caspian 2021: Ways of Sustainable Development". Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcsebm.rsfe5616.

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A number of state and public organizations take part in pursuing cultural policy and protection of rights of compatriots in the countries of the Caspian region. Russian-speaking communities abroad are regarded as components of " the Russian World" - a civilizational community that unites them around Russia as a historical and cultural centre. The preservation of the Russian language in the post-Soviet states is focused on the studying of the language by the titular peoples of sovereign states as the language of interstate communication with Russia and to ensure favourable conditions for labour migration to Russia. In the Caspian states the status of the Russian-speaking community is constantly declining and decreasing, as well as its cultural role in the life of the independent national states. In a long run, this reduces the base of the functioning of the Russian language in the Caspian countries. The Russian World state project is officially presented as a project on preserving the Russian language in the countries where Russian communities exist. At the same time the analysis of documents and information portals, related to the Russian World program, demonstrates that the policy of the Russian Federation focused on the repatriation of ethnic Russians and Russian-speaking people to Russia lines up with their migration activity.
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Kartal, Burak. "Examining the Turkish-Russian Trade Relations after Russia’s World Trade Organization Accession." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00817.

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Turkey and the Russian Federation (RF) have deep historical political and economic relations. The trade between the two countries have been growing since late 1980s when Turkey began to procure natural gas from Russia. The dissolution of USSR and the revival of Russian economy offered new opportunities for Turkish businessmen. During the last decade, Russia became one of the few major markets for Turkish construction and contractor companies whereas Turkey has been a favorable touristic destination for Russians. The agreements regarding Akkuyu nuclear power plant and natural gas pipelines have strengthened the ties between the two countries. In 2012, Russia became the 156th member of the WTO. Russia’s WTO accession, along with the country’s other economic cooperation and integration moves provide foreign companies interested in Russia with a better investment climate and business environment. Having competitive advantage in many goods and services categories needed by Russia, Turkish companies should benefit the new developments in RF and increase their business volumes in that country. This paper examines the current trade relations between RF and Turkey in detail considering the potential effects of RF’s WTO membership.
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Cepliša, Aija. "Russian Journalists in Latvia Impacted by the Russian Invasion of Ukraine." In International scientific conference of the University of Latvia. University of Latvia Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/ms23.02.

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The aim of the research is to analyse the experience of Russian journalists who moved to Latvia after 24 February 2022, when Russia started a full-scale armed invasion of Ukraine, and who have since been living and working in Latvia. The theoretical framework of the work is based on three chapters, which examine the aspects of media accountability and influence, freedom of the press, and the work of journalists in exile. The qualitative research has been carried out, using a narrative analysis. Data was obtained with the help of semi-structured interviews. The respondents were found with the snowball sampling method. In the period from 23 March to 20 April 2023, ten semi-structured interviews with Russian journalists who have moved to Latvia after 24 February 2022, when Russia started a full-scale armed invasion of Ukraine, were obtained. The interviews particularly explored their motivation to move to Latvia, their working and living conditions in Latvia, and their opinion about the future of Russia. The results show that Russian journalists could not stay in Russia due to security reasons, and all the journalists reveal that it was their individual decision to move. They evaluate their work in Latvia as safe, but at the same time challenging, because they are no longer able to access local information of their former country, thus gradually distancing them from Russia. Examining these difficulties, the narrative analysis reveals that Russian journalists are concerned about their future life in Latvia, because they have not been issued residence permits or work visas. One narrative condemns NEPLP (National Electronic Mass Media Council of Latvia) action in cancelling the license of the TV channel “Dozhd” (TV Rain). The journalists do not see a quick end to the war started by Russia in Ukraine and are pessimistic about Russia’s future development.
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Miqdad oğlu Mustafayev, Beşir, and Elif Yıldız İbrahim kızı Yüce. "Correspondence between the Ottomans and Sheikh Shamil during the Crimean War: in the light of archival documents." In IV INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH CONFERENCE. https://aem.az/, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/2021/02/02.

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Our aim in this research is to discuss the correspondence with the Ottoman State during the Crimean War, as well as the opposition of Sheikh Shamil, with whom the Russians encountered during their invasion of the North Caucasus. Crimea is a Turkish country, has historically been a place of invasion by various foreign forces due to its geographical location and strategic location. The growing appetite of the Tsarist Russian Empire, the main purpose of which was to capture Istanbul and the right to vote in the straits, led to the beginning of the Crimean War. The Russian leadership began the war, by taking advantage of the privileges granted by the Ottomans to Christians Catholics in Jerusalem, the Armenians in Anatolia and the Greek Greeks. Although the Ottomans ended their relations with the Russians, but the Russian army went on a new offensive. Despite the fact that they did not openly declare war, they captured Eflak (Romania) and Bogdan (Moldova). On October 4, 1853, the Ottoman State declared war on Tsarist Russia. On the other hand, as far as the interests and power of the Ottoman State in Crimea were weakened, the Turkish rulers approached the Russians and over time fell victim to the Russian leadership's plan. Key words: North Caucasian, Ottoman, Russia, Sheikh Shamil, Crimean War
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Smirnova Henriques, Anna, Aleksandra Skorobogatova, Svetlana Ruseishvili, Sandra Madureira, and Irina Sekerina. "Challenges in Heritage Language Documentations: BraPoRus, Spoken Corpus of Heritage Russian in Brazil." In International Workshop on Digital Language Archives. University of North Texas, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12794/langarc1851178.

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The Bolshevik revolution in 1917, followed by the Civil War, induced a big wave of emigration from the ex-Russian Empire. These emigrants created their “Russia Abroad”. Many Russians stayed in Europe or China, but, in the 1940s and 1950s, many of them went to the USA, Latin America and other destinations. The importance of preserving the memories and documents of the old waves of the Russian emigration is crucial. Our group is collecting a corpus of heritage Russian in Brazil, the BRAzilian POrtuguese RUSsian Corpus (BraPoRus). While the history of Russian immigration in Brazil is to some extent studied, their remarkably preserved Russian has not been described. Our current aim is to describe the BraPoRus, a corpus that consists of multiple speech samples of older Russian heritage speakers in Brazil, and to discuss the best ways to make these data available in the forms that satisfy the requirements both for the linguistic and sociological research.
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Smirnova Henriques, Anna, Aleksandra Skorobogatova, Svetlana Ruseishvili, Sandra Madureira, and Irina Sekerina. "Challenges in Heritage Language Documentations: BraPoRus, Spoken Corpus of Heritage Russian in Brazil." In International Workshop on Digital Language Archives. University of North Texas, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12794/langarc1851178.

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The Bolshevik revolution in 1917, followed by the Civil War, induced a big wave of emigration from the ex-Russian Empire. These emigrants created their “Russia Abroad”. Many Russians stayed in Europe or China, but, in the 1940s and 1950s, many of them went to the USA, Latin America and other destinations. The importance of preserving the memories and documents of the old waves of the Russian emigration is crucial. Our group is collecting a corpus of heritage Russian in Brazil, the BRAzilian POrtuguese RUSsian Corpus (BraPoRus). While the history of Russian immigration in Brazil is to some extent studied, their remarkably preserved Russian has not been described. Our current aim is to describe the BraPoRus, a corpus that consists of multiple speech samples of older Russian heritage speakers in Brazil, and to discuss the best ways to make these data available in the forms that satisfy the requirements both for the linguistic and sociological research.
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Miqdad oğlu Mustafayev, Beşir. "KIRIM SAVAŞI ZAMANI OSMANLI İLE ŞEYH ŞÂMİL ARASINDAKİ YAZIŞMALAR: ARŞİV BELGELERİ IŞIĞINDA." In IV INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH CONFERENCE. https://www.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/2021/2/2, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/2021/2/245-16.

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Anahtar sözler: Kuzey Kafkas, Osmanlı, Rus, Şeyh Şâmil, Kırım Savaşı Correspondence between the Ottomans and Sheikh Shamil during the Crimean War: in the light of archival documents Summary Our aim in this research is to discuss the correspondence with the Ottoman State during the Crimean War, as well as the opposition of Sheikh Shamil, with whom the Russians encountered during their invasion of the North Caucasus. Crimea is a Turkish country, has historically been a place of invasion by various foreign forces due to its geographical location and strategic location. The growing appetite of the Tsarist Russian Empire, the main purpose of which was to capture Istanbul and the right to vote in the straits, led to the beginning of the Crimean War. The Russian leadership began the war, by taking advantage of the privileges granted by the Ottomans to Christians Catholics in Jerusalem, the Armenians in Anatolia and the Greek Greeks. Although the Ottomans ended their relations with the Russians, but the Russian army went on a new offensive. Despite the fact that they did not openly declare war, they captured Eflak (Romania) and Bogdan (Moldova). On October 4, 1853, the Ottoman State declared war on Tsarist Russia. On the other hand, as far as the interests and power of the Ottoman State in Crimea were weakened, the Turkish rulers approached the Russians and over time fell victim to the Russian leadership's plan. Key words: North Caucasian, Ottoman, Russia, Sheikh Shamil, Crimean War
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Miqdad oğlu Mustafayev, Beşir. "KIRIM SAVAŞI ZAMANI OSMANLI İLE ŞEYH ŞÂMİL ARASINDAKİ YAZIŞMALAR: ARŞİV BELGELERİ IŞIĞINDA." In IV INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH CONFERENCE. https://aem.az/, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/2021/2/2/4-16.

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Anahtar sözler: Kuzey Kafkas, Osmanlı, Rus, Şeyh Şâmil, Kırım Savaşı Correspondence between the Ottomans and Sheikh Shamil during the Crimean War: in the light of archival documents Summary Our aim in this research is to discuss the correspondence with the Ottoman State during the Crimean War, as well as the opposition of Sheikh Shamil, with whom the Russians encountered during their invasion of the North Caucasus. Crimea is a Turkish country, has historically been a place of invasion by various foreign forces due to its geographical location and strategic location. The growing appetite of the Tsarist Russian Empire, the main purpose of which was to capture Istanbul and the right to vote in the straits, led to the beginning of the Crimean War. The Russian leadership began the war, by taking advantage of the privileges granted by the Ottomans to Christians Catholics in Jerusalem, the Armenians in Anatolia and the Greek Greeks. Although the Ottomans ended their relations with the Russians, but the Russian army went on a new offensive. Despite the fact that they did not openly declare war, they captured Eflak (Romania) and Bogdan (Moldova). On October 4, 1853, the Ottoman State declared war on Tsarist Russia. On the other hand, as far as the interests and power of the Ottoman State in Crimea were weakened, the Turkish rulers approached the Russians and over time fell victim to the Russian leadership's plan. Key words: North Caucasian, Ottoman, Russia, Sheikh Shamil, Crimean War
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Erdem, Çağrı. "Burgeoning Sino-Russian Economic Relations and the Russian Far East: Prospects and Challenges." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00623.

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The colossal economic transformations and political intrusions had been affecting brutally China and the Soviet Union in the final decades of the twentieth century. Currently, Russia is a gigantic power, struggling to rebuild its economic base in an era of globalization. There are a number of significant difficulties of guaranteeing a stable domestic order due to demographic shifts, economic changes, and institutional weaknesses. On the other hand, the economic rise of China has attracted a great deal of attention and labeled as a success story by the Western world. The current growth of the Chinese economy is of immense importance for the global economy. Both nations are part of the world’s largest and fastest-growing emerging markets—member of the BRIC. Their respective GDPs are growing at an impressive rate by any global standards. Relations between China and Russia have evolved dramatically throughout the twentieth century. However, it would be fair to argue that during the past decade China and Russia have made a number of efforts to strengthen bilateral ties and improve cooperation on a number of economic/political/diplomatic fronts. The People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation maintain exceptionally close and friendly relations, strong geopolitical and regional cooperation, and significant levels of trade. This paper will explore the burgeoning economic and political relationships between the two nations and place the Russian Far East in the context of Russia's bilateral relations with China in order to examine the political, economic, and security significance of the region for both sides.
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Pongratz, R., I. K. Kuvshinov, and K. E. Latkin. "Evolution of Hydraulic Fracturing in Russia (Russian)." In SPE Russian Oil and Gas Technical Conference and Exhibition. Society of Petroleum Engineers, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/114876-ru.

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Reports on the topic "Russian"

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Terzyan, Aram. The Rise of Nationalism and Xenophobia in Putin’s Russia: Implications for Immigrants from Central Asia and Caucasus. Eurasia Institutes, December 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/psprp-1-2019.

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This paper explores rising nationalism and xenophobia in Putin’s Russia, focusing on their implications for immigrants from Central Asia and Caucasus. There is a broad consensus among the students of the Russian politics, that Vladimir Putin’s presidency has led to new Russian national identity construction and rising nationalism. The major shift in Orthodox nationalism during Putin’s presidency has taken its toll on immigrants, particularly from Central Asia and Caucasus. While the Kremlin would consistently strive to style the Russian nationalism as “anti-fascist,” it has not done much to address mounting concerns over significant overlaps between nationalism and xenophobia. Rather, the nationalist rhetoric has well resonated with many Russians, who would take to the streets with slogans of “White Power” or "Russia for the Russians."
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Lossovskyi, Ihor. ECMI Minorities Blog. How Moscow ‘Eliminates’ Its National Minorities in the War with Ukraine. European Centre for Minority Issues, October 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/kgpe6877.

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As Russia is increasingly losing its military personnel in the war with Ukraine, the Kremlin is trying to make up for these losses in every possible way. Following a period of covert partial mobilization, since 21 September 2022 Russia has launched a partial mobilization; both involved disproportionately the male population from remote underdeveloped regions with concentrated populations of national minorities, particularly from the Far East, North Caucasus, Buryatia, Khakassia etc., as well as from the occupied areas of Georgia, Ukrainian Donbas, and Crimea. Conscription is much less common in Russia’s large economically and socially developed cities, where the majority of the population is ethnic Russian. The number of representatives of the poorest national minorities from remote regions of Russia who were injured or killed during the war disproportionately exceeds the respective share of ethnic Russians who have suffered the same fate. Beyond the economic reasons for the increased participation of minorities in the war, this disproportionality raises questions as to the intentions of Putin’s regime in sending these populations - rather than the Russian majority – to the frontlines.
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Chokheli, Salome. Geneva International Discussions: Russian Occupation and Internally Displaced Persons in Georgia. Eurasia Institutes, April 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/eea-1-2023.

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Russia’s military intervention in Georgia in 2008 has forever changed the security environment for Tbilisi. Borderization, Russian military and semi-military bases on Georgian territory, and Moscow’s unofficial annexation policy in two regions of Georgia are among the issues Tbilisi faces due to the Kremlin’s five-day war against Georgia. Moreover, more than 200 000 thousand people remain Internally Displaced Persons in Georgia, waiting to exercise their right of dignified return to occupied regions currently remaining under illegal Russian control. This paper analysis ongoing Geneva International Discussions involving Georgia and Russia and the prospects of reaching a consensus on a dignified return of Internally Displaced Persons to their homes. The paper concludes that currently, the Georgian Government does not hold leverage against Russia to alter the course of the negotiations process. Official Tbilisi should concentrate on the long-term objective – building trust with the representatives of Georgia's occupied regions to consider coalition-building in negotiations in case favorable changes affect power asymmetry between Georgia and Russia and the opportunity window for Georgia to affect occupied regions' decisions without Russian interference appears.
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Berdiqulov, Aziz. ECMI Minorities Blog. Russian Migrants in Central Asia – An ambiguous Reception. European Centre for Minority Issues, July 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/abpl3118.

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One of the consequences of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is the imposition of western economic sanctions on the country and further autocratization of its political system. Both factors have resulted in a significant outward migration of Russian citizens, with Central Asia being one of frequent destinations due to the geographic proximity and widespread use of Russian language. At the same time, for many Russians the region remains a terra incognita, perceived primarily through the presence of the Central Asian labour migrants. In this blog piece, ECMI Researcher Aziz Berdiqulov examines this recent phenomenon by discussing specifically the cases of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan as receiving countries, through the prism of different initiatives addressing the influx, social attitudes concerning the newcomers and reactions of the Russian minorities present there. Furthermore, the author tries to assess whether the new situation has the potential for changing the hitherto pattern of relations between Russians and Central Asians.
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Lylo, Taras. Ideologemes of modern Russian propaganda in Mikhail Epstein’s essayistic interpretations. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11404.

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The article analyzes the main anti-propaganda accents in Mikhail Epstein’s essayistic argumentation about such messages of modern Russian propaganda as “Russia is threatened by an external enemy”, “Russia is a significant, powerful country”, “The collapse of the USSR was a tragedy”, “Russia is a special spiritual civilization”, “Our cause in Donbass is sacred”, “The enemy uses, or may use of illegal weapons”... A special emphasis is placed on the fact that the basis of these concepts is primarily ontological rather than ideological. Ideology is rather a cover for problematic Russian existence as a consequence of Russia’s problematic identity and for its inability to find itself in history. As a result, Russia is trying to resolve its historical issues geographically, through spatial expansion, trying to implement ideologemes such as “The Great Victory. We can repeat” or “Novorossia”. That is why M. Epstein clearly identifies the national and psychological basis of the Kremlin’s behavior in 2014-2021. М. Epstein easily refutes the main ideologemes of Russian propaganda. This gives grounds to claim that Russian political technologists use the classical principles of propaganda: ignore people who think; if the addressee is the masses, focus on a few simple points; reduce each problem to the lowest common denominator that the least educated person can repeat and remember; be guided by historical realities that appeal to well-known events and symbols and appeal to emotions, not to the mind. М. Epstein’s argumentation clearly points to another feature of modern Russian propaganda: if Soviet propaganda was concerned with the plausibility of its lies, then Kremlin propaganda does not care at all. It totally spreads lies, often ignoring even attempts to offer half-truth.
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Blank, Stephen J. Russian Defense Legislation and Russian Democracy,. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, August 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada299468.

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Terzyan, Aram. Russia Amidst the War: Implications for Human Rights and Political Freedoms. Eurasia Institutes, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/earp-1-2022.

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This paper explores the state of human rights and political freedoms in Russia amid the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war has devastatingly affected the state of human rights and political freedoms across Russia. The vague and ill-defined laws introduced in Russia amid the war severely restrict the citizens’ fundamental rights and freedoms, leading to a massive crackdown on government critics. This has significantly undermined Russia’s international standing, while leading to the Kremlin’s further rejection of democratic norms. More worryingly, Russia’s restrictive policy has been further combined with its decision to withdraw from the Council of Europe which raises a series unanswered question regarding the future of its human rights commitments. This paper concludes that Russia is isolating itself from the greater international community and resembling a North Korean-style form a tyranny.
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Henderson, James, and Vitaly Yermakov. Russian LNG. Oxford Institute for Energy Studies, November 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.26889/9781784671501.

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Konaev, Margarita, and James Dunham. Russian AI Research 2010-2018. Center for Security and Emerging Technology, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.51593/20200040.

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Over the last decade, Moscow has boosted funding of universities and implemented reforms in order to make Russia a global leader in AI. As part of that effort, Russian researchers have expanded their English-language publication output, a key—if imperfect—measure of the country’s innovation and impact. Between 2010 and 2018, the number of English-language publications by Russian scientists in AI-related fields increased six-fold.
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Quak, Evert-jan. Russia’s Approach to Civilians in the Territories it Controls. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.041.

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This rapid review synthesises the literature from academic sources, knowledge institutions, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), and trusted independent media outlets on the approach used by the Russian government to provide any support or services to civilians in the territories it controls. The rapid review concludes that Russia provides economic, social, government, and military support to de facto states that it controls, such as Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Transnistria and the Donbas region. Russia covers large parts of the state’s budget of these separatist regions. This review uses the term aid referring to a wide range of support, such as humanitarian, social safety nets, basic services, infrastructure, state development, and security. Due to the lack of transparency on the Russian aid money that flows into the regions that are the subject of this review, it is impossible to show disaggregated data, but rather a broader overview of Russian aid to these regions. Russia used humanitarian aid and assistance to provide for civilians. During armed conflict it provided, to some extent, food, and medicines to the people. However, from the literature Russia has used humanitarian aid and assistance as an instrument to pursue broader policy goals that could not be defined as humanitarian in nature. Russia often relied on the language of humanitarianism to strengthen its credentials as a neutral and impartial actor and to justify its continued support for the residents and de facto authorities of Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Transnistria, to secure its aim to strengthen the political and social ties with these regions while weakening their allegiance to Georgia and Moldova. As the humanitarian activities to the Donbas region in eastern Ukraine demonstrate, the Russian state is not willing to allow scrutiny of their humanitarian aid by independent organisations. Mistrust, corruption, and the use of aid for propaganda, even smuggling arms into the separatist region, are commonly mentioned by trusted sources. After a conflict becomes more stabilised, Russia’s humanitarian aid becomes more of a long-term strategic “friendship”, often sealed in a treaty to integrate the region into the Russian sphere, such as the cases of South Ossetia, Abkhazia, and Transnistria clearly show. Although all these separatist regions rely on Russia (economically, politically, and through Russia’s military presence), this does not mean that they always do exactly what Russia wants, which is particularly the case for Abkhazia and Transnistria.
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