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Hanifah, Ummu Ro'iyatu Nahdliyati Millati. "Embargo Ekonomi sebagai Strategi Konfrontasi Uni Eropa terhadap Rusia pada Masa Konflik Ukraina 2013-2015." JURNAL SOSIAL POLITIK 3, no. 2 (December 4, 2017): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/sospol.v3i2.5063.
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AbstraksiPosisi Ukraina yang strategis bagi Rusia maupun Uni Eropa seringkali menjadikannya sebagai medan konflik antara Rusia dan Uni Eropa. Seperti yang terjadi pada tahun 2013-2015, konflik domestik yang diawali oleh keluarnya Ukraina dari Perjanjian Asosiasi Eropa menjadi medan konflik antara Rusia dan Uni Eropa. Rusia yang merupakan negara pewaris Soviet merasa perlu untuk melindungi etnis Rusia yang berada di Ukraina menuntut Rusia untuk melakukan campur tangan dalam konflik domestik tersebut. Sedangkan Uni Eropa yang merasa kepentingan politiknya diganggu oleh Rusia pada akhirnya melakukan embargo ekonomi terhadap Rusia atas campur tangannya tersebut, sementara Uni Eropa memiliki ketergantungan terhadap Rusia dalam hal energi. Dalam penelitian ini akan dibahas mengenai embargo ekonomi yang diberikan oleh Uni Eropa terhadap Rusia serta latar belakang embargo tersebut dengan menggunakan teori foreign policy strategy dan konsep energy security. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian eksplanatif dengan menggunakan data kualitatif yang bersumber dari studi kepustakaan. Kebijakan embargo ekonomi yang dilakukan oleh Uni Eropa tersebut merupakan strategi konfrontasi Uni Eropa terhadap Rusia yang di dasari oleh dua hal, yaitu kapabilitas Uni Eropa yang dirasa lebih tinggi daripada Rusia serta posisi Rusia yang dianggap sebagai ancaman oleh Uni Eropa.Kata Kunci: Perjanjian Asosiasi Eropa, embargo ekonomi, strategi konfrontasi, konflik Ukraina. AbstractStrategical position of Ukraine for Russia as well as European Union often make it be conflict area between Russia and European Union. As happened to the years 2013-2015, domestic conflict that begins by the discharge of Ukraine of the European Association Agreement became the conflict zone between Russia and the European Union. Russia that legacy of Soviet Union felt it necessary to protect Russians ethnic who were in Ukraine make Russia demands to intervene in the domestic conflict. Whereas the European Union felt harassed by the political interests of Russia finally of give economic embargo to the Russian on interference in the domestic conflict, while European Union dependence on Russian energy. In this research will be discussed about the economic embargo by the European Union on Russia and the background of the embargo by using the theory of foreign policy strategy and concept of energy security. This research use explainative methode with qualitative data that sourced by library research. The economic embargo is European Union confrontation strategy towards Russia that based on two reasons, capability the European Union is considered higher than Russia and Russia's position is seen as a threat by the European Union.Key Words: European Association Agreement, economic embargo, confrontation strategy, Ukraina conflict.
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Susilowati, Ida, S. Thoriq Musthofa Ahmad, Sepana Virqiyan, and Azzam El Zahidin. "Analisa Kebijakan Ekonomi Politik Russia Terhadap Pemerintahan Afghanistan Pasca Kemenangan Taliban Tahun 2021." SALAM: Jurnal Sosial dan Budaya Syar-i 9, no. 2 (March 31, 2022): 443–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/sjsbs.v9i2.22788.
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This paper analyzes Russia's foreign policy toward the Afghan government following the Taliban's triumph. The Taliban armed group's successful takeover of the Afghan government in Kabul without resorting to violence has sparked global political interest today. Numerous comments from countries around the world, including Russia, began to surface. The purpose of this study is to provide an in-depth examination of Russia's economic and political actions toward the Afghan government following the Taliban's triumph. The study's findings indicate that the Russian government's policy toward the Taliban government is reasonably supportive, despite the fact that Russia has not officially recognized the Taliban leadership in Afghanistan. Russia financially and diplomatically supports the Taliban in order for the Taliban's authority over Afghanistan to be acknowledged by other countries and the international community. Russian policy is inextricably linked to Russia's political and economic interests in Afghanistan, which are based on Afghanistan's geostrategic and geopolitical importance to Russia.Keywords: Russian foreign policy, Taliban victory, Russia-Afghanistan Bilateral Relations AbstrakPenelitian ini membahas tentang analisis kebijakan luar negeri Rusia terhadap pemerintahan Afghansitan pasca kemenangan Taliban. Aksi kelompok milisi Taliban yang berhasil mengambil alih pemerintahan Afghanistan di Kabul tanpa adanya pertumpahan darah, menjadi isu yang cukup menarik perhatian politik global saat ini. Berbagai respon dari negara-negara di dunia mulai muncul, termasuk di antaranya negara Rusia. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis secara mendalam kebijakan ekonomi dan politik Rusia terhadap pemerintahan Afghanistan pasca kemenangan Taliban. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan kebijakan pemerintah Rusia yang relatif mendukung pemerintahan taliban, meskipun Rusia belum mengakui secara resmi pemerintahan Taliban di Afghanistan. Rusia mendukung Taliban baik secara ekonomi maupun politik, agar pemerintahan Taliban atas Afghanistan di akui oleh negara-negara lain dan masyarakat global. Kebijakan Rusia tidak terlepas dari kepentingan politik dan ekonomi Rusia di Afghanistan berdasarkan letak geostrategis sekaligus geopolitik Afghanistan bagi Rusia.Kata Kunci: kebijakan luar negeri Rusia, Kemenangan Taliban, Hubungan Bilateral Russia-Afghanistan
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Henderson, Jane. "Russia – Russian Constitutional Law." European Public Law 1, Issue 4 (December 1, 1995): 508–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro1995056.
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Fedorchenko, A. V. "Russian" Israel and Russia." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(47) (April 28, 2016): 245–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-2-47-245-250.
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Cohen, Stephen F. "Russian Studies Without Russia." Post-Soviet Affairs 15, no. 1 (January 1999): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1060586x.1999.10641461.
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Amalia, Rifka, and Muhammad Yamin. "Kepentingan Rusia dalam Proyek Pembangunan Pipa Gas Turkish Stream tahun 2014-2016." Insignia Journal of International Relations 4, no. 01 (April 7, 2017): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2017.4.01.481.
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AbstractThis paper aims to analyze Rusia�s interest in the development of Turkish Stream Project in 2014 until 2016. Energy is the most notable sector for Russia that can affect the economy-politics. From economy side, energy exports are largely included in state revenues. Politically, energy is a top priority in every political agenda and foreign policy. Energy is one of determining Russia�s foreign policy toward its energy importing countries. EU is a region that has dependence on Russian energy, especially natural gas. Therefore Russia sees EU as a great opportunity and wants to dominate European�s energy market. So the South Stream project was formed which would deliver Russian natural gas directly to Europe via the Black Sea. This is one of Russia�s step to maintain the EU�s dependence on Russia and dominating energy market. Unfortunately, this project must be stalled due to the Third Energy Package policy implemented by EU. Russia, with its ambition to dominate the European energy market, has had an alternative project to achieve that ambition. The Turkish Stream project was formed in cooperation between Russia dan Turkey. The project planned not only deliver Russian natural gas to Turkey but also Europe via Greece. Although the negotiations and deliberations of this project were delayed, the project was finally continued.Keywords : Energy, National Interest, Third Energy Package, European Union , Russia.AbstrakArtikel ini hendak menganalisa kepentingan Rusia dalam pembangunan proyek �Turkish Stream�. Energi adalah sektor yang paling menonjol bagi Rusia yang dapat mempengaruhi ekonomi-politik. Dari sisi ekonomi, ekspor energi sebagian besar masuk dalam penerimaan negara. Secara politis, energi merupakan prioritas utama dalam setiap agenda politik dan kebijakan luar negeri. Energi adalah salah satu penentu kebijakan luar negeri Rusia terhadap negara pengimpor energinya. UE adalah wilayah yang memiliki ketergantungan terhadap energi Rusia, terutama gas alam. Oleh karena itu Rusia melihat Uni Eropa sebagai peluang yang bagus dan ingin mendominasi pasar energi Eropa. Proyek South Stream yang dibentuk ini akan mengantarkan gas alam Rusia langsung ke Eropa melalui Laut Hitam. Hal ini adalah salah satu langkah Rusia untuk menjaga ketergantungan Uni Eropa terhadap Rusia dan mendominasi pasar energi. Sayangnya, proyek ini harus macet karena kebijakan Third Energy Package yang diimplementasikan oleh UE. Rusia, dengan ambisinya mendominasi pasar energi Eropa, telah memiliki proyek alternatif untuk mencapai ambisi tersebut. Proyek Turkish Stream dibentuk atas kerjasama antara Rusia dan Turki. Proyek ini direncanakan tidak hanya mengantarkan gas alam Rusia ke Turki tapi juga Eropa via Yunani. Meski negosiasi dan pembahasan proyek ini tertunda, proyek tersebut akhirnya dilanjutkan.Kata-kata Kunci: Energi, Kepentingan Nasional, Third Energy Package, Uni Eropa, Rusia.
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Suvorov, Valery Vladimirovich. "Russian cultural and historical tasks in the East in the views of S.N. Syromyatnikov." Samara Journal of Science 6, no. 3 (September 1, 2017): 259–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201763230.
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S.N. Syromyatnikov, whose views are commonly referred to as orientalism, repeatedly dwelled on historical tasks, the mission of Russia in the Far East. The most important direction of Russias foreign policy in this region was to become rapprochement with Asia, since by uniting with the Far Eastern countries, it could successfully resist Europe. China had to be at the center of Russias eastern policy, and Russias main task was to play the role of patroness and cultural counselor, protecting the eastern neighbor from European countries and Japan. The attitude towards the East and the understanding of Russias tasks in Asia was largely determined through the rejection of everything from the West. A special task was assigned to the Russian population of the eastern borderlands, in which S.N. Syromyatnikov saw a special potential for the development of Russia and strengthening of its position in Asia. The East was perceived by S.N. Syromyatnikov as a germ of a new Russia, to which he found a lot of evidence in the relationship between Russian and indigenous eastern peoples. Therefore, in S.N. Syromyatnikovs point of view, to ensure the historical future of Russia it was necessary to concentrate the main efforts in the East.
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Газилов, Магомед, and Magomed Gazilov. "ROLE OF ASSOCIATIONS WITH THE WORDS «FRANCE» AND «THE FRENCH» IN THE FORMATION OF LINGUOCULTURAL COMPETENCE OF STUDENTS." Universities for Tourism and Service Association Bulletin 10, no. 3 (September 15, 2016): 72–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/21136.
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The article explores the associative array that arises with the words “France” and “the French” from the Russians and all the associations that arise with the word «la Russie» (Russia) from the French. For this purpose, we made a questioning among Russian and French students. The results of this questioning and analysis of correspondence at the youth forums in the social networks of France and Russia formed the basis of this study, which shows that the French think about Russians is much worse than we do about them. Despite this fact, the epoch, when the French mind associated Russias with a samovar and a bear, passes, however, the perception of our country is contrast. In Russia people think positively about France, more positively than the French about Russia. The study of associations, when the appearance of one object causes the image of another associated with it, can be important and useful in the learning process. The practical significance of the work lies in the fact that the study of associations and arising with them stereotypes is relevant in our turbulent times, when the relations of France and Russia are not going through the best stages of its development, and our research can help to understand and overcome the differences. In addition, the formation of students ‘ sociolinguistic competence will be successful if the study material on the topic happens by building associations, that will contribute to the development of associative thinking, speed up the process of memorizing information
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Kagan, Olga, Nijole White, and Diana Turner. "Gorbachev's Russia (A Russian Reader)." Slavic and East European Journal 35, no. 2 (1991): 307. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/308341.
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Kuchins, Andrew C. "Why Russia Is So Russian." Current History 108, no. 720 (October 1, 2009): 318–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2009.108.720.318.
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Zevelev, Igor. "Russia and the Russian Diasporas." Post-Soviet Affairs 12, no. 3 (July 1996): 265–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1060586x.1996.10641425.
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Tovsultanov, Rustam Alhazurovich, Lilia Nadipovna Galimova, and Eliza Musatovna Ozdamirova. "The Russian-Chechen relations in XVI-XVII centuries." Samara Journal of Science 6, no. 1 (March 1, 2017): 100–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201761203.
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The following paper investigates the Russian-Chechen relations in XVI-XVII centuries. The authors note that the Caucasus was in the sphere of Russian foreign policy at the time of the Russian centralized state formation. With the annexation of the Astrakhan khanate, Russia came to the Caucasus border and the Caucasian direction started to occupy a leading place in the Eastern policy of the tsarist government. The Caucasus in the XVI century was an object of a tense struggle between the two most powerful States of the then Middle East - Ottoman Empire and Safavid Iran - and at the same time a bridgehead, where there was a constant threat to the southern outskirts of Russia from these States and the Crimean khanate. The strengthening of Russia on the Caucasian lands could become the most reliable means to ensure the safety of the South of Russia. So in the XVII and XVII centuries, the North Caucasus was Russias military-strategic interest or, in modern language, a geopolitical one. Chechnya came under the influence of Russia in 1567, when the first Russian militarized city Terek in the North Caucasus was founded. For the peoples of the North Caucasus and of Chechnya the appearance of a Russian fortress on their land was of great political importance. Thus, it was vital for Russia to gain a foothold in the North Caucasus, as the enemy (Iran and Turkey) could do it, which was unsafe for Russias southern borders. It was during this period (late sixteenth century) when close military and political ties of the Moscow government and the Chechens were established. The Moscow government was interested in Chechnya because of its geographical location - the immediate proximity to the towns of Terek and the fact that its territory was the most convenient means of communication with Georgia. The relationship between Chechnya and Russia at the end of XVI - first half of XVII century was almost an ideal model of a peaceful rapprochement of the Chechen with the Moscow government for those conditions and at that time. The Russian authorities did not interfere in the internal affairs of the Chechen societies, they did not impose their own rules or laws, being satisfied with the results of the hostages, the payment of tribute and, if necessary, temporary military service. This led to the fact that in the XVII century allied relations of Chechnya societies with Russia were established. However, at the end of the XVII century Russian-Caucasian connection was significantly weakened.
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Manurung, Hendra. "Russia Domination Policy: Implementation of Military Operation in Ukraine (2014 � 2015)." Insignia Journal of International Relations 4, no. 02 (November 9, 2017): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2017.4.02.665.
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AbstrakFederasi Rusia merupakan aktor global yang menerapkan kebijakan tegas terhadap Ukraina. Guna mencapai tujuan politik nasional Rusia yang dikendalikan dari Moskwa, melalui operasi militer di tahun 2014, didefinisikan bagaimana negara tersebut berperilaku. Melalui kombinasi operasi militer dan non-militer, Rusia secara perlahan memperoleh kekuasaan melalui aneksasi Krimea. Efektivitas metoda ini dipergunakan untuk menentukan strategi perang Rusia saat ini. Dengan demikian menjelaskan bagaimana kebijakan luar negeri dan kebijakan pertahanan Rusia dari tahun 2000 hingga 2013 yang memiliki ketergantungan pada lingkungan strategis Ukraina terhadap Rusia, dan kepentingan nasional Rusia pada Ukraina. Fokus utama penelitian ini adalah pencapaian tujuan politik Rusia dalam operasi militer yang dilaksanakan di Ukraina dan menganalisa komponen keamanan nasional Rusia yang signifikan mempengaruhi interaksi konflik asimetrik.Kata-kata kunci: keamanan nasional, tujuan politik, operasi militer, perilaku negara
AbstractRussia Federation as global actor applied its policies towards Ukraine remains assertive. In pursuing state�s political objectives from Moscow, the escalation of military operation in 2014 defined as the way on how the state behaves. By means of the combination of military and non-military measures on the conduct of operation, Russia is now slowly regaining its power through the annexation of Crimea. The effectiveness of this method determines to be Russia�s strategy on contemporary warfare. Thus, it explains how Russian foreign and defense policy from 2000 to 2013 that depend on surrounding strategic environment of Ukraine to Russia, and the national interests of Russia to Ukraine. The main focus of this research is on the achievement of Russia�s political objective in its military operation in Ukraine and analysis on Russia�s national security components that are significantly influence the interaction of this asymmetric conflict.Keywords: national security, political objectives, military operations, state�s behavior
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Lukman, Muhammad Lutfi, and Mohamad Asyraf Mohamad Farique. "The Russia-Ukraine War and the Global Balance of Power." International Journal of Interdisciplinary and Strategic Studies 5, no. 8 (May 31, 2024): 492–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.47548/ijistra.2024.82.
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This study examines the geopolitics and geoeconomics implications of the Russia-Ukraine war on the global balance of power. It investigates the impacts of the war on the global economy particularly the trade relations between emerging global powers and global demand for Russian, US and Chinese currencies. It also inspects NATO’s ability to fulfil its purpose in the light of the Russian invasion in Ukraine. The study finds that the Russia-Ukraine war demonstrates signs of the world's political changes towards the formation of a multipolar international system. A comprehensive understanding of the dynamics of the global balance of power can help to guide strategic response in safeguarding national interests amid global power competition. Kajian ini meneliti implikasi geopolitik dan geoekonomi perang Russia-Ukraine terhadap keseimbangan kuasa dunia. Ia menyelidik kesan-kesan perang ini terhadap ekonomi antarabangsa terutamanya hubungan perdagangan antara kuasa-kuasa dunia baharu serta permintaan global terhadap matawang Rusia, Amerika Syarikat dan China. Kajian ini juga menilai keupayaan NATO untuk memenuhi tujuannya tatkala Russia mencerobohi Ukraine. Kajian ini mendapati perang Rusia-Ukraine menunjukkan tanda-tanda perubahan politik dunia ke arah pembentukan sistem antarabangsa multipolar. Kefahaman yang menyeluruh mengenai dinamika keseimbangan kuasa global penting untuk memandu tindak balas strategik dalam menjaga kepentingan nasional di tengah-tengah persaingan kuasa dunia.
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Arslanov, Rafael A., and Elizaveta D. Trifonova. "Russian-Central Asian Relations in the Works of Modern French Researchers." RUDN Journal of Russian History 19, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 979–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2020-19-4-979-995.
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The article examines the views of modern French researchers on the relations between Russia and the post-Soviet republics of Central Asia. This allows us to identify various interpretations of Russian foreign policy, and to understand the main approaches of French scholars analyzing the goals and tasks of Russian geostrategy in the region. As the article demonstrates, French historiography, along with the objectivist view on the Central Asian vector in Russian foreign policy, also includes works of ideological nature. Special emphasis is put on French works that focus on Russian political authors who speak of Russias neo-imperialism. These studies explain the Russian policy in Central Asia through the ruling elites ambition to resurrect an empire in the post-Soviet space and to return superpower status to Russia. Of special interest is the position of authors who try to explain the Russian attitude to the Central Asian region as, on the one hand, an expression of nostalgic feelings harbored by a great part of the population about the nations former greatness, assuming that these feelings have an impact on the leaderships policies, and on the other hand, as the Russian leaderships attempt to use Russias active return to the international arena for the consolidation and self-identification of society. It is observed that some French authors speak of a New Great Game. This very popular concept considers the actions of Russia and other powers operating in the region (USA and China) as a continuation of the historical rivalry between the Russian and British empires in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Russian authors have always been interested in French historiography; this is due to the latters scientific prestige and objectivity, and in particular its application of methodologies that further develop the tradition of the Annales School. At the same time, the growing French scholarship on the issue of Russia and post-Soviet Central Asian republics has not yet been subject to close and complex consideration, which defines the novelty of the article.
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Massaguni, Mahfud, Muhammad Nasir Badu, and Muhammad Ashry Sallatu. "Pengaruh Sanksi Uni Eropa Terhadap Rusia Atas Krisis Ukraina." Hasanuddin Journal of International Affairs 2, no. 1 (May 21, 2022): 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31947/hjirs.v2i1.21011.
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The crisis of Ukraine is one of the hot topics in the international world talks. The cancellation of the signing of the Association Agreement, which is a stage of integration of Ukraine into the EU, resulted in a wave of massive protests from citizens of Ukraine. Representatives of the EU mediating between the Ukrainian government and the protesting parties ultimately resulted in an agreement to oust President Viktor Yanukovych. The deposition of President Viktor Yanukovych, called pro-Russian, resulted in anger on the part of Russia, on the grounds that the elected president of Viktor Yanukovych's successor was a pro-European party. After the election, unarmed armed forces took over the Crimea territory and held a referendum for the territory to join Russia. Russian involvement in this conflict led to the EU sanctioning Russia. This prolonged sanction not only affects Russia, but also against Europe, because basically each side is one of the largest trading partners.
Krisis Ukraina merupakan salah satu topik hangat dalam perbincangan dunia internasional. Pembatalan penandatanganan Association Agreement, yaitu sebuah tahapan integrasi Ukraina kedalam Uni Eropa, mengakibatkan gelombang protes besar-besaran dari warga Ukraina. Perwakilan Uni Eropa yang menjadi penengah antara pemerintah Ukraina dan para pihak yang melakukan protes, akhirnya menghasilkan kesepakatan untuk melengserkan presiden Viktor Yanukovych. Dilengserkannya Presiden Viktor Yanukovych yang disebut sebagai pro-Rusia, mengakibatkan kemarahan dari pihak Rusia, dengan alasan presiden terpilih pengganti Viktor Yanukovych merupakan pihak yang pro-Eropa. Setelah pemilihan, pasukan bersenjata tanpa identitas mengambil alih wilayah Krimea dan mengadakan referendum agar wilayah tersebut bergabung dengan Rusia. Keterlibatan Rusia dalam konflik ini menyebabkan Uni Eropa memberi sanksi terhadap Rusia. Sanksi berkepanjangan ini tidak hanya berdampak pada Rusia, namun juga terhadap Eropa, karena pada dasarnya masing-masing pihak merupakan salah satu mitra dagang paling besar.
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Menglong, Li, and He Qiuxuan. "A STUDY OF THE IMPACT OF RUSSIA-U.S. RELATIONS AFTER THE RUSSIA-UKRAINE CONFLICT FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF CHINESE SCHOLARS." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 8, no. 1 (March 27, 2024): 49–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2024-8-1-49-59.
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Since the outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, the complexity of the conflict between Russia and the West has become more and more serious, with far-reaching effects on global politics, economy and military affairs. As a direct and indirect participant in this conflict, Russia and the United States, the Russia-Ukraine conflict has an important impact on their relations. Chinese scholars are very concerned about the impact of the Russia-Ukraine conflict on the direction of Russia-U.S. relations, and discuss the post-cold war period, the reasons why the Ukraine issue affects the development of Russia-U.S. relations, and the prospects for the development of Russia-U.S. relations after the Russia-Ukraine conflict. It is believed that the structural contradictions existing in the post-cold war period in Russia-US relations, mainly manifested in the competition between Russia and the United States for the dominance of Russia's neighboring regions, the difference in the development path between Russia and the United States and the security dilemma; the geopolitical significance of Ukraine, the post-cold war period of Russia and Ukraine Cold War thinking continued to influence the Russian-Ukrainian conflict on the Russian-US relations is of great significance; as well as the strategic goals of Russia and the United States, etc., the impact of the Russian-Ukraine conflict on the Russian-US relations after the conflict. The impact of Russia-Ukraine conflict on Russia-U.S. relations is analyzed and researched.
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Zabella, Anastasiya Aleksandrovna, Evgeniya Yur’yevna Katkova, and Andrey Vladimirovich Shabaga. "Eurasian Concept: Central Asia in Russian and Chinese Foreign Policy." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 1 (December 15, 2021): 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-1-79-90.
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This article focuses on the reasons for both increasing attention to Eurasian ideology among political and scientific circles in Russia and the Chinese interest in Central Asia. Given a realistic paradigm, the authors analyzed aspects of Russian and Chinese foreign policy in the context of strengthening their influence in the region. Based on traditional values the ideology of Eurasianism is considered as a basis of Russias foreign policy in Central Asia. The authors paid attention to an analysis of the effectiveness of the Russian concept of Eurasianism and the Chinese initiative the Belt and Road Initiative, reminiscent of the Silk Road, in Central Asia. The paper covers theoretical-analytical and systemic-historical methods that offered an opportunity both to analyze the approaches of Russia and China to strengthen their influence in Central Asia and to examine the possibilities and contradictions of cooperation between Russia and China in Central Asia. The authors consider an interface among the EAEU and the Belt and Road Initiative as an opportunity to increase the efficiency of Russian-Chinese interaction, to create significant benefits to the countries in the Central Asia, and to expand the Russian and Chinese presence in the region. The authors pointed out the strengths and weaknesses of Russia and China in their interaction with the countries of Central Asia. Although Russia enjoys significant advantages, China is strengthening its presence in the region by its investments. The main hypothesis of this article is that the interface among the EAEU and the Belt and Road Initiative initiatives may curb competition between Russia and China in Central Asia, but the authors do not rule out the Shanghai scenario, which demonstrates a gradual strengthening of Chinas position.
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Tkachenko, Marina F., and Nelia I. Allaiarova. "Assessment of risks for the gas industry in Russia in the context of the formation of a common gas market of the Eurasian Economic Union." RUDN Journal of Economics 29, no. 1 (December 15, 2021): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2021-29-1-183-196.
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The research aimed to identifies the risks for the development of the gas industry in Russia in the context of the emerging common gas market of the EAEU. The state of the gas industry in Russia and Russias cooperation with the EAEU member states in the gas sector are considered. The development of the Russian gas industry is determined both by the dominant position of the vertically integrated natural monopoly PJSC Gazprom, and by the characteristics of the global hydrocarbon energy market. Based on empirical data, it is concluded that the creation of a common gas market in the EAEU is not only a challenge to the development of the Russian gas industry, but also a measure to strengthen and expand its positions in the global energy market, increase the efficiency of participation in the global energy agenda, as well as an incentive for improving the domestic gas market in Russia.
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Chernetsov, A. V. "Slavic and Russian Archeology in Russia." Anthropology & Archeology of Eurasia 35, no. 4 (April 1997): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/aae1061-195935045.
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Maslin, Mikhail, Vladimir Medenitsa, Vyacheslav Serbinenko, and Yuliya Sineokaya. "Russian philosophy in Russia and abroad." Philosophy Journal 9, no. 4 (2016): 161–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2072-0726-2016-9-4-161-175.
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Razumnova, L. "Russia-WTO: lnterests of Russian Exporters." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2006): 17–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2006-10-17-23.
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Salmin, A. "Russian Federation and Federation in Russia." World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2002): 22–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2002-3-22-35.
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Salmin, A. "Russian Federation and Federation in Russia." World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2002): 40–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2002-2-40-60.
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Saul, Norman. "Documenting Non-Russian Immigrants from Russia." Slavic & East European Information Resources 7, no. 2-3 (October 19, 2006): 139–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j167v07n02_08.
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Miyakawa, Shinichi. "Russian Orthodox Fundamentalism” in Russia Today." Russian and East European Studies, no. 31 (2002): 181–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5823/jarees.2002.181.
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Kuznetsov, Nikita V., and Alexey M. Sokolov. "Russian Language and Historiosophy of Russia." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies 40, no. 1 (2024): 4–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2024.101.
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The article is devoted to the problem of the correlation of language as a form of realization of the essence of a person who transforms the uncertainty of being into the ordering the world. The authors proceed from the axiomatic assumption that language is an integral activity of the human community, in the vocabulary and syntactic-semantic definiteness of which all contradictions that open up to people in their joint diverse experience of mastering the subject (presupposed) existence are removed. At the same time, human activity is the fulfillment of free transforming energy activated by an elementary (primary-fundamental) act of communication, Thanks to it, the determinism of the natural predestination of human presence in the Being is overcome, which manifests itself in the excessive effectiveness of people’s activities, opening the spiritual (supernatural) horizon of life. Literature is understood by the authors as a stylization of the national language, through which the content of national identity is determined, and, consequently, the general picture of the world created by a certain people. Literature can have two levels of implementation: artistic and theoretical ones, differing, on the one hand, in the way and degree of generalization, on the other — hand, in the form of expression. The peculiarity of the Russian self-consciousness, firstly, is on the stage of transition from the artistic to the theoretical levels; and, secondly, it is historiosophical, i. e. it not only retains the experience of the past, but also tends to the discretion of semantic perspective of the future associated with the activity of many generations of people of the Russian world. According to the authors, this circumstance is most adequately reflected in the Socialist Realism of Soviet literature.
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Phoenna, Riezky Poetra, Chandra Purnama, and Windy Dermawan. "KEBIJAKAN MILITER RUSIA TERHADAP SURIAH DALAM MENDUKUNG REZIM BASHAR AL-ASSAD (2015-2020)." Aliansi : Jurnal Politik, Keamanan Dan Hubungan Internasional 2, no. 1 (March 10, 2023): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/aliansi.v2i1.45348.
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Sebagai satu-satunya sekutu tradisional yang dimiliki Rusia di luar lingkungannya sendiri, Suriah telah menjadi salah satu pertimbangan dalam kebijakan luar negeri Rusia. Ketika Suriah dilanda konflik, Rusia telah mengerahkan berbagai dukungan penting terhadap rezim Assad. Upaya mempertahankan rezim Assad memaksa Rusia untuk menggunakan kebijakan militer di Suriah. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan fenomena kebijakan militer Rusia dalam keterlibatannya di Suriah. Dalam menganalisis, peneliti menggunakan teori kebijakan luar negeri. Adapun metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah kualitatif deskriptif. Penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa kebijakan militer Rusia terhadap Suriah ditenggarai oleh faktor Bashar Al-Assad. Situasi konflik yang semakin mengancam eksistensi rezim Assad direspon Rusia dengan tindakan militer. Pada akhirnya tindakan militer Rusia berhasil mempertahankan Assad dari ancaman pelengseran. As the only traditional ally that Russia has outside of its own neighborhood, Syria has been a consideration in Russian foreign policy. As Syria has been engulfed in conflict, Russia has mobilized important support for the Assad regime. Efforts to defend the Assad regime compelled Russia to intervene militarily in Syria.The purpose of this study is to explain the phenomenon of Russia's military policy in Syria.In analyzing foreign policy, researchers use foreign policy theory. The method used in this research is descriptive-qualitative. This research shows that Russia's military policy towards Syria is driven by the Bashar al-Assad factor. The conflict situation that increasingly threatened the existence of the Assad regime was responded to by Russia with military action. In the end, Russia's military action succeeded in defending Assad from the threat of ouster.
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Khatkov, I. E., I. V. Maev, D. S. Bordin, Yu A. Kucheryavyi, S. R. Abdulkhakov, S. A. Alekseenko, E. I. Alieva, et al. "The Russian consensus on the diagnosis and treatment of chronic pancreatitis: Enzyme replacement therapy." Terapevticheskii arkhiv 89, no. 8 (August 15, 2017): 80–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17116/terarkh201789880-87.
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Pancreatology Club Professional Medical Community, 1A.S. Loginov Moscow Clinical Research and Practical Center, Moscow Healthcare Department, Moscow; 2A.I. Evdokimov Moscow State University of Medicine and Dentistry, Ministry of Health of Russia, Moscow; 3Kazan State Medical University, Ministry of Health of Russia, Kazan; 4Kazan (Volga) Federal University, Kazan; 5Far Eastern State Medical University, Ministry of Health of Russia, Khabarovsk; 6Morozov City Children’s Clinical Hospital, Moscow Healthcare Department, Moscow; 7I.I. Mechnikov North-Western State Medical University, Ministry of Health of Russia, Saint Petersburg; 8Siberian State Medical University, Ministry of Health of Russia, Tomsk; 9M.F. Vladimirsky Moscow Regional Research Clinical Institute, Moscow; 10Maimonides State Classical Academy, Moscow; 11V.I. Razumovsky State Medical University, Ministry of Health of Russia, Saratov; 12I.M. Sechenov First Moscow State Medical University, Ministry of Health of Russia, Moscow; 13S.M. Kirov Military Medical Academy, Ministry of Defense of Russia, Saint Petersburg; 14Surgut State Medical University, Ministry of Health of Russia, Surgut; 15City Clinical Hospital Five, Moscow Healthcare Department, Moscow; 16Nizhny Novgorod Medical Academy, Ministry of Health of Russia, Nizhny Novgorod; 17Territorial Clinical Hospital Two, Ministry of Health of the Krasnodar Territory, Krasnodar; 18Saint Petersburg State Pediatric Medical University, Ministry of Health of Russia, Saint Petersburg; 19Rostov State Medical University, Ministry of Health of Russia, Rostov-on-Don; 20Omsk Medical University, Ministry of Health of Russia, Omsk; 21Russian Medical Academy of Postgraduate Education, Ministry of Health of Russia, Moscow; 22Novosibirsk State Medical University, Ministry of Health of Russia, Novosibirsk; 23Stavropol State Medical University, Ministry of Health of Russia, Stavropol; 24Kemerovo State Medical University, Ministry of Health of Russia, Kemerovo; 25N.I. Pirogov Russian National Research Medical University, Ministry of Health of Russia, Moscow; 26A.M. Nikiforov All-Russian Center of Emergency and Radiation Medicine, Russian Ministry for Civil Defense, Emergencies and Elimination of Consequences of Natural Disasters, Saint Petersburg; 27Research Institute for Medical Problems of the North, Siberian Branch, Russian Academy of Sciences, Krasnoyarsk; 28S.P. Botkin City Clinical Hospital, Moscow Healthcare Department, Moscow; 29Tver State Medical University, Ministry of Health of Russia, Tver The Russian consensus on the diagnosis and treatment of chronic pancreatitis has been prepared on the initiative of the Russian Pancreatology Club to clarify and consolidate the opinions of Russian specialists (gastroenterologists, surgeons, and pediatricians) on the most significant problems of diagnosis and treatment of chronic pancreatitis. This article continues a series of publications explaining the most significant interdisciplinary consensus statements and deals with enzyme replacement therapy.
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SONG, Jiaxue, Elena G. KNYAZEVA, and Ekaterina Yu POLYAKOVA. "Russian-Chinese financial cooperation: Development trends and prospects." Finance and Credit 28, no. 6 (June 29, 2022): 1288–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.24891/fc.28.6.1288.
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Subject. The article discusses the importance of Russian-Chinese financial cooperation and its impact on the economic development of Russia. Objectives. The purpose is to identify aspects of Russian-Chinese financial cooperation that have a substantial influence on the Russian economy, to develop a scientific and methodological approach to quantifying the impact of Russian-Chinese financial cooperation on the Russian economy. Methods. We employ methods of economic, mathematical and statistical analysis, and practical developments of Russian and foreign scientists. Results. Three aspects of Russian-Chinese financial cooperation are important factors that directly affect the economic growth of Russia, namely, China's direct investment in Russia, bilateral trade, and currency swaps. Russian-Chinese financial cooperation will play a positive role in promoting the economic development of Russia. Conclusions. To ensure stable socio-economic development of Russia, it is important to develop financial cooperation with China. Russia should further expand bilateral trade, make efforts to attract Chinese investment, and continue monetary cooperation with China.
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Belova, Oksana. "The challenge of reset." Journal of Language and Politics 15, no. 6 (December 31, 2016): 748–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.15.6.05bel.
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Abstract In this contribution, Obama’s reset in U.S. – Russian relations is viewed in terms of Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory. To link the macro-level of discourse theory to the micro-level of linguistic analysis, the empirical study implements the analysis of indexicality (Chilton 2004) and assumptions (Fairclough 2003) as applied in critical discourse analysis. Obama’s first term representations of Russia were examined in four contexts: global nuclear nonproliferation; Iran and North Korea; the New START Treaty; European ABM system and NATO – Russian relations. Articulations in the first and second contexts exhibited Obama’s strategies to construct Russia as partner in his hegemonic project of global nuclear nonproliferation. Articulations in the third context demonstrated Obama’s strategies of creating different discursive Russias to achieve the ratification of START, whereas no strategies proved successful in mitigating the issue of missile defense. In all four contexts, Obama’s construction of Russia was, to various degrees, permeated by ambiguity.
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Khatkov, I. E., I. V. Maev, S. R. Abdulkhakov, S. A. Alekseenko, E. I. Alieva, R. B. Alikhanov, I. G. Bakulin, et al. "The Russian consensus on the diagnosis and treatment of chronic pancreatitis." Terapevticheskii arkhiv 89, no. 2 (February 15, 2017): 105–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17116/terarkh2017892105-113.
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1Moscow Clinical Research and Practical Center, Moscow Healthcare Department, Moscow; 2A.I. Evdokimov Moscow State University of Medicine and Dentistry, Ministry of Health of Russia, Moscow; 3Kazan State Medical University, Kazan; 4Kazan (Volga) Federal University, Kazan; 5Far Eastern State Medical University, Ministry of Health of Russia, Khabarovsk; 6Morozov City Children’s Clinical Hospital, Moscow Healthcare Department, Moscow; 7I.I. Mechnikov North-Western State Medical University, Ministry of Health of Russia, Saint Petersburg; 8Siberian State Medical University, Ministry of Health of Russia, Tomsk; 9M.F. Vladimirsky Moscow Regional Research Clinical Institute, Moscow; 10Maimonides State Classical Academy, Moscow; 11V.I. Razumovsky Saratov State Medical University, Saratov; 12I.M. Sechenov First Moscow State Medical University, Ministry of Health of Russia, Moscow; 13S.M. Kirov Military Medical Academy, Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation, Saint Petersburg; 14Surgut State Medical University, Ministry of Health of Russia, Surgut; 15City Clinical Hospital Five, Moscow Healthcare Department, Moscow; 16Nizhny Novgorod Medical Academy, Ministry of Health of Russia, Nizhny Novgorod; 17Territorial Clinical Hospital Two, Ministry of Health of the Krasnodar Territory, Krasnodar; 18Saint Petersburg State Pediatric Medical University, Ministry of Health of Russia, Saint Petersburg; 19Rostov State Medical University, Ministry of Health of Russia, Rostov-on-Don; 20Omsk Medical University, Ministry of Health of Russia, Omsk; 21Russian Medical Academy of Postgraduate Education, Ministry of Health of Russia, Moscow; 22Novosibirsk State Medical University, Novosibirsk; 23Stavropol State Medical University, Ministry of Health of Russia, Stavropol; 24Kemerovo State Medical University, Ministry of Health of Russia, Kemerovo; 25N.I. Pirogov Russian Research Medical University, Ministry of Health of Russia, Moscow; 26A.M. Nikiforov All-Russian Center of Emergency and Radiation Medicine, Ministry of Emergency Situations of Russia, Saint Petersburg; 27Federal Research Center, Krasnoyarsk Research Center, Siberian Branch, Russian Academy of Sciences, Research Institute of Medical Problems of the North, Krasnoyarsk; 28S.P. Botkin City Clinical Hospital, Moscow Healthcare Department, Moscow; 29Tver State Medical University, Ministry of Health of Russia, Tver The Russian consensus (a consensus document) on the diagnosis and treatment of chronic pancreatitis has been prepared on the initiative of the Russian «Pancreatic Club» under the Delphi system. Its aim was to identify and consolidate the opinions of Russian experts on the most topical issues of the diagnosis and treatment of chronic pancreatitis. The interdisciplinary approach involved the participation of leading gastroenterologists, surgeons, and pediatricians.
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Suvorov, Valery Vladimirovich. "Perception of the East and the tasks of Far Eastern policy of Russia in the views of V.N. Kokovtsov and P.A. Stolypin." Samara Journal of Science 6, no. 4 (December 1, 2017): 201–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201764219.
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Activity of V.N. Kokovtsov and P.A. Stolypin, associated with the situation of Russia in the Far East after the defeat in the Russo-Japanese War, was held in the conditions of the need to solve the tasks of restoring the fighting capacity of the Russian army, improving the defense capability of the Far East and integrating this region within the empire. Under these conditions, the understanding of the importance of supporting the eastern regions of the Russian Empire was expressed, in which there was great potential for socio-economic development, while recognizing the need to avoid military clashes in Asia. V.N. Kokovtsov was involved in the Far Eastern and became Wittes successor as finance minister, since this ministry continued to play a decisive role in Eastern politics. Witte focused on the development of external relations between Russia and the Asian states and the desire to strengthen Russias influence in the Far Eastern region, and then the eastern policy after the Russo-Japanese War was more oriented toward the development of the eastern territories of Russia. With the growing awareness of the importance of the internal eastern regions of Russia, the negative attitude towards the eastern states with which Russia bordered was strengthened. In general, the governments program for the economic development of the Far East gave impetus to the development of the region.
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MILKA, M., and S. I. CHERNYAVSKIY. "THE RUSSIA-EU PERSPECTIVE: NATIONAL SECURITY AND COUNTERTERRORISM FROM A DIFFERENT ANGLE." Political Science Issues, no. 3(33) part: 9 (December 18, 2019): 293–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.35775/psi.2019.33.3.008.
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Statistics have proven that both the European Union (EU) and the Russian Federation (Russia) suffer from terrorism in its current form. Hence intensifying partnerships to combat terrorism would be a good idea. This essay envisages illustrating a common base for cooperation in the fight against terrorism despite of some general differences in policy and structure between the EU and Russia. According to the author there are five fundamental issues which ask for more attention in the EU-Russia dialogue on Freedom, Justice and Security. Firstly, statistics prove that Europe (EU and Russia) are impacted by modern terrorism. Secondly, Russias experience in counterterrorism is crucial. Thirdly, the scale freedom and human rights versus security has not the same ratio in the EU and in Russia.Fourthly, the concept sovereignty is differently filled in by the EU, the EU Member States and Russia. Fifthly,there is the debate between integration versus social exclusion, and solidarity versus strong governmental intervention. By highlighting these differences in attitudes, the objective becomes clear that possibly the EU could learn things from Russia, as one of the key states to have experience in counterterrorism. Although the EU and Russia experience different forms and problems of terrorism and the roots of West-European terrorism cannot be traced back to the same reasons why Russia suffered terror attacks, it does not invalidate that they could foster cooperation.
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Vinogradov, Igor’ A. "LITTLE RUSSIA AND GREAT RUSSIA IN SATIRE BY NIKOLAI GOGOL." Vestnik of Kostroma State University, no. 3 (2020): 128–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2020-26-3-128-133.
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The article first discusses the problem of the correlation in the work of Nikolai Gogol as satirist or critic of the “Little Russian” and “Great Russian” types of Russian nobility. The influence of Nikolai Gogol’s Ukraine impressions on the creation of a number of his works of an all-Russia nature is emphasised: short story “The Nose”, the comedy “The Inspector General”, and the poem “Dead Souls”. Based on a comprehensive analysis, numerous facts and various testimonies of contemporaries, a conclusion is drawn about the deep imperial consciousness of the writer, who did not distinguish representatives of the Ukraine and Great Russia in his religious, pastoral criticism. The writer always thought of the Ukraine as part of Rus’ – Russia – the Russian Empire. In contrast to the ideologists of a narrow “small-town” “patriotism”, Nikolai Gogol, being a state thinker, considered the inhabitants of Northern and Southern Russia as subjects of a single Russian power and in his convictions of unworthy employees, “malignant” people of miscellaneous ranks and of the nobility was equally strict and demanding to his countrymen as well as to the Great Russians.
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Budylin, Sergey. "Judging the Arbiters: The Enforcement of International Arbitration Awards in Russia." Review of Central and East European Law 34, no. 2 (2009): 137–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157303509x406287.
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AbstractThis article is devoted to the issue of the enforceability in Russia of arbitral awards rendered pursuant to arbitration agreements between Russian companies or state agencies, on the one hand, and private firms operating outside of Russia, on the other. The emphasis is on the enforcement of arbitral awards rendered outside of Russia. Russian statutory law, international treaties to which Russia is a party and Russian court practice are discussed. The enforceability of foreign judicial decisions, as opposed to arbitral awards, in Russia is also briefly discussed.
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Etkind, Alexander. "How Russia ‘Colonized Itself’." International Journal for History, Culture and Modernity 3, no. 2 (March 28, 2015): 159–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/hcm.481.
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In the late imperial period, Russian historiography was dominated by the self-colonization school. Russian historians wrote detailed accounts of Russia’s takeover of the Crimea, Finland, Ukraine, Poland, and other lands, but they did not describe these areas as Russian colonies. Instead, mainstream Russian historians argued that ‘Russia colonized itself’. The discourse of self-colonization was a specific, though longterm and surprisingly robust, moment in Russian historiography. Appropriating the western idea of colonization, Russian historiography transformed this idea in quite a radical way. First, in Russia, the process of colonization was construed as self-reflexive and internal, rather than as object-directed and external. Second, in Russia, we find an uncritical approval of the processes of colonization, which is different from the British and French historiographical traditions and from the postcolonial approach to colonization. However, some Russian historians held a critical stance toward the peculiar character of the Russian Empire.
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Lukyanova, Galina O., and Olga S. Chikrizova. "Key Models of Religious Institutions’ Interaction in the Context of the State-Church Relations in Russia and Egypt." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 712–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-712-733.
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The article reveals and comparatively analyses the peculiarities of the state-church relations in Russia and Egypt. Currently, the role of religion and religious institutions in world politics is actively increasing, as well as the process of secularization of public life is being redefined. Religion still often becomes the cause of discrimination, persecution of certain groups of society; the level of Islamophobia in Western countries and Religiophobia in the whole world is not decreasing. In these conditions, the importance of state-church relations within key international actors is also growing. The purpose of the study is to provide comparative analysis of the specifics of the state religion policy of Russia and Egypt in order to develop recommendations for the use of Russian religious institutions to strengthen Russias position in the Middle East. Russia and Egypt were chosen as research objects, since these countries have a rich history of interaction in the religious sphere, which could become a basis for the future cooperation between religious institutions of the two countries. In addition, Egypt is one of the key states in the Middle East, where Russian influence has never been dominant, but where exactly religious organizations such as the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) most actively and successfully pursued Russias interests. Methodologically, the article is based on historical and empirical institutionalism, as well as comparative analysis and historical-genetic method. The study is quite novel, as it identifies four models of interaction between religious communities, which are based on two criteria: a) presence of religious institutions representing the interests of a particular community; b) status of religion in the state (dominant / minority religion). The practical significance of the study lies in its attempt to make recommendations for improving the use of religious organizations in Russia to promote state interests in Egypt on the basis of the highlighted features of state-church relations in Egypt.
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Casier, Tom. "No Great Russia without Greater Russia." Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies 16, no. 2 (November 30, 2023): 14–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.22215/cjers.v16i2.4148.
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This paper argues that to understand the invasion of Ukraine, we need to have better insights into the Kremlin’s particular world view and Russia’s place within it. This view is based on a sense of entitlement to great power status, going hand in hand with an identity of itself as a country that extends beyond the actual borders of the Russian Federation. What makes the position unique is that the geopolitical and identity arguments are inseparable: in the Kremlin’s world view, Russia can only be a great power if it also exists as greater Russia. This structural factor is labelled the geopolitics-identity nexus. To explain why the invasion happened in 2022, three additional process factors are outlined: a radicalisation of the view of Ukraine as Russian lands, driven by the feeling of existential crisis when tensions over Ukraine escalated in 2014; an escalation of policy options resulting from consecutive failures in Russia’s Ukraine policy; and a reversal of the argument that Russia has to be a great power to exist within its 1991 borders into an argument that Russia has to expand its territory to be a great power.
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Ms. Noor Jehan and Dr. Shabir Ahmad Khan. "The Russian Language and Workers from Central Asia Migrating to Russia." Journal of European Studies (JES) 40, no. 2 (July 3, 2024): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.56384/jes.v40i2.347.
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This paper reviews historical, economic and social reasons for working people to migrate from five Central Asian Republics (CARs) to Russia in the early 21st Century. Relationships between Russia and the five Central Asian States changed dramatically after the USSR collapse and in the ensuing three decades, large numbers of workers from Central Asia migrated to Russia. It became imperative for migrating workers to learn Russian to mingle socially and gain economic benefits. Russian-speaking workers amalgamated well in Russia and their remittances improved the GDPs of their home states. However, with greater numbers of migrating workers, Russia imposed new migration laws that required better competence in Russian, which resulted in new difficulties and challenges for migrants and those who aspired to move to Russia for work.
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S. M., Sokolov, and Khaliullina N. U. "EURASIAN CONCEPT OF THE RUSSIAN SUPERETHOUS: THE SIGNIFICANCE FOR COMPREHENSION OF THE ETHNO-CULTURAL UNIQUENESS OF RUSSIA." Human research of Inner Asia 3 (2022): 55–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.18101/2305-753x-2022-3-55-60.
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A significant contribution to the study of the ethnic history of Russia was the Eurasian concept of the Russian superethnos. The leaders of Eurasianism — a socio-philosophical doctrine, ideological and political movement of the Russian emigration of the 1920–1930s and L. N. Gumilev were the first to substantiate the uniqueness of the Russian superethnos and the importance of understanding the universal human value of the historical ethnocultural diversity of Russia. We have singled out the main provisions of the concept: Russia is a unique cultural and his-torical type and a geopolitical continent — Eurasia; Russia was initially a Eurasianpolyethnic superethnos; the Russian nation is not exhausted by its Slavic substratum; a special role in the formation of the “Eurasian nation” was played by the “Turanian element” and the relationship of geographical and historical factors; complementarity is the main feature of the Russian superethnos. We focus on the importance of the concept of superethnos in understanding Russia as a Eurasian power, on the fact that the concept of "Russian superethnos" can become a symbol of the national idea of Russia.
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Purnama, Chandra, Sasti Khoirunnisa, Anggia Utami Dewi, and Dina Yulianti. "Russia Beyond Indonesia: Image Transforming Effort Through Public Diplomacy." Jurnal Global & Strategis 14, no. 1 (June 8, 2020): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.14.1.2020.109-124.
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Survei menunjukkan bahwa sekitar 40% citra Rusia di tengah publik Indonesia adalah citra negatif. Indonesia bahkan disebut sebagai negara dengan persepsi negatif tertinggi terhadap Rusia di kawasan Asia Tenggara. Artikel ini memaparkan upaya Rusia memperbaiki citranya di hadapan publik Indonesia melalui diplomasi publik dengan menggunakan media Russia Beyond. Penulis menggunakan konsep tiga dimensi diplomasi publik dari Mark Leonard sebagai alat analisis, yaitu news management, strategic communications, dan relationship building. Data yang digunakan dalam artikel ini didapatkan dari website dan media sosial Russia Beyond, wawancara dengan dua narasumber terkait, dan studi literatur. Penulis menyimpulkan bahwa diplomasi publik yang dilakukan oleh Rusia telah menggunakan tiga dimensi diplomasi publik dengan cukup baik namun perlu dilakukan penelitian lanjutan mengenai dampak upaya ini bagi perbaikan citra Rusia di Indonesia.Kata-kata kunci: diplomasi publik Rusia, Indonesia, Rusia, Russia Beyond Indonesia Survey shows that around 40% of Russia’s image in the public of Indonesia is relatively negative. Indonesia is referred to as a country with the highest negative perception of Russia in the Southeast Asia region. This article describes Russia’s effort to improve its image towards the public of Indonesia through public diplomacy by using Russia Beyond (RBTH Indonesia) as a media. The authors apply Leonard, Stead, dan Smewing’s (2002) three dimensions of public diplomacy as the tool of analysis, namely news management, strategic communications, and relationship building. The data was obtained from website and social media of Russia Beyond Indonesia, interviews with two related sources, and literature studies. The author concludes that public diplomacy carried out by Russia has used three dimensions of public diplomacy quite well, but further research needs to be done on the impact of these efforts in the improvement of Russia images in Indonesia.Keywords: Indonesia, public diplomacy of Russia, Russia, Russia Beyond Indonesia
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Fonova, E. G., and O. A. Schitz. "DIALOGUE OF CULTURES: ON EXPERIENCE OF TRANSLATING BERNARDIN DE SAINT-PIERRE’S JOURNEY TO RUSSIA (VOYAGE EN RUSSIE)." Memoirs of NovSU, no. 6 (2023): 599–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.34680/2411-7951.2023.6(51).599-606.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the translation work of Journey to Russia (Voyage en Russie) by the French writer Bernardin de Saint-Pierre in the intercultural communication aspect. The authors study the translation strategies used in their work such as historical stylization, explication, as well as translation commentary. The techniques used by Bernardin himself in translating Russian realities, namely domestication, foreignization, transliteration, are also examined. The translation techniques mentioned above were and are intended to facilitate intercultural communication and dialogue between the cultures of both Bernardin's readers in France and readers of the translations of his travel notes in Russia.
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Strelchuk, Elena, and Anna Lonskaia. "Formation and Transformation of the Concept Russia in the Picture of the World of Modern American Students." Theoretical and Practical Issues of Journalism 7, no. 4 (October 15, 2018): 741–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-6203.2018.7(4).741-754.
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The media are one of the significant factors that influence the formation of the world views of a particular person and the nation as a whole. Analysis of Russian-American relations from the 19th century up to nowadays makes it possible to judge the ambiguous attitude of Americans towards Russia through the media. The purpose of the article is to analyze the concept of Russia, its formation and transformation in the world views of modern American students on the basis of the frame approach. Various research methods (associative experiment, questionnaire, observation, complex, conceptual analysis, etc.) made it possible to distinguish two basic components of the Russia concept: Russia: before arrival and Russia: after arrival. In this connection, the content of the concept is different. Russia: after arrival consists of more metaphorical models and subframes than the concept Russia: Before Arrival. Such metaphor models as Russia - Religion, Russia - Food as well as the sub-frames physiological characteristics and mental characteristics included in the metaphor model Russia - The Man: anthropomorphic characteristics demonstrate the extension of the concept Russia: after arrival. As a result of the research, it was concluded that the concept of Russia: Before Arrival was formed under the influence of American media, whose main task was to cover mainly political events. The concept Russia: after arrival has changed: the study of the Russian language, as well as the familiarity of American students with the culture, history, traditions of the Russian people in the conditions of the Russian-speaking environment had a positive impact. The concept of Russia was rather a bright phenomenon filled with expressive, memorable traits and reflecting the American students persuasion that the two peoples separated by political contradictions have similarities and it is necessary to build the intercultural communication between the Russians and Americans in the multipolar world.
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Ashraf, Muhammad Imran, Athar Ali, and Syed Umair Jalal. "Explaining Russian Resurgence: The Case Study of Georgia and Ukraine." Global Foreign Policies Review I, no. I (December 30, 2018): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2018(i-i).01.
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This thesis is an attempt to explain the Russian resurgence: The case study of Georgia and Ukraine, with the help of theoretical framework structural realism. Russia having large territory is full of natural resources, under the leadership of Putin Russia utilized its natural resources to regain its lost position and power. In this research I tried to find out the answers of the questions: Why Russia is resurging in Georgia and Ukraine? How we can explain Russia NATO relations and what will be the future course of this relationship? This study is qualitative in nature and case study design has been used. Both Primary and secondary data is being used. This study explains the probability of emergence of the new regional powers, and alliances due to Russian resurgence that counter US and NATO role in world politics up to a certain level. Russian decision to enter into the Syrian crisis and the conflict between Turkey and Russia made my hypothesis true, that Russian resurgence lead to more conflicts between Russia and NATO. Along with all diplomatic channels and cooperation between NATO and Russia has been suspended due the Russian resurgence.
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Xu, Junzhe. "Putin, Ukraine, and Security Dilemma: Analysis of Russia-Ukraine Conflict and Its Consequence." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 22, no. 1 (November 20, 2023): 163–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/22/20230274.
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This paper analyzes the factors that led Russia to invade Ukraine and draw important lessons from this war. The major findings of this are that the causes of the war are more varied and run deeper than just the personality of Putin. The domestic factors and structural conditions suggest that this war was not simply the outcome of a deeply personal reaction of an authoritarian leader. Putin started the special military operation and invaded Ukraine. Putin overestimated the military power of Russias army and underestimated the Ukrainian peoples loyalty and affiliation to their government. The West also misjudged the severity of bringing former Soviet satellites into North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Russias geopolitical environment has also deteriorated. Russias image as a major power collapsed after the slogging military operation. And the sanctions followed by the Russian armys invasion have affected Russias economy, which made Russia the most-sanctioned country in the world.
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Gordienko, Dmitry V. "TRADE AND ECONOMIC COOPERATION BETWEEN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 4/2, no. 124 (2022): 54–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2022.04.02.007.
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Subject / topic. In the context of the intensification of the struggle for leadership between the United States and China, the introduction of anti-Russian sanctions for Russia, the task of strengthening the strategic partnership of the Russian Federation with the People’s Republic of China, expanding trade and economic ties between Russia and China becomes especially urgent. Goals/objectives. Assess the impact of the prospects for expanding trade and economic ties between Russia and China in the context of US anti-Chinese activities in the confrontation with China and the intensification of the struggle for leadership between the US and China and the imposition of anti-Russian sanctions. Methodology. The paper analyzes the prospects for expanding trade and economic ties between Russia and China in the context of economic relations between the countries of the «strategic triangle» Russia-China-USA. Results. Based on statistical data on the volume of foreign trade between Russia and China in 2021- 2022. an approach is proposed to analyze the prospects for expanding trade and economic ties between Russia and China in the context of anti-Russian sanctions, anti-Chinese activities of the United States in confrontation with China and the intensification of the struggle for leadership between the United States and China, which determine the interdependence of the countries of the «strategic triangle» Russia-China-USA . Discussion/application. The proposed approach to assessing the prospects for expanding foreign trade between Russia and China in the context of anti-Russian sanctions, anti-Chinese activities of the United States in confrontation with China and the intensification of the struggle for leadership between the United States and China allows us to predict the development of relations between the countries of the «strategic triangle» Russia-China-USA. Conclusions/relevance. The results of assessing the prospects for expanding foreign trade between Russia and China in the context of anti-Russian sanctions, the intensification of the struggle for leadership between the US and China in the context of relations between the countries of the «strategic triangle» Russia- China-USA can be used to substantiate recommendations to the leadership of our country. It is concluded that the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China are important strategic partners for each other.
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Agapkin, A. M., and I. A. Makhotina. "The grain market of Russia." IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 839, no. 2 (September 1, 2021): 022023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/839/2/022023.
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Abstract Russia is one of the world leaders in the production and export of grain. Wheat occupies the largest share among grain crops in Russia. Over the past twenty years, in Russia has been a steady increase in grain production, while reducing its dependence on natural and climatic conditions.The article provides an overview of the grain market in Russia, using data from the Federal State Statistics Service (Rosstat).The dynamics of changes in sown areas and gross harvest of both grain and leguminous crops in general and wheat in particular are analyzed. The structure of the gross grain harvest in the Federal Districts of the Russian Federation is given. The rating of Russian regions in terms of gross wheat harvest is presented. The Russian export of grain is characterized. The classification of grain as a strategic export product of Russia is justified.The structure of the export of grain crops of the Russian Federation is presented. The dynamics of changes in the volume of imports of grain and leguminous crops in value terms, as well as the issue of tariff regulation of grain exports in Russia are considered.
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Kim, Hye Jin. "Ethnic minorities in Russia and Russian policy." Journal of international area studies 16, no. 1 (April 30, 2012): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.18327/jias.2012.04.16.1.51.
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Wigzell, Faith, and Laura J. Olson. "Performing Russia: Folk Revival and Russian Identity." Modern Language Review 102, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 299. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20467270.
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