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1
Stoner, Kathryn. "Russia’s 21st Century Interests in Afghanistan." Asian Survey 55, no. 2 (March 2015): 398–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2015.55.2.398.
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The Russian government under Vladimir Putin has long-term geostrategic interests in Afghanistan: stability, economic development, and curbing narcotics flowing into Central Asia and thence to Russia. Moscow is in the difficult position of not wanting American forces to stay in Afghanistan but also not wanting the drawdown of forces to leave behind chaos.
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D. G, Sri Hanumanthappa. "INDO-RUSSIAN RELATION IN 21st CENTURY." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 1, no. 5 (February 28, 2014): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v1i5.3052.
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This Paper Focuses on a major problem likely to occur in Indo-Russian foreign policy leveraged by internal policy contradictions the Russia is facted with the foreign policy experts are facing baffling situation as to share what shape the indo-Russian foreign policy would take in view of festimently changing international political enlivenment with regard to co-operation and co-ordination in the arena of myriad strategic developments and on the other hand the native factors in case of Russia like concentration of power in the president himself in the presidential form government in the newly adorned democratic system and the self-development concerns are some of the political Issues sattering Russian foreign policy establishment. It is against this background, it appears to be a frabbing situations for Indian policy makers and therefore are being challenged by the prevailing Constrictive Factors both India and Russia and it is in this juncture it is to be seen where Indo-Russian policy stands and what would be its nature in the perspective time and equally seriously worry some is the case if pondered over in the retrospective mode. Indo-Russia have been traditional friends and India looking for world for reveal and rejoinders and also maintaing those stable traditional relations but the corporative tendencies and power-centric polity would allow them to be up to Indian’s expectation is still something to be deciphered what appens to be fetid it is that the age-old relation’s based on mutuality and personal initivies would be drawing factors into discussion as to whether those pristine indomitable value added foreign policy existed over a long period of time would sustion itself or not will be given prime importance in the discussion and also in an endeavor it could be seen whether rapidly changing Russian political miliev would consider those values and allow to grow indo-Russian relations in the traditional mood.
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Gutorow, Władimir. "O niektórych cechach swoistych ewolucji współczesnego rosyjskiego sytemu politycznego." Politeja 12, no. 7 (34/2) (December 31, 2015): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.12.2015.34_2.02.
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On some peculiarities of evolution of the contemporary Russian political system
The article deals with the problem of Russian political system evolution at the turn of the 20th and 21th centuries. The author attempts to answer the following question: if contemporary Russian state system does not fit a classical model of liberal democracy, is it reasonable to talk about hopeless stagnation of political system in Russia, generated by the process of new bureaucratic deformation, or is it possible to outline some tendencies of Russian state system evolution that fit the process of global degradation of democratic institutions in every region all over the world without any exceptions? The answer implies a quite important verification and statement concerning the situation: does the level of political government in Russian „imperial center” meet that contemporary criteria, obeyed in the development of civilized states. At the beginning of the 21st century, after long period of chaotic decentralization, Russia has entered the stage, when the federal center attempts to „establish order” in the country by means of tough administrative decisions. New stage of Russian politics connected with the Ukrainian crisis and the referendum in the Crimea signifies the explicit tendency of political elite to start a new page of national history.
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VASHCHUK, A. S. "FAR EASTERN POLICY OF THE POST-SOVIET RUSSIA IN THE END OF THE XX CENTURY AND THE BEGINNING OF THE 21st CENTURY: CONCEPTS, EXPERT OPINIONS AND PUBLICISTS’ VIEWPOINTS." Historical and social-educational ideas 10, no. 3/1 (July 16, 2018): 30–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2018-10-3/1-30-45.
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Investigation of Russia’s turnabout to the East is a bright feature of the national humanitarian space of the early 21st century. Publications on this topic include the works of economists, geographers, sociologists and historians. It contains various viewpoints on the part that the Far Eastern region played in the social and economic development of Russia, as well as different genres (varying from publicism to scientific research), and expert assessments and recommendations to the government. The article deals with historiographic review of the emerging scientific trend and complements it with the methodology of social and political history. Humanitarians are considered to be part of the transformed “society-government” system. The analytics covers a variety of opinions on the two transformation stages of the post-Soviet history: the Far East during the 1990s and the first fifteen years of the 21st century. That allows tracing the interrelation between the regional policy and the intellectuals’ reflection on it. The author comes to the following conclusion: in 1990s speaking about the Far Eastern policy the experts’ society is rather unanimous in characterizing the consequences of the reforms as disastrous; but regarding the “turnabout to the East” the opinions become more varied; optimistic and pessimistic experts present extreme poles. The role of the Far East the Russian history of the early 21st century is rather controversial: on the one hand the region is a kind of problem for the Centre, and on the other hand, active development of the east is an essential part of the new stage in the development of Russia.
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Dmitriev, M. E. "Scenarios of greenhouse gases emissions for Russia." Journal of the New Economic Association 56, no. 4 (2022): 201–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.31737/2221-2264-2022-56-4-10.
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The purpose of this study is to develop and quantify possible scenarios for the implementation of climate policy, as well as the opportunities for achieving carbon neutrality by the middle of the 21st century or earlier. For this purpose, two scenarios are considered — basic and transformational. The baseline scenario includes measures that least affect the existing socio-political and economic interests with the greatest contribution from deforestation, modernization of technologies for the use of hydrocarbons in industry and cleaner transport. The limitations of the baseline scenario will not allow achieving carbon neutrality by the middle of the 21st century. The transformational scenario takes into account the most realistic options for closing the gap between the offi cial scenario developed by the Government of the Russian Federation shortly before the 2021 UN Climate Change Conference and more ambitious options for achieving carbon neutrality by 2050 or earlier. In our transformational scenario, Russia reaches carbon neutrality 10 years earlier, by 2040, and subsequently turns into a net sink of greenhouse gases, including due to the huge potential of forest plantations.
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LARIN, V. L. "PACIFIC RUSSIA IN THE “GREATER EURASIA” AT THE BEGINNING OF XXI CENTURY: CHALLENGES AND RESPONDS." Historical and social-educational ideas 10, no. 3/1 (July 16, 2018): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2018-10-3/1-65-81.
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The article examines main factors that determine the pace, nature and direction of everyday life and economic development of Pacific Russia in the early 21st century. The author identifies and analyzes fundamental nature and impact of three, in his opinion, basic challenges, the answers to which determine Russian government policy towards this region: the threat of its loss under the influence of internal and external factors; peripheral status and lagging development based on its specialization in the raw materials extraction; modern Eurasian integration projects of Moscow, Beijing and Seoul. The first challenge was purely speculative but it allowed Kremlin to mobilize the country's political and business elites to strengthen Pacific vector of Russian policy and support Russia Far East development. In this case, the goal of this development was not to overcome the peripheral status and raw specialization of the region, but to utilize its potential more effectively in the interests of central government. The results were contradictory from the point of view of both domestic and foreign policies. Such outcome has prompted central government to create new instruments and institutions for implementation of his geopolitical and economic projects on the Pacific. The closure of an active phase of "Russia's integration into the APR", Kremlin promotion of the "Big Eurasia" concept as well as the Chinese "Belt and Road" initiative being launched alongside the Russian project, in the aggregate reserve for Pacific Russia a place "in the back" of the Eurasian integration, tightly fixing for her the status of a double - European and Asian - periphery.
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Akimov, A. "Demographic Burst, Population Ageing and Labor-saving Technologies: Interaction in the 21st Century." World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 5 (2016): 50–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-5-50-60.
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The ageing of population in the coming decades is becoming a constraint on economic growth in developed economies and countries of Eastern Asia, but labor-saving technologies including robotics and artificial intelligence may remove this limitation. At the same time, population growth in South Asia and Africa will face lower demand for cheap and low-qualified labor. Pairs of scenarios (success and failure) are proposed for principal regions and countries. For the West, a positive scenario is “the West closes”, which foresees high level of the industrial application of robots and no labor immigration. A negative one – “The West dissolves”, which means high immigration, but no jobs for immigrants, and immigrants’ straddle for domination in social life. The “robo China” foresees high level of robotics in China, high productivity and governmental planning of labor market. The “two Chinas” contemplates an urban high-tech China and a rural China which is not integrated into technological modernization. Central government hardly keeps social situation stable in this case. For India, the “partial participation in robotized economy” is a positive choice making India an element of the new global economy. India develops in the same vein as the West and China. “Out of the new economy” leaves India in the group of developing nations. For Africa, a positive scenario is “rental economy”. Human potential of Africa is not in demand as labor-saving technologies dominate in the global economy, but natural resources attract foreign investors. They pay rent, and it is distributed by governments among inhabitants. “Population growth burden” is a negative variant that foresees high unemployment and lack of financial resources. International assistance is the only way out in this case. Russia is buying labor-saving technologies abroad. The structure of Russian economy now enables to remove limitations resulting from the population ageing, but technological import makes Russia highly vulnerable.
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Josephson, Paul R. "EMPIRE-BUILDING AND FRONTIER OF SOVIET AND POST-SOVIET TIMES." Ural Historical Journal 73, no. 4 (2021): 88–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.30759/1728-9718-2021-4(73)-88-96.
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The paper deals with the strategies of colonization and assimilation of frontier in Soviet Union and post-Soviet Russia in relation to, Siberia and the Far East. These frontier spaces were disturbing the Soviet leadership for they were both vulnerable for an external invasion and unsupportive of the new socialist order. Thus, countryside of Soviet Russia was also seen as frontier of its own kind. The conquest of frontier and its integration into the socialist, industrial economy was implemented by Stalinist leadership through the violent collectivization, which was accompanied by colonization in the periphery strengthened by the flow of exiles and labor camp prisoners from the collectivized western areas. From the point of view of Soviet leaders, the frontier territories were both resource pantry and “empty spaces” to settle. To stimulate colonization Soviet government was establishing the “corridors of modernization”, a network of infrastructure, connecting the newly constructed “company towns”, the outposts of frontier conquest. Such politics was simultaneously integrating indigenous peoples of frontier into the socialist economy and destroying their way of life. In spite of efforts of Soviet rulers from Stalin to Brezhnev, the assimilation of frontier did not succeed. However, in the 21st century Russian leadership continues to treat Arctic, Siberia and the Far East along the Soviet lines, as frontier spaces of economic and symbolic conquest and military-political contestation. Unlike the Soviet era, though, nowadays the concept of frontier had found its way into Russian historical and political thought.
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Żuber, Marian, and Samuel Sahel Moussa. "Arab Spring as a Background of Civil War in Syria." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 24, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 245–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2018-0038.
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Abstract In the paper the reasons of outbreak of conflict in Syria at the background of social and political situation of the Arab world at the beginning of 21st century were presented. The influence of displeasure explosion against governments in Tunisia, Libya and Egypt, known as Arab Spring, on the situation in Syria was described. The attention on escalation of tensions between Bashar al-Assad’s government and opposition as a source of civil war in Syria was paid. The foreign players at the arena of Syrian conflict with special concern to United States and Russia activity, as a main contractors in the conflict were shown
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Chekalenko, Liudmyla D. "Ukraine in the Integration Security System." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 3 (October 27, 2022): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2022.27.3.6.
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The process of the security system formation in the integrated European space has been continuing for more than seven decades, but its final objective has not been attained yet. The relevance of this topic is the need to study the process of destruction of the established world, the collapse of the system of international relations, lack of understanding and complete disregard by the aggressor of all humanitarian levers in a situation of war and armed confrontation. Every subsequent turn in development of international relations in 20th and 21st centuries and new emerging threats seem to bring countries closer to unity and addressing the security problem, but…
In 2014 Russia, ignoring the principles of the international law, basic treaties with Ukraine, commitments to respect the territorial integrity and inviolability of Ukraine, started a war. On 24 February 2022, a new escalation took place when Russia attacked Ukraine without declaring the state of war. What was the reason? The answer could be found in the Ukrainian history that is not a simple one. Russian rulers want to rebuild the Russian empire returning to the borders of the 19th century. This is a threat to Ukraine that is a sovereign European state founded on the bases of European values, peace and international cooperation.
Russia has been trying to eliminate Ukrainian statehood, language, and culture starting from the Kozak times of the 16th century. Thus, this process is at least 500-year old. In the 21st century, Russia attempted to occupy Ukraine by means of the anti-Ukrainian government, but the attempt failed. As a consequence, the Russian president decided to eliminate Ukraine by military means. When the aggression started in 2014, the EU deeply dependent on Russian energy sources, did not react fully to the Russian intervention. Ukraine could not defend its territorial integrity because of the lack of military capacities in the absence of the international military support. But in 2022, the situation is radically different: at the time of Russian invasion, Ukrainian people raise to the defense of their country, and the Ukrainian army thanks to the strong international military and political support continues to defend the existence of the Ukrainian state despite the dominance of the Russian military machine.
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Sibarani, Dame Maria-Nova. "Economic Policy in Indonesia and Prospects of Russian-Indonesian Trade and Economic Cooperation." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 3 (December 15, 2019): 450–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-3-450-462.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the current economic situation in Indonesia and the prospects for RussianIndonesian economic cooperation. The author covers the economic development of Indonesia since 1998 Asian economic crisis, the domestic economic agenda and the policy of new President D. Widodo, as well as the history and potential for the further development of trade and economic relations between Russia and Indonesia. The relevance of the research is determined by the increasing role of Indonesia in international politics in the 21st century. Indonesia is the fourth largest country in terms of population, after China, India and the United States. Its economy is 16th in the world and first in ASEAN. It is a member of G20. It is expected that Indonesia will enter the top five largest world economies by 2030. For Russia, the development of relations with the rapidly developing Asian countries is an important element in of its foreign policy strategy of diversifying trading partners and entering the promising markets of developing countries. The main purpose of the article is to analyze current challenges faced by the Indonesian government in implementing new economic policy, to identify promising areas of bilateral cooperation of Russia and Indonesia in the context of anti-Russian sanctions. The article points out the potential of these relations and the mutual benefits for the Russian and Indonesian economy. The author used mainly the historical method, which allows tracing the history of the development of the economic situation in Indonesia and the evolution of Russian-Indonesian relations. While analyzing Indonesia’s domestic economic policy, the key research method has been a comparative analysis, which contributed to summarizing the achievements of Indonesian politics. In conclusion, the author identifies promising areas for further development of Russian-Indonesian trade and economic relations taken into account modern Indonesian economic policy’s need agenda.
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Makhmutov, Zufar A. "The Roles and Activities of Tatar Mullahs in Kazakhstan, 18th to Mid-21st Century." RUDN Journal of Russian History 20, no. 1 (December 15, 2021): 61–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2021-20-1-61-73.
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This article is devoted to the study of the functions by the Institute of Tatar mullahs in Kazakhstan at different historical periods. The author examines the activities of clergymen in the region, analyzes the internal policy of the Russian and later Soviet state, which regulated their activities by legislative acts, creating certain political contexts. Research interest is also caused by the internal policy of the state, which regulated Tatar mullahs activities by legislative acts and it created certain political contexts. The sources for writing the work were materials of personal origin and office work, legislative and regulatory documents stored in the archives of Kazakhstan and Russia. In the initial period of the Kazakhstan's colonization the institute of Tatar mullahs was integrated into the management system of the newly-joined territory. In these conditions, the Tatar clergy had rather large powers in the Kazakh steppe. They conducted civil proceedings, document management, taught the Kazakhs literacy and agriculture, participated in government decisions, and carried out diplomatic missions. Their work gave legitimacy to the actions of the empire for the Kazakhs and promoted loyalty to the new government. In the middle of the 19th century, the attitude of the tsarist officials towards the mullahs changed dramatically. Activity of Tatar clergy was significantly limited by the Temporary Provision of 1868. Despite the prohibitions being undertaken, the political and religious influence of the ulama on the Kazakhs remained quite strong. In Soviet times, a significant part of the Tatar clergy was destroyed and completely removed from the legal field. However, although they were in an illegal situation, they continued to perform religious functions. After some religious relaxation during the Great Patriotic War, they made a significant contribution to the formation of Kazakhstani Kaziyat. The author considers that Tatar mullahs were the elite of the mobilized diaspora оn the basis of the analyzed material. Tatar ulemahs conspicuous influence was until the middle of the 19th century and occurred outside the religious sphere as well.
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Lee, Hongsub. "Changes in the International Energy Environment and Russia’s Energy Security." East European and Balkan Institute 46, no. 4 (November 30, 2022): 117–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2022.46.4.117.
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In the aftermath of the Russia-Ukraine war, the world is suffering from inflation due to a surge in energy prices. The West is accusing Russia of using energy as a means of oppression, as a powerhouse in the world's energy market. Russia, on the other hand, claims that the West has intentionally instigated the war to block its energy markets. Which claim is closer to the truth will be revealed later, but this war once again confirmed just how great the impact of energy on the global political economy. The importance of energy has been highlighted to such an extent that if security in the 20th century depended on military power, the 21st century depended on energy resources such as oil and gas. If the Russian economy is isolated from the world economy through Western economic sanctions, the role of the government in the national economy will expand, which will lead to state capitalism, which has the effect of delaying Russia's reform. In addition, if Europe reduces or stops imports of Russian energy, the US is concerned about the fact that China will take over the lower price of Russian energy. In 2020, Russia adopted a new constitution, making it possible for Putin to remain president until 2036. With Putin in power for a long time, not only can he continue to lead Russia's energy development, but he can also push ahead with the 'New Eastern Policy' more strongly. This means that relations with China will be further strengthened soon. Among them, energy cooperation between the two countries will play a large part. Ultimately, for global energy security, Europe's energy imports from Russia should not be viewed only as a negative aspect of Europe's excessive dependence on Russia for resources. Rather, détente will be realized between Russia and the West through energy cooperation from the point of view of interdependence that Russia also depends on profits through the European market and that Europe needs Russia to secure the stability of supply.
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Volosyuk, Olga. "Inter Arma Silent Musae: the Role of Public Diplomacy in Relations between Russia and Spain." ISTORIYA 13, no. 10 (120) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023487-4.
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The article deals with the role of public diplomacy in Russian-Spanish relations; puts forward a hypothesis, that public diplomacy plays an independent role, sometimes even replacing traditional diplomacy, in the “political vacuum”, when political ties between the two countries were frozen or even broken off. The author points out that some examples of public diplomacy can be traced in Russian-Spanish relations in the 18—19th centuries, but they transferred into state policy only in the 20th century. It was at that time that the Soviet government started to maintain a purposeful public policy aimed at “creating a positive image of the country” through the development of cultural and scientific contacts. This is demonstrated in the article on a number of examples: The October Revolution, which divided the world into two opposing blocs, in which there was no place for political relations; the period of Francoism, when both states publicly declared their irreconcilable ideological confrontation, but in fact were pragmatically building economic relations and strengthened scientific and cultural contacts. In those years, the personal support of prominent scientists and public figures played a huge role in building official diplomatic relations after the death of Franco. The author pays special attention to the role of the diplomacy of science and education, the importance of which. increased noticeably in the 21st century. From this point of view, the evolution of relations between Russia and Spain in the first quarter of this century is considered, especially during the period of cooling of relations as a result of the Ukrainian crisis.
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Kornev, A. V. "Studying the History of Political and Lgal Doctrines in Russian Jurisprudence in the 20th — Early 21st Century: Conditions, Directions, Results." Lex Russica, no. 4 (April 14, 2020): 130–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2020.161.4.130-142.
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The paper is devoted to the role of the history of political and legal ideas in state construction, science and education. In this aspect, the problems related to amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation initiated by the President of the Russian Federation are considered. According to the author, these initiatives are a logical continuation of the planned changes in the political system, the mechanism (apparatus) of the state, the system of local self-government, contained in the most general form in the annual address of the President of the Russian Federation to the Federal Assembly. Such an early date for the address, the subsequent submission of the draft Federal Law to the State Duma without delay, and the work on implementing the provisions contained in it, leave no doubt that there is some strategy for Russia’s political development in the near future. In this regard, an assessment of the political situation in modern Russia is given and suggestions are made regarding the further evolution of the institutions of society and the state. The dialectical relationship between the national development model and its ideological justification is argued. The author emphasizes the special role of ideas in the history of Russian statehood. In addition, the paper reflects the assessment of the history of political and legal doctrines in the system of social sciences and legal education in the Soviet and post-Soviet period. There is evidence of the need to increase the role of theoretical and historical disciplines in the context of modern "hybrid" war and the strengthening of global competition for major geopolitical projects. The idea of reorienting Russian legal education from the study of legislation, which is changing so quickly that it does not actually take the form of knowledge, to the study of law in all its manifestations as a universal regulator of public relations.
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Yuyao, Wu. "The Humanitarian Aspect of China-Russia Relations as an Important Component of Strategic Partnership." RUDN Journal of Russian History 19, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 699–714. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2020-19-3-699-714.
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The article is devoted to Sino-Russian humanitarian cooperation at the beginning of the 21st century. Currently, the two countries are jointly restructuring both the regional subsystem and the global system of international relations. In this regard, the question of how the neighbors build bilateral ties, characterized as a "strategic partnership", is becoming increasingly relevant. China and Russia are strengthening their bilateral relations, which enables them to coordinate their actions more confidently and realize their national interests both regionally and globally. This article examines the role that the humanitarian aspect plays in contemporary Sino-Russian relations. To this end, the author has analyzed the humanitarian component of the countries foreign policy at the political and conceptual level. Wu also studied the organizational mechanism as well as the content of bilateral relations in the humanitarian sphere since 2001. At the same time, the author considered the attention paid to this aspect of diplomacy both at the political level as well as by non-government analysts, while stressing their branch structure. The article concludes that the humanitarian aspect is important because it is an integral part of bilateral relations that promises to help advance national interests.
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Faustino, Paulo. "Foreword - The iron curtain, geopolitics and the cultural exception." Journal of Creative Industries and Cultural Studies 8 (2017): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.56140/jocis-v8-1.
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As I write this editorial, the war going on the air space and on the field and over communication (invasion or the special military intervention, in the words of the Russian government in Ukraine by Russia continues. A situation that would be unthinkable to happen in the 21st century where humanist values seem to follow a path of increasing strength; at least in most continents, although the democratic political system is largely a minority in the world; dictatorships or autocracies are dominating the political landscape, especially in Asia, the Middle East and Africa. We must not forget this! I believe that even analysts and experts in international relations, including the ones in the countries with sophisticated espionage systems like USA or Great Britain, would be far from predicting a conflict of this intensity and negative impact on humanity: more than three million refugees and thousands of deaths (both amongst military and civilians) in both countries.
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Tsvyk, Anatoly V., and Konstantin P. Kurylev. "The Idea of a “Greater Europe” in Russian Foreign Policy: Past and Present." RUDN Journal of Russian History 19, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 438–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2020-19-2-438-447.
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This article examines the notion of a Greater Europe in Russian foreign policy from the 1990s to the present. The idea developed as the Russian government sought to establish its national and civilizational identy in the wake of the USSRs dissolution. At the turn of the 21st century, Moscow embraced the idea of a rapprochement with the rest of Europe. Pursuing the notion of Greater Europe, to create a single continental economic, political and cultural space, became a major diplomatic objective as it developed a strategic partnership with the European Union. However, in more recent years its outlook on the world has changed. Furthermore, after relations with Brussels deteriorated in the wake of the Ukrainian crisis and the latters imposition of sanctions has also affected Russian foreign policy. This article considers the emergence and evolution of the idea of a Greater Europe, and examines possible ways to realize this ambition. It argues that a EAEU-EU combination could become a basis for implementing this concept. However, any potential rapprochement can only be possible when the political barriers the EU established in its relations with Russia and the EAEU are removed.
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ISAEV, A. V., and V. A. MATVIENKO. "SOCIALLY-ORIENTED PARTNERSHIP OF THE STATE AND RELIGIONS IN THE RETROSPECTIVE OF THE TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE «NEW» RUSSIA." JOURNAL OF PUBLIC AND MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION 11, no. 3 (2022): 98–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2225-8272-2022-11-3-98-110.
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The purpose of the article is to study certain issues of socially-oriented partnership between the Russian state and religions in the second half of the 20th – early 21st century. The methodological basis of the study is the unity of the substantive component of a number of interrelated concepts: «social policy», «social service», «socio-political partnership», «socially-oriented partnership». The authors emphasize that their direct synergy creates the necessary conditions for effective cooperation of all the parties involved such as public authorities and local self-government, business, religious de-nominations, etc. The authors conclude that a socially-oriented partnership made it possible not only to provide more targeted psychological and material assistance to disadvantaged people, but also to combine this activity with spiritual assistance in moral support for military personnel, or in educating the younger generation, etc.
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Yang, Linlin. "Governmental Forums with International Participation as a Foreign Policy Tool: the Experience of Russia and the North-East Asia Countries." Problemy dalnego vostoka, no. 6 (2021): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120017735-9.
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The article examines the phenomenon of a government forum with international participation. Using the example of the Asian Economic Forum in Boao, the Eastern Economic Forum in Vladivostok and the Jeju Forum for Peace and Prosperity, we analyzed the foreign policy meaning of such forums, identified their general and specific features, and defined this phenomenon. The East Asian case seems especially representative in the study of government forums, since the lack of trust and numerous historical, ideological, military, economic and other tensions make it difficult to create a regional intergovernmental organization similar to the European Union. The methodology of our research is «generalist realism», which considers the growth of supranational organizations in the 21st century quite logical. It is due to the desire of countries to facilitate cooperation, although it is carried out in the interests of any great power. It is concluded that the growing interest of national governments in this format of diplomacy is due to three factors. First, the host country expects to have a decisive influence on the formation of the agenda, the course of discussions, the preparation of possible political agreements, that is to create a new international institution under its control. Secondly, the host country seeks to expand economic cooperation and attract foreign investment, because most of these forums are called economic. It is extremely difficult to trace the correlation between investments and forums, but it seems incorrect to completely deny it, because forums with the participation of senior political figures and major businessmen increase the recognition of the host location. Thirdly, the host country is trying to improve its international image through forums, which directly depends on the political and economic status of the participants and the significance of the problems on the forum's agenda.
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Fridman, Yuri, Galina Rechko, and Ekaterina Loginova. "Kuzbass Development Strategy: Past Lessons and Future Wrongs." E3S Web of Conferences 174 (2020): 04038. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202017404038.
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The article discusses the place and role of strategic planning in ensuring that Kemerovo Oblast – Kuzbass develops comprehensively. For over thirty years, we have been studying the region with one of the leading national territorial-production centers established in the 20th century, how it emerged and functioned. Studies suggest that without regard to the economies of Russia as a whole and Kuzbass’s neighboring regions in particular, its issues cannot be satisfactorily resolved. At large, when strategic planning followed this assumption, it contributed to how fast and holistically the territory developed. Considering that, in the 21st century, strategy makers diverged from this concept and started to search for new approaches, the region’s economy has slowed down and its living standards have declined sharply. The momentum can be reversed with an active state socio-economic policy. Its previous forms, however, when the state gave preferences to private companies and did not require corresponding growth in standards of living in return, became unacceptable. It is necessary to work out a system of effective solutions and measures with mechanisms for reconciling the interests of the government, business and society within approaches that are adequate to the political and economic reality of today’s world.
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Aminov, I. I. "Ethics of Russian parliamentarian as a subject matter of normative and legal regulation." Actual Problems of Russian Law, no. 8 (September 20, 2019): 47–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1994-1471.2019.105.8.047-054.
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Professionalization of ethics in the first quarter of the 21st century leads to the fact that it increasingly acts as a regulator of behavior of representatives of all branches of government: legislative, executive and judiciary. To this end, scholars — authors of modern concepts of political ethics — increasingly correlate fundamental ethical values with the features of modern politics, law, democratic organization of the society that put forward as fundamental such ethical qualities as professionalism, discipline, financial integrity, political correctness, prevention of malpractice and power abuse in the activities of members of the Council of Federation and deputies of the State Duma in their interpersonal and intergroup relations.Since the authority of the Parliament, as the highest legislative (representative) body, largely depends on personal and moral qualities, ethical standards of behavior of holders of state authorities should be enshrined not only in the regulations of the Chambers of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, but also in an independent normative legal act — the code of ethics regulating ethical behavior of the lawmakers and responsibility for its violation. The adoption of such an important codified act will make it possible to control the individual, personal and behavioral characteristics of parliamentarians, their interaction with the public, the mass media, to establish uniform moral guidelines for parliamentarians and voters and directions of the legislative activity.
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Nogalski, Bogdan, Andrzej Kozłowski, and Iwona Zofia Czaplicka-Kozłowska. "Financial Security of the Public Sector Versus the Indebtedness of Local Self-Government." Internal Security 10, no. 1 (November 27, 2018): 227–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.7522.
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The 19th and 20th century in the history of Poland was primarily a time of foreign domination by neighbouring countries, mainly Russia and Germany. Except for the inter-war period of 1918–1939 when there was an attempt to rebuild an independent country, Polish culture in its social and economic dimension underwent a vicious destruction for almost 2 centuries. For that reason, political changes initiated in Poland in 1989 resulted in the emergence of new hope for the revival of its sovereignty and its restoration as a sovereign and democratic country. After years of enslavement the regenerated Poland was economically weak in almost all its dimensions. Due to decisions made in the 1990s and the first years of the 21st century there was a hope for a clear acceleration of social and economic growth. The activities required the necessity of implementation of economic and rational procedures in financial management as well as the allocation of huge financial resources mainly for investment in the area of public utilities, and also for the implementation of modern technologies and methods in nearly all areas of economic and social life. The article is dedicated to the problem of the financial security of the country in relation to the burdens of debt of local authorities, particularly those at the lowest level of the governance structure of the country. Assuming that local authorities in the Polish legal system are public-legal unions equipped with a legal identity that act in their own name and at their own responsibility, it is the members of organisations who are directly responsible for an excessive indebtedness which can affect not only the financial security of the whole public-legal union which is a local self-government, but also the financial security of citizens.
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Shizhenskiy, R. V., and E. S. Surovegina. "EXPERIENCE OF QUESTIONNAIRE OF REPRESENTATIVES "VOLGA‘S PAGAN"." Vestnik of Minin University 6, no. 4 (December 12, 2018): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.26795/2307-1281-2018-6-4-16.
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Introduction:the article is devoted to the consideration of the ideological characteristics of members of the Volga pagan communities, "Rodnoverov-individuals" belonging to the union "Volga Frontier". June 23-24, 2018 employees of the research laboratory "New religious movements in modern Russia and Europe" of the Nizhny Novgorod State Pedagogical University. Kozma Minin conducted a questionnaire among ordinary members of the cult environment of modern Russian paganism who took part in the celebration of the summer solstice (floodplain of the Kudma river, Mikhalchikovo village, Kstovsky district, Nizhny Novgorod region). The celebration was attended by 65 people, a representative sample represented by 45 respondents. The questionnaire consisted of four semantic blocks and included 18 questions, both open and closed. The article covers all the blocks of the questionnaire.Materials and methods:analyzed the ideological features of the community association "Volzhsky frontier". On the basis of the verbal-communicative method (complete questionnaire), assessments of the characteristics of social and cultural identities, the attitude of the pagans to the organizational structure of the “birth-faith” movement, and state power are presented. Taking into account the specificity of the comparative historical method, the chronological framework of the golden age is considered, the “historical face of Russia” is defined.Results:analysis of the obtained data allowed: first, to identify the features of the social portrait of a participant in Nizhny Novgorod Kupala (gender, age, education, occupation, etc.). Secondly, to form an idea of the views of the "Rodnovers" on issues related to the organizational structure of the movement, interaction of pagans with government bodies, the media. Thirdly, determine the type of cultural identity of the considered pagan community of the 21st century. Fourthly, to establish the chronological framework of the "young-speaking" golden age and the associated gradation of domestic historical figures.Discussion and Conclusions:according to the data of the questionnaire, the modern “Volga pagan” is duplicated in the mass of ideological projections, are in the same ideological field, with separate organizations, unions of the communities of central Russia. The unity of the main religious, social and political strata allows us to state a certain unified Russian neo-pagan field, independent of the chronology of the origin and geographical localization of groups.
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Wojnarowska-Szpucha, Sylwia. "Geopolitical and geostrategic situation of Lithuania in the context of the foreign policy of the Russian Federation - with an outlook to 2019." Przegląd Nauk o Obronności, no. 15 (February 1, 2023): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.37055/pno/159601.
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ObjectivesThis paper discusses the problems faced by Lithuania in its current geopolitical and geostrategic situation, as a post-Soviet state that has fairly recently joined the structures of the European Union and NATO. As one of the Baltic States with a relatively small territory and without significant natural resources, it must rely on cooperation with other states and the trade exchange, mainly with the Russian Federation. Lithuania is a small state, which - seemingly - would be capable of pursuing only regional politics, not geopolitics in the strategic sense.Methodsanalysys, inference, reductive reasoning, SWOT analysisResultsThe conducted analysis and rational assessment of Lithuania's geopolitical and geostrategic problems shows that it is increasingly difficult to predict the direction in which the broadly defined policy and strategy of the country will develop in the 21st century and in the far future.ConclusionsBased on the consideration presented in this paper, it can be concluded that Lithuania, as a member of the European Union and NATO, does not have its own geopolitics and geostrategy, as it is still dependent on the policy of the Russian Federation. This dependence is, to a large extent, due to its geographical location in the Baltic region, through which important communication and transport routes from the Russian Federation to Central and Western Europe run. In addition, almost 6 per cent of Lithuania's population are Russians, in relation to whom the Russian government pursues its own demographic policy by indoctrinating them in Russian schools and universities.
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Drinova, Elena. "Political and Communicative Interaction in Public Space Between the Russian Government and the Russian Orthodox Church: Directions and Priorities." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (August 2021): 41–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.4.4.
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Introduction. The aim of the work was to analyze the leading directions of interaction between the state and religious authorities in the modern public space. It is shown that the result of this interaction was the politicization of the Russian Orthodox Church (hereinafter ROC). It is proved that in recent decades the Church continues to exert direct and indirect influence on the state, which, in turn, uses its spiritual potential to stabilize the socio-political system. Methods and materials. Institutional and modernization approaches were used as the research methodology. Within the framework of the institutional approach, an analysis of the interaction of government structures and the ROC in the context of adaptation, cooperation and competition in the course of democratic transformations in the country was carried out. Within the framework of the modernization approach J. Haber formulates the fundamental thesis on the increasing role of religion in a secular (modernizing) society and its strengthening in the national state. Analysis. It is noted that in the 1990s the leading direction of interaction between the state and the ROC was exclusively the political sphere, which was associated with the democratization of public life, the involvement of the clergy in political modernization. At the beginning of the 21st century the state proclaimed a course towards depoliticizing the institution of religion. The activities of political religious parties were prohibited. Subsequently, the ruling United Russia party began to focus on mutually beneficial partnership with the ROC, priority was given to the patriotic education of young people. The result of joint activities of the Main Military-Political Directorate of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation and the ROC was the formation of a new type of soldier, a bearer of spiritual and moral values, a statesman, defender of the Fatherland. The ROC, as the dominant religious figure in the public space, actively participates in the domestic and foreign policy of the country, challenging other confessional structures. The highest officials of the state and the church share the common values of conservatism, but at the same time, each of them defends its own interests, which initiates the limitation of their mutual support. Results. The state power, together with the ROC, solves internal political problems, including the formation of spiritual, moral, patriotic constants in modern Russian society. In the context of the sanctions policy, the activity of the ROC as a conductor of the “soft power” of the state contributes to the improvement of the countrys image. The result of the interaction of state and religious structures is the formation of a new ideological paradigm based on the principles of religious ethics, conservative values, as well as national identity, patriotism.
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SHADRIN, A. I., L. Yu LARIONOVA, and Yongjun BAEK. "SCIENTIFIC AND PEDAGOGICAL FEATURES OF THE MODERN SCHOOL EDUCATION SYSTEM IN THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA SINCE THE 19TH CENTURY." Bulletin of Krasnoyarsk State Pedagogical University named after V.P. Astafiev 54, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 18–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.25146/1995-0861-2020-54-4-238.
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Statement of the problem. Improvement of RF school education should follow the Functional literacy development as one of the main tasks of the Federal State Educational Standard [Loginova, 2019]. For this, it is necessary to use both international and Korean experience in General Education. For this every student’s abilities, creative thinking and opportunities should be developed in our competitive world. For this, educational development of Korean primary, middle and high schools should be addressed, as well as its application for RF student functional literacy. The purpose of the article is to study developmental features of the Korean primary, middle and high schools; to focus on the positive feedback Russia could get from the Korean experience of student functional literacy development. Methodology (materials and methods) implies analysis of the obtained data, its comparison and alignment. Research results: 1. The geopolitical and geo-economic position of the Republic of Korea has contributed to the development and implementation of a school education system that functions in the conditions of effective use of limited resources, especially natural ones. At the same time, the system of country’s government has a significant political and ideological influence. School education in the Republic of Korea is transforming and adapting to changes in the political, economic and social spheres. 2. The main goal of school education in the Republic of Korea is to educate talented and creative individuals. In general, the education system of the Republic of Korea is rapidly changing, contributing to the development of talents necessary for the state, society and a specific individual, and in this sense has achieved impressive success. 3. In the rapidly changing era of the 21st century, the Korean school system is facing social challenges such as declining birth rates and aging populations, as well as uncertainty about where school graduates find their place in life and employment. The situation in this matter is changing rapidly. Conclusion. Advantages and disadvantages of the Korean school system have been identified. This article examines the historical and modern features and transformations of the Korean secondary school system, summarizes the results of its study. In the future, we plan to conduct a comparative study of the Korean and Russian secondary school systems.
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Iwanowski, Z. W., and D. M. Rozental. "Venezuela: Political Confrontation and the World Community." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no. 2 (November 20, 2020): 71–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-2-71-111.
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The paper examines a complex web of domestic and external issues which have both provoked a systemic crisis in Venezuela and, at the same time, determined its specificity in comparison with the wave of protests sweeping across Latin America in 2019.The authors conclude that the escalation of the conflict in Venezuela was caused not only by the standoff between the legislative and the executive branches of the government, but also by the split of the whole society into proponents and opponents of ‘socialism of the 21st century’. The contradictions have led to the formation of the parallel branches of power: two presidents, two parliaments and two supreme courts (one of them in exile) which de facto coexist in the country and each claims exclusive rights and legitimacy.The authors also stress that the situation in Venezuela has obvious regional consequences. The miscalculations of the incumbent president were used in election campaigns in other Latin American countries and became one of the reasons for the defeat of left candidates, the subsequent ‘right drift’ leading to the isolation of the republic. The new political landscape has also affected the architecture of integration associations, which failed to develop a unified position toward the Bolivarian regime.Furthermore, in a current heightened state of international tensions Venezuela has turned into a theatre of international rivalry and conflict involving all the key subjects of world politics. The United States, China, Russia and the European Union compete for the energy resources of the country and pursue their own strategic interests. The inability or unwillingness of external forces to reach compromise and to bring the parties to the negotiating table can pose a threat to peace and international security.As a result, Venezuela has become one of the most turbulent countries in the region. At the same time, the repeated outbursts of protest waves are significantly different from popular uprisings in other Latin American states. In the worst-case scenario, a constantly worsening situation may result in a social explosion which threatens to make the Bolivarian Republic another hot spot of the planet.
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Orlova, Keemya V. "Россия — Монголия: век дружбы и сотрудничества (к 100-летнему юбилею установления дипломатических отношений)." Oriental Studies 14, no. 5 (December 30, 2021): 888–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2021-57-5-888-899.
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Introduction. In 2021, Russia and Mongolia are celebrating the 100th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations. In fact, this year is remarkable for a number of anniversaries: the 100th anniversary of the formation of the Mongolian People’s Party, the first political party in Mongolia; the 100th anniversary of the national democratic revolution; the 100th anniversary of the organization of the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Army; the 100th anniversary of the Scientific Committee, which served as the prototype of the Mongolian Academy of Sciences; the 60th anniversary of the UN membership of Mongolian People’s Republic; and the 40th anniversary of the joint space flight of the Russian-Mongolian space crew. These anniversaries are closely related to a significant event in the history of the two countries — the Agreement between the Government of the RSFSR and the People’s Government of Mongolia on the establishment of friendly relations signed on 5 November 1921, which laid the legal basis for bilateral relations. It is certainly beyond the scope of this article to cover every significant and remarkable event and date in Soviet / Russian-Mongolian relations, but it intends to highlight the most important events in Russian-Mongolian relations in the 20th and early 21st centuries. The article aims to focus on the principal stages and most important dates and events, as well as to underline the role and relevance of the documents of key importance in the history of these relations. Materials. The study is based on archival records, published materials, and scientific literature. Conclusions. Over the past century, the relations between the countries, whose histories are full of dramatic events (revolutionary upheavals, World War II, the collapse of the Soviet Union), have seen both high and low points: friendship and special relations of allies, which changed to a certain degree of distancing from each other; then, rejection of the previous ideologized attitudes and renewal of traditional cooperation, leading to a current comprehensive strategic partnership. However, there has always been an understanding that there is a special closeness of the countries for historical, geopolitical, and cultural factors in play. A hundred years is a sufficiently long period to conclude that the key principles of Russian-Mongolian relations established by the 1921 Agreement have stood the test of time. Presently, there is a new stage to these relations based on both parties’ interests in promoting their comprehensive strategic partnership.
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Güneş, Serkan, and Merve Yavuz. "The impact of creative industries in the process of development after trauma." New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 1 (February 19, 2016): 609–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/prosoc.v2i1.925.
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In history of states and societies, there are milestones that fundamentally alters their future. Whereas victories, innovations and scientific advances lead to prosperity and happiness in society, factors like epidemics, natural disasters, moral corruption or wars which will be focused on study cause grief, turmoil, and collapse. The major transformative events of the 21st century for societies were The World War 1, particularly The World War 2. The remainder of them are millions of deaths of people, irreversible destruction against nature, famine, hunger and misery. After Second World War, two great powers United States and Soviet Russia shaped the world policy by creating a bipolar world. The world was divided into a US-led Western Bloc and a Soviet-led Eastern Bloc. It is called Cold War Era which will last until 1990s. War unsettled the balances, radically changed the peoples’ social, economic and political lives. The new nation-states emerged, empires and countries collapsed. After that, states developed various economic recovery strategies. Little government achieved development by adapting changing conditions in this process and survived. Throughout history, economic growth models are constantly changed depending on evolving conditions. When it comes to 20st century, along with globalization, concepts such as innovation, creativity, knowledge-intensive sectors revealed. Industries in which individual creativity and talent became an economic value and created employment and prosperity defined as creative industries. In the study, the impact of the creative industries in the process of development after trauma will be examined. It will be discussed that the economic development model can be created for today’s countries which are still under the sway of trauma and become more and more dependent. To do this, economic development of West German will be compared in the historical process.Keywords: Product design, Creative Industries, Knowledge Economy, Economic Development, Innovation, Technology.
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Przygoda, Miroslaw. "The BRICS nations and their priorities." International Journal Of Innovation And Economic Development 1, no. 5 (2015): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.18775/ijied.1849-7551-7020.2015.15.2001.
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The so-called “BRICS nations” have recently proven to be the most fascinating group of worldwide economies that collaborate with each other. The name is an acronym for an association comprising Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa. The BRICS members are all developing or newly industrialised countries, they are however distinguished by their large, rapidly growing economies and their significant impact on regional and global affairs. Before the inclusion of South Africa, the organisation was known as BRIC. On 13 April 2011, when South Africa joined the group, BRIC gained the letter “S”. The name “BRIC” itself was used for the first time by Jim O’Neill, a British economist of Goldman Sachs. Published in November 2001 and then widespread, O’Neill’s forecast predicted that by the half of the 21st century those countries would have become world powers. As of 2014, the BRICS countries represent almost 3 billion people – approximately 40% of the entire world population. The five nations have a combined nominal GDP of US$ 16.039 trillion, equivalent to approximately 20% of the gross world product, and an estimated US$ 4 trillion in combined foreign reserves. Since 2010, the representatives of the BRICS government have been meeting annually at formal summits. The nations within this group do not form a political alliance or an official trade association. The priorities of the members are as follows: Development of a new currency system; Reforming the United Nations, Increasing the role of developing countries in the international monetary institutions. Having regard to the emerging political and economic changes on a global scale, the BRICS nations have been undertaking new ventures and initiatives aimed to make them key players on the international arena. Today, it is really captivating to see to what extent those intentions are real and exercisable.
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Pavlov, N. "Russia and Germany Facing Challenges of 21st Century." World Economy and International Relations, no. 6 (2012): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-6-34-41.
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The state of Russia-Germany relations is examined in the article. In Moscow, Russia-Germany strategic partnership is regarded as one of the key factors in European and global politics. The bilateral dialogue is tonified by intensive, eventful contacts of the two countries' leaders. Today, in the bilateral relations there are no unsolvable problems, which could block the interaction across a broad range of international life issues.
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Larin, Viktor. "Russia–China Economic Relations in the 21st Century: Unrealized Potential or Predetermined Outcome?" Chinese Journal of International Review 02, no. 01 (June 2020): 2050001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2630531320500018.
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In the first decade of the 21st century, Moscow and Beijing made two strategic decisions to expand and deepen bilateral economic relations. The first one was to endorse diversified energy partnership. The second was centered on cross-border area and has been offered in the program of regional cooperation between Russian and Chinese border regions. However, basic methodological illogicality between estimations and expectations in Russia–China economic relations has smashed the good intentions of both sides. Recommendations for the governments to develop economic relations were theoretically correct, but mostly generalized and abstract in nature. Subsequently, these relations had not found a stable ground and were undermined by numerous internal and outside factors, positive and negative. A narrow range of trade articles made Russian–Chinese exchange dependent on the demand and prices for these goods, and small mutual investments slightly influenced an economic exchange between two countries. In spite of a number of decisions related to cross-border and inter-regional relations accepted at the top level, these relations are still the weakest link in bilateral ties. Mutual investments and modern forms of economic cooperation did not flourish along the border also. Moreover, economic troubles in Russia of 2014–2016 have hampered the cross-border relations seriously, while Heilongjiang Province being the intermediary between many Chinese territories and Russia has become the biggest loser on the Chinese side. In spite of all problems in economic cooperation between Russia and China, today, China is the no. 1 trade partner of Russia and Russia is the no. 1 supplier of oil to China. Their energy alliance has strengthened both countries’ statuses in their economic interaction: the position of raw material supplier for Russia and the exporter of manufactured goods to Russia for the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Western sanctions amplified the Chinese high-tech goods export to Russia; China’s share in Pacific Russia’s foreign trade increased from 29.2% in 2014 to 33.4% in 2017 and the peoples’ mood in this region moved in favor of China. However, by the end of second decade of the 21st century, Russia’s and China’s favorable “economic complementarities” and geographic proximity happened to remain a virtual product of academic’s intellectual exercises and have not transformed into the genuine economic cooperation. This is because, on the one hand, the philosophy, political and cultural infrastructures of Russia–China economic relations did not change much since 1990s, and, on the other hand, of some domestic and international factors that prevented this transformation.
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Gerasimov, V. S. "Political Meritocracy as Eastern Alternative to the Western Public Administration Traditions in the 21st Century." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(41) (April 28, 2015): 230–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-2-41-230-237.
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The article discusses political meritocracy phenomenon. The author examines political and economic backgrounds of the meritocracy concept occurrence within the political science discourse as well as distinctive features of that process. Special emphasis is put on economic situation of the early 1980s when the governments of various states were challenged with the necessity of overcoming the consequences of the global economic crisis of the preceding decade. The author focuses on similarities and distinctions within the policies which have been implemented by the various states at that period paying special attention to the form of the political regime in those countries. Also the author draws attention to the discussion on "Asian values" which played significant role in the political meritocracy coming-to-be process within Asian region. The article analyses origin and dissemination of the meritocratic approaches among public administration practices of some countries within Asian region (eg. China and Singapore). The author reveals main theoretical grounds of the political meritocracy and researches culturological backgrounds of those theoretical grounds. Specifically, he studies the significance of the Confucianism moral-ethic doctrine regarding theory and practice of meritocracy. Additionally the author traces the displays of the meritocratic principles within the views of the various representatives of the western political theory among which both classic (Plato, J.St. Mill) and contemporary (Brennan J., Caplan B.) thinkers are represented. In conclusion the author analyses the opportunities of the meritocratic theory and practice implementation in Russian reality. He compares Russia, China and Singapore via the list of criteria of political and economic importance, reveals similarities and distinctions in the political past and present of those states, estimates the significance of some culturological factors regarding the evolution of those states and formulates his conclusion on the prospective of meritocracy in Russia.
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Sharenkova, T., and K. Tarabarko. "Brief analysis of educational policy of the People’s Republic of China." Transbaikal State University Journal 26, no. 9 (2020): 68–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/2227-9245-2020-26-9-68-74.
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The study is devoted to the problems of education, since education is a strategic area, as it forms public consciousness and a system of values. According to the authors, the importance of education and the importance of its reform should not be underestimated, since the goals, content of education and the degree of its impact on all respondents of the educational process determine the present and future of society. The reform process in this area currently covers all countries and states without exception. Education reflects the general dynamics of integrating intellectual property into market relations and becomes an integral part of the “consumer society”. The subject of this research is the educational policy of the Chinese leadership. If earlier the countries of the East paid attention and borrowed a lot from the West - the market economy, political systems, as well as the education system, now, in the 21st century, on the contrary, the countries of the West are studying the East. According to the authors, despite the variety of works devoted to the problems of education considered in the article, the experience of China currently requires a deeper study and rethinking. The Chinese government prioritizes education, closely linking the economic success of society with education reforms. In this regard, the topic of this article seems to be very relevant. The research methodology is based on a combination of descriptive and structural analysis. This article examines the micro and macro trends in the development of education in China in the near future, which is the practical significance of the study. The authors conclude that the measures taken by the leadership of the PRC in the field of education are very successful and can be useful for overcoming the systemic crisis in education in Russia. Today, in the opinion of many scientists, in the context of globalization, the convergence of the eastern and western education systems will contribute to a paradigm shift: the technocratic vector of education will be replaced by an anthropological one, and the main resource of the educational process will be the eastern philosophy and the educational system of Asian countries, in particular China. The analytical base of the study includes legislative and regulatory acts, materials from periodicals, a review of scientific articles by experts in the field of education
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Johnson, Karin. "21st Century International Higher Education Hotspots." Journal of International Students 10, no. 1 (February 15, 2020): v—viii. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jis.v10i1.1851.
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The Institute of International Education (IIE) 2018 Open Doors report highlighted that the United States is the leading international education destination, having hosted about 1.1 million international students in 2017 (IIE, 2018a). Despite year over year increases, U.S. Department of State (USDOS, 2018) data show that for a third year in a row, international student visa issuance is down. This is not the first decline. Student visa issuance for long-term academic students on F visas also significantly dropped following the 9/11 attacks (Johnson, 2018). The fall in issuances recovered within 5 years of 2001 and continued to steadily increase until the drop in 2016.
Taken together, the drops in international student numbers indicate a softening of the U.S. international education market. In 2001, the United States hosted one out of every three globally mobile students, but by 2018 it hosted just one of five (IIE, 2018b). This suggests that over the past 20 years, the United States has lost a share of mobile students in the international education market because they’re enrolled elsewhere.
The Rise of Nontraditional Education Destination Countries
Unlike the United States, the percentage of inbound students to other traditional destinations such as Canada, the United Kingdom, France, and Germany, has remained stable since the turn of the 21st century. Meanwhile, nontraditional countries like the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Russia are garnering more students and rising as educational hotspots (Knight, 2013). The UAE and Russia annually welcome thousands of foreign students, respectively hosting over 53,000 and 194,000 inbound international university students in 2017 (UNESCO Institute for Statistics, 2019). This is not happenstance. In the past 5 years, these two countries, among others, have adopted higher education internationalization policies, immigration reforms, and academic excellence initiatives to attract foreign students from around the world.
The UAE is one of six self-identified international education hubs in the world (Knight, 2013) and with 42 international universities located across the emirates, it has the most international branch campuses (IBCs) worldwide (Cross-Border Education Research Team, 2017). Being a country composed of nearly 90% immigrants, IBCs allow the UAE to offer quality higher education to its non-Emirati population and to attract students from across the Arab region and broader Muslim world. National policy and open regulations not only encourage foreign universities to establish IBCs, they alsoattract international student mobility (Ilieva, 2017). For example, on November 24, 2018, the national government updated immigration policy to allow foreign students to apply for 5-year visas (Government.ae, 2018). The Centennial 2071 strategic development plan aims for the UAE to become a regional and world leader in innovation, research, and education (Government.ae, 2019), with the long-term goal of creating the conditions necessary to attract foreign talent.
Russia’s strategic agenda also intends to gain a greater competitive advantage in the world economy by improving its higher education and research capacity. Russia currently has two higher education internationalization policies: “5-100-2020” and “Export Education.” The academic excellence project, known as “5-100-2020,” funds leading institutions with the goal to advance five Russian universities into the top 100 globally by 2020 (Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation, 2018). The “Export Education” initiative mandates that all universities double or triple the number of enrolled foreign students to over half a million by 2025 (Government.ru, 2017). These policies are explicitly motivated by boosting the Russian higher education system and making it more open to foreigners. Another growing area is international cooperation. Unlike the UAE, Russia has few IBCs, but at present, Russian universities partner with European and Asian administrators and government delegates to create dual degree and short-term programs. Historically, Russia has been a leading destination for work and education migrants from soviet republics in the region, but new internationalization policies are meant to propel the country into the international education market and to attract international students beyond Asia and Europe.
Future Trends in 21st Century International Education
Emerging destination hotspots like the UAE and Russia are vying to become more competitive in the global international higher education market by offering quality education at lower tuition rates in safe, welcoming locations closer to home. As suggested by the softening of the U.S. higher education market, international students may find these points attractive when considering where to study. Sociopolitical shifts that result from events such as 9/11 or the election of Donald Trump in combination with student mobility recruitment initiatives in emerging destinations may disrupt the status quo for traditional countries by rerouting international student enrollment to burgeoning educational hotspots over the coming decades.
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Hassan Farooq and Muhammad Khan. "Sino-Russian Role in the 21st Century World Order." Central Asia 86, Summer (November 28, 2020): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-86.79.
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China and Russia have developed an underlying empathy on the transition of the contemporary US-led hegemonic world order. Since the dawn of the 21st century, the two Eurasian powers have been striving for transforming the global system to a multipolar world system. As Beijing and Moscow, along with other emerging powers were already weary of Washington’s unipolar moment and its self-proclaimed authority of overriding the entire international system. In the American worldwide hegemony, the rest of the nations; neither alone nor collectively could challenge its supremacy; as the political, economic and military dominance of the US was ascertained by its ascendency in the post-World war II established international organizations. However, during the past few decades the rapid rise of China; the resurgence of Russia and the relative decline of the US; evidently specify that the era of Pax-American is on the go. Moreover, the launching of Beijing sponsored transnational initiatives can be acknowledged as the pillars of a new multicentric global system in future. Hence, the dynamics of international politics are apparently heading towards the transition of the contemporary world system to a multipolar structure; where besides the US, China and Russia would also play significant role.
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LIJPHART, AREND. "Democracy in the 21st century: can we be optimistic?" European Review 9, no. 2 (May 2001): 169–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798701000163.
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The prospects for the spread of democracy around the world in the 21st century appear to be bright, but there are also important reasons for pessimism. One is that politicians and constitution-writers in the democracies are not aware of, or choose to ignore, compelling social science evidence concerning the superiority of parliamentary systems of government and proportional representation (in contrast to presidential government and majoritarian electoral systems). The older democracies are not in danger of failing, but they are losing much of their democratic vitality, as seen in the decline of people's interest in politics, decreasing voter participation, and the serious weakening of political parties. For these problems, too, parliamentarism and proportional representation are at least partial remedies, but stronger measures (such as compulsory voting) also deserve to be considered seriously
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Vashchuk, Angelina. "The Russian Far East in the First Quarter of the 21st Century." ISTORIYA, E21 (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017834-6.
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The publication is devoted to the history of the Far East of the first two decades of the 21st century compared to the previous period of the 1990s. It demonstrates the Russian leaders developed innovative approaches to manage the Far East: some transformation of the administrative-territorial division and the establishment special bodies for the regional development. It provides data on demographic and migration processes. Addresses problems of economic sector and specific measures the Government had taken to solve them. Evaluates all outcomes and contradictions of the regional development.
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Peng, Siyuan, Hanyue Wang, and Tuoyi Zhou. "Causes of Intense Sino-America Relations in the 21st century: Multi-Perspective Analysis." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 8 (February 7, 2023): 499–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v8i.4296.
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The Sino-America relations is changing constantly, but not in a specific instant. From 1949 to 1972, The United State of America start to embargo to People’s Republic of China. It is a beginning of the relationship between China and America go to deteriorate slowly. American government also imposed policies to limit visa issue [1] of the most of Chinese officials and some national company and strict control visa for Chinese visitors. This increases the ossification between America and China. In addition, during the Russia-Ukraine conflict, the Ukraine shows a pro-American position and Chinese government has relatively peaceful relationship with the Russia in order to against the American hegemony. Thus, this situation aggravated the intense situation between China and America indirectly. Furthermore, people start make the emotion of disgust for opposite country, and Ministry of Foreign Affairs express agree for people. Then, Taiwan issue became a sensitive topic for China. The Chinese government has been making efforts to resolve the Taiwan Strait issue peacefully. However, American officials’ visit to Taiwan which never notify China and provide weapons for China. This action thoroughly infuriated China and Chinese Air Force went to China’s airspace around the Taiwan at the first time and issued a warning. The reason is principle of insist only one China is a precondition for build relationship. American officials’ visit to Taiwan which mean against that in public.
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Lubardic, Bogdan. "Serbia and Russia mirroring obtainment in philosophy 1920-2020: Synoptic reflexion." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 173 (2020): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn2073001l.
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The author endeavours to reconstruct the ways in which the relations between Russia and Serbia in the 20th and 21st century are reflected through the philosophies of both, respectively. Reasons are given for the importance of institutional reception of Russian philosophy into Serbian cultural space, and vice versa. It is demonstrated that the relating of Russia and Serbia in philosophy is important theoretically and spiritually, and equally as a form of identity politics in culture.
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Kawasaki, Tsuyoshi. "Canada as a peninsula state: Conceptualizing the emerging geopolitical landscape in the 21st century." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 74, no. 3 (September 2019): 345–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702019874798.
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An unprecedented geopolitical landscape, driven by the reduction of Arctic ice and the rise of China as “a Polar power,” is emerging. What does this mean for Canada, and how should Canada respond to it in a systematic and strategic manner? We need a coherent and holistic conceptual framework to answer these key policy questions. Yet, the current literatures do not offer us such a concept. In an attempt to fill the void, this article presents a vision that conceives of Canada as “a peninsula state” exposed to great power politics in its vicinity, involving China as a rising power as well as the United States and Russia as resident powers. Furthermore, it argues that Canada should be prepared for three kinds of strategic dynamics as it enters the game of great power politics: theatre-linkage tactics and wedge-driving tactics vis-à-vis China and Russia, as well as quasi-alliance dilemma with the United States. Moreover, in order for Canada to cope with this complex international environment effectively, this article calls for creating a cabinet-level unit to coordinate various federal bureaucracies’ foreign and security policies.
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Adins, S. "Bilateral relations between Peru and Russia in the 21st century: a Peruvian perspective." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 9, no. 4 (May 11, 2022): 84–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-84-100.
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Since the beginning of the 21st century, Russia has tried to regain its status as a great power in world politics, leaving behind its ideological profile that characterized it during the Soviet era. Although it is true that Russian influence in Latin America is still far from reaching the levels of the United States, the European Union or China, Moscow has recently managed to increase its presence in the region. In turn, Peru aspires to position itself as an “emerging regional power”, with an important economic projection towards Asia-Pacific, although maintaining – for now – its strategic alignment with the West. After describing the main milestones of the historical relationship between Peru and Russia –as an empire, a Soviet republic and a post-Soviet republic –, this article seeks to identify the dynamics, as well as the main dimensions of the bilateral relationship in the 21st century. It concludes that, with the exception of the historical supply of Russian weapons to Peru, the links between the two states have been of a relatively low intensity, as a result of Peru’s international identity, convergent with theWest; a generally unfavorable and/or erroneous image of Russia among the country’s elites; as well as the economizing trend in its contemporary foreign policy.
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Andreeva, T. A., and L. V. Vyskochkov. "Nicholas I: Personality and Epoch. Russian Historiography of the Late 20<sup>th</sup> – Early 21<sup>st</sup> Century." Vestnik NSU. Series: History and Philology 21, no. 1 (January 20, 2022): 113–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2022-21-1-113-124.
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The article discusses methodological approaches and historiographical principles of modern Russian research on the personality and rule of Nicholas I. It analyzes the main directions of the Russian historiography of the late 20th – early 21st century concerning the Nicholas reign – the continuity and distinctive features of government reformism, state ideology and political control, military, social and economic policy, the peasant question. The authors pay much attention to scientific and biographical works about Nicholas I and the statesmen of his era. The article identifies a number of the most controversial problems of the reign – the missed transformative opportunities, the Crimean War, the illness and death of Nicholas I. The article concludes by arguing that modern historiography is characterized by a rejection of the rough and simplified division and even opposition of the first, second and third quarters of the 19th century. In most of the works carried out on the basis of various research methods, the Nicholas reign is assessed as an important stage of Russian modernization, the time when the administrative transformations of Alexander I were completed and the socio-economic and political grounds for Great Reforms were prepared.
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Guslin, Guslin, and Amarulla Octavian. "The impact of the Bolsheviks Revolution on the political development and system of government of the new state of the 20th century." Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review 6, no. 2 (August 20, 2021): 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v6i3.31484.
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The Bolshevik Revolution forced the end of Tsar Nicholas II's imperial rule in Russia. Furthermore, under the leadership of Vladimir Lenin, Russia formed a new government in the form of the Republic. The main power of this government is entirely under the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. Subsequent changes in the form of government in Russia, especially after World War I, inspired newly independent countries in the mid-20th century to follow the same system of government. Through theories about the state, politics, and government system, this study will analyze the influence of the Bolshevik revolution on the new system of government for new countries in the world in the 20th century. To analyze the effect of changes in the form of government, the authors use an exploratory qualitative research method with a historical approach through a literature study. After the Revolution, based on a common view of colonialism, human rights, ideology, and the strong understanding of Marxism-Leninism, several countries in the world that were newly independent in the mid-20th century were inspired by the Bolshevik Revolution by forming countries with a Republican system of government, including Indonesia.
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Rahman, Md Sayedur, and Shakila Tul-Kubra. "Economic dimension of India’s foreign policy towards Russia: Late 20th- early 21st century." Contemporary Research: An Interdisciplinary Academic Journal 4, no. 1 (November 8, 2020): 153–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/craiaj.v4i1.32757.
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In the international framework India is finding a larger position for itself. This hope is focused on the belief that India is a prosperous democracy with substantial human and material resources; it is an increasingly strong economic power; it has a proven record as a responsible and law-abiding regime, and as a member of the non-aligned party it has consistently shared the interests of the developing nations. Indian foreign policy makers argue that India wants to re-invent itself at this point of 'take-off' as a great force. India needs new alliance for the proposed new position, including the dominant superpower, the United States of America (US). The US has said it would turn India into a great force. This essay attempts to examine the old pattern of relations with Russia that India had enjoyed. There's an Indo-US triangular alliance taking its place. How is this current type of strategic partnership distinct from that of the Indo Soviet/ Russian alliance? However, both countries' natural desire to strive towards multi polarity in world politics has helped restore the relationship, particularly over the past decade. Remarkably, ties with the US no longer stand in the way of stronger relations between India and Russia. The turbulent security climate marked by what is frequently assumed to be the state-sponsored insurgency invulnerable Asian areas, the war in Afghanistan, and the political turmoil in both Afghanistan and Central Asian countries has paved the way for a strategic alliance between India and Russia.
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Miarka, Agnieszka. "Stosunki mołdawsko-rosyjskie w drugiej dekadzie XXI wieku." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 129–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.3395.
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The purpose of this article is to characterize the relations between Moldova and Russia in the second decade of the 21st century. The author describes influence of presidential elections in Moldova (2016) on Moldovan – Russian relations. The new president, Igor Dodon, wants to return to a strategic partnership with Russia. Presidential activity has improved the relations of Chisinau–Moscow in many areas. The paper also presents problematic issues: Transnistrian case and Moldovan-Ukrainian border. The current diplomatic crisis and the position of the Moldovan government towards Russia are also very important. The author analyzed and interpreted: documents of the Republic of Moldova, official statements by the authorities of Moldova and Russia, interwievs.
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Fiszer, Józef. "Will China Take Over the World in the Middle of the 21st Century?" Studia Polityczne 50, no. 1 (July 13, 2022): 11–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/stp.2022.50.1.01.
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The subject of this article is China and the analysis of its chances of gaining the status of the number one superpower in the world by the middle of the 21st century. I try to answer two fundamental questions here: Will China take over the world in the middle of the 21st century and will the United States and its allies allow this to happen? I try to answer these in both theoretical and utilitarian terms. I refer to several research theories, including the theory of equilibrium support and George Modelski’s long cycle theory. Above all, I refer to the theory of the state’s foreign policy, the theory of classical realism and the theory of hegemonic change. I use a comparative method and a critical discourse analysis, among others.The main hypothesis of the article is the conclusion that the United States is slowly losing its position as a global hegemon in the international arena, which strengthens China’s chances of achieving its strategic goal in international politics, which is to take over the world by the mid-21st century.However, this will not be an easy task. It will depend on many factors, including the internal situation in China and the policy of the United States and its allies towards Chinese aspirations, as well as Russia’s position on this issue, which is already competing with China’s growing influence in the world. China may also join forces with Russia and collectively deprive the United States of its hegemonic status. On the other hand, there is a tendency in political science to assume that Russia-China relations are a balancing alliance for the United States. However, this practice may verify the overall Russia-China relations in favour of the United States, thanks to which it will manage to maintain control over the world and defend its status as a hegemon in the international arena.
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Romanowski, Dymitr. "Nowa lewica w Rosji." Politeja 19, no. 2(77) (July 14, 2022): 311–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.19.2022.77.14.
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THE NEW LEFT IN RUSSIA: BORIS KAGARLITSKY: PRACTICE AND THEORY
This article examines the essential ideas of the theory and practice of New Left politics in the work of the well-known scientist and politician Boris Kagarlitsky. Since he is actively involved in the political life of the New Russian Left, the exposition of theoretical issues is impossible without placing them in the context of the socio-political situation of contemporary Russia. The collapse of the USSR and the socialist bloc revived the ideas of the ‘free market’ and liberalism. Today the liberal capitalist system is in crisis; this does not lead to a renaissance of leftwing forces, though. The forces of the Left at the beginning of the 21st century proved to be completely incapable of offering a coherent political program. Even the obvious resistance of the Left to Neo-Liberalism and its reforms in the social sphere, medicine and education has not become a consolidating factor in the new politics. The article attempts to examine how the New Left in Russia answers the question of what it means to build a society that is qualitatively different from capitalism: what nineteenth-century ideologists called socialism.
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Kuzin, Dmitry V. "Rethinking Management of the 21st Century: Аn Approach to Contemporary Business Education." Eduweb 15, no. 2 (July 30, 2021): 194–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.46502/issn.1856-7576/2021.15.02.16.
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This paper is addressing the issues of modern management thinking which became one of the most critical tasks in contemporary business education. Such thinking must reflect all major changes and challenges in science, technology, economy, politics, culture, and society which took place within the first two decades of the 21st century and especially now in the times of pandemic crisis. It is very important not only in terms of analysis but also as an explanation of the patterns of business and management behavior. It became the topic of serious scientific debate of the most prominent business researchers and consultants. The purpose of the article is to develop the methodological approach for further research of modern management and suggest the conceptual model which could structure the analysis of contemporary business reality. The author suggests the conceptual model for further research which could explain the essence of new management revolution. Such open model could be added and interpreted and is already applied in different educational programs in Russia.