Academic literature on the topic 'Russia – Politics and government – 1881-1894'
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Journal articles on the topic "Russia – Politics and government – 1881-1894"
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ROCCHI, Tony. "TERRORISM IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE: LESSONS OF HISTORY FOR TODAY’S WAR ON TERRORISM Part II: The People’s Will and its role in the history of political terrorism in Russia." Historical and social-educational ideas 11, no. 2 (May 16, 2019): 83–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2019-11-2-83-102.
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Introduction. This article examines the role and significance of the revolutionary populist socialist organization The People’s Will in the history of political terrorism in the Russian Empire.Methods. Two waves of political terrorism took place in the Russian empire between 1878 and 1894 and 1894 and 1916. The first wave of terrorism was dominated by the People’s Will whose major accomplishment was the assassination of Tsar Alexander II on March 1, 1881. By contrast, many left-wing parties and movements participated in the massive second wave, particularly in the Revolution of 1905-1907. However, elements of continuity dominated the second wave of terrorism largely due to the work of the People’s Will in determining goals and tactics of terrorism.Results. The People’s Will acquired such an aura of perfection and self-sacrifice that future terrorists could not change their goals and tactics out of fear of betraying the legacy of this organization. The legacy of the People’s Will shaped not only the goals and tactics of the terrorists of the second generation, but also the responses of liberals, conservatives, and the government in both waves of terrorism. Terrorism in both waves was often used by different groupings in the government and political classes to advance their political goals and justify their responses to the terrorist threat.Conclusions. The People’s Will still holds a unique place in the history of terrorism in the modern world. However, objective study of the People’s Will is still difficult because the historiography of this organization for more than 140 years has included huge elements of myth-making and many blank spaces.
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Ishchenko, Nikita S. "The Afghan Question in Russian Conservative Opinion Journalism in the Mid-1880s." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2022): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018389-5.
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In the first half of the reign of Alexander III (1881–1894), Russia took several important steps to strengthen its position in Central Asia. The annexation of the city of Merv, the Iolatan and Panjdekh oases in 1884–1885 led to territorial disputes with Afghanistan over the southern Turkmen lands and to a clash with an Afghan detachment on the Kushka River. The latter event nearly brought the political confrontation between St Petersburg and London over influence in the region to the brink of a full-scale military conflict. The peace settlement resulted in the work of a mixed British-Russian commission to determine the western part of the Russian-Afghan border, which culminated in the signing of an agreement in 1888. These events did not elude the attention of the Russian public. Leading national periodicals reported on the situation on the southern borders of the empire. In this article, the author attempts to characterise the views of influential Russian conservative authors of those years on Russian policy in Afghanistan in the mid-1880s and to analyse the extent to which their foreign policy proposals coincided with the actions of the Russian government. The study draws on the publications of the most influential representatives of the conservative press, as well as official press articles on events on the Russian-Afghan border, published during the period when the Russian-British confrontation in the region (1884–1886) was at its peak. The author concludes that, despite Alexander III's sympathy for conservative views and those who expressed them, the government did not accept a single proposal from conservative publicists regarding Russian policy at the borders of Afghanistan.
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Żelichowski, Ryszard. "Poles and Finns under Russian rule." Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej 8 (December 30, 2019): 47–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2300-0562.08.03.
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An attempt to compare Russian Tsar Alexander I was the head of the Grand Duchy of Finland, which the Russian army captured in 1809 as a result of the Russo-Swedish war. The final act of the Congress of Vienna of June 1815 decided to establish the Kingdom of Poland. Beside the title of Grand Duke of Finland tsar, Alexander I was awarded the title of the King of Poland. From that moment on, for over one hundred years, the fate of the Grand Duchy of Finland and the Kingdom of Poland was intertwined during the rule of five Russian tsars.
The aim of this paper is to answer the question whether two different ways on the road to independence – romantic Polish way with national uprisings, and pragmatic Finnish, relative loyal to the Russian tsars – had an impact on their policy towards both nations. The Kingdom of Poland and the Duchy of Finland were autonomous, were in a personal union with Russian tsars, had their own constitutions, parliaments, armies, monetary systems and educational structures, and official activities were held in Polish (Polish Kingdom) and Swedish (in the Grand Duchy of Finland). Both countries also had their own universities.
The first national uprising in the Kingdom of Poland, which broke out in November 1830, resulted in a wave of repression. The Constitution was replaced by the so-called The Organic Statute, the Sejm (the Parliament) and the independent army were liquidated. The Kingdom was occupied by the mighty Russian army, and in 1833 martial law was introduced. The second national uprising of January 1863 led to another wave of repression and intensive Russification of Polish territories. In 1867, the autonomy of the Kingdom of Poland, its name and budget were abolished. From 1872 the Polish language was only an optional choice. After 1863, the policy of the Russian authorities changed towards the Grand Duchy.
A session of the Finnish parliament (Eduskunta) was convened for the first time since 1809, the new parliamentary law allowed the dissemination of the Finnish language. After the deadly assault on Alexander II in 1881, his son Alexander III made attempts to limit also Finland’s autonomy. The years 1899–1904 were called the first period of Russification in Finland (“the first period of oppression”). The Manifesto of June 1900 introduced obligatory Russian language in correspondence of officials with Russia. In 1901, the national Finnish army was liquidated. In Russia this was the beginning of the process of the empire’s unification into one cultural, political and economic system. After a short thaw as a result of the 1905 revolution in Russia, the Grand Duchy of Finland, the so-called “second period of oppression” and anti-Finnish politics took place. During the great war of 1914–1918, the Grand Duchy was on the side of Russia. The territories of the former Kingdom of Poland were under German rule since 1915. After the outbreak of the revolution in Russia, the Eduskunta (on 6 December 1917) passed a Declaration of Independence. After a short period of regency, on 19 July 1919, the Finns adopted the republican system with a parliamentary form of government.
On 11 November 1918 Germany surrendered on the Western Front. On that day, the Regency Council in Warsaw handed over military authority to the Polish Legion commander Józef Piłsudski. Although Poland still had to fight for the final shape of the state, the 11th of November 1918 is considered the first day of recovered Polish independence.
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Guangxiang, Zhang. "The policy of the wine monopoly in Russia in 1894—1914: goals and results." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 12-2 (December 1, 2020): 190–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202012statyi29.
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The tax system is one of the most important elements of economic policy. The method, nature and scale of money resource mobilization depend on the state’s level of development. In Russia, from the 15th to the beginning of the 20th century, the revenue from alcohol sales made up a significant part of the state budget. At the same time, alcohol abuse has become a serious social problem. Thus, the Russian government should, on the one hand, ensure moderate alcohol consumption by the population, and, on the other, increase fiscal revenues. The article discusses various aspects of this problem.
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Man, Kwong Chi. "“They Are a Little Afraid of the British Admiral”." International Bibliography of Military History 35, no. 2 (October 10, 2015): 93–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22115757-03502002.
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This article looks at the role of the British Royal Navy during the First Sino-Japanese War of 1894–1895. Although the British government decided to stay neutral and work with Russia to mediate between Japan and China, the presence of the China Station of the Royal Navy played a subtle role in influencing the strategies adopted by China and Japan. However, as the British government underestimated its own naval power and possibly overestimated that of its potential opponents, the China Station played only a limited role to protect British interest. As a result, Russia used a much weaker fleet to achieve its territorial and political goals, while Britain was forced to increase its military and naval investment in East Asia. The result of the war was the opposite of the intention of the British government, namely to maintain stability in the area and check the spread of Russian influence.
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Taranovski, T. "Constitutionalism and Political Culture in Imperial Russia (Late 19th – Early 20th Century)." BRICS Law Journal 6, no. 3 (September 14, 2019): 22–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.21684/2412-2343-2019-6-3-22-48.
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This article analyzes the possibility of development of liberal constitutionalism in the Russian Empire during the post-reform period in the late 19th – early 20th century within the context of European history, of which Russia was an integral component. It argues that the Russian autocracy had the potential to transform itself into a constitutional monarchy during the period that followed the Great Reforms of the 1860s (1861–1881) and, second, during the Revolution of 1905–1906 and in its aftermath. This promising evolutionary process was cut short by World War I and rejected by the Soviet period of Russian history that followed. Obstacles to constitutional government were mostly objective in character, but perhaps the most significant problem was the fragmentation and insufficient development of Russian political culture, or better said, cultures that failed to produce the consensus required for effective creation and functioning of a constitutional regime. This failure was further exacerbated by an evolutionary radicalization of revolutions in modern European history that culminated in October 1917. The author concludes that the events of the late 1980s and the Revolution of 1991 changed the character of the Russian historical landscape and provided the potential for renewed development of a pluralistic political system and a strong civil society that is its precondition.
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Thurston, Robert W., and James H. Krukones. "To the People: The Russian Government and the Newspaper Sel'skii vestnik ("Village Herald") 1881-1917." Russian Review 49, no. 1 (January 1990): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/130089.
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CHUBAROV, ILYA. "RUSSIAN RESEARCH IN LATE IMPERIAL CHINA: THE CASE OF VLADIMIR OBRUCHEV'S EXPEDITION TO WEST CHINA, 1892–1894." Earth Sciences History 37, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 130–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/1944-6178-37.1.130.
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ABSTRACT Following the growth of Russian political interests in Inner Asia in the mid-19th century, the Russian Imperial Geographical Society (RGS) initiated a series of extensive multi-disciplinary field studies of the region, including areas which now are part of the People's Republic of China. These expeditions aimed to provide the Russian government and academia with detailed information on the region's ethnographic, geological, botanical and other features and also to promote Russian science on an international level. One of the longest expeditions, in terms of both time and distance, was that of Vladimir Obruchev, the future renowned novelist and Soviet academician, who at that time was a young Siberian geologist. In the span of two years beginning in September 1892, he covered a distance of more than 15,000 kilometers inside China. He was inspired by the studies of Ferdinand von Richthofen on loess soils that are found only on the Chinese Loess Plateau. Utilizing the route description from Obruchev's memoir “From Kyakhta to Kuldzha” (1940), the original copies of his field report to the Russian Imperial Geographical Society (1900), and various materials from the archive of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the library of the Institute of Geography, and the archive of the Russian Imperial Geographical Society, as well as Chinese databases and maps, the author made a detailed geographical and chronological reconstruction of the expedition route and itinerary on the modern map of China. More than 100 places have been identified and those points are available online as an interactive presentation. This contribution also presents a novel approach for studying the history of geographical exploration with all its complexity.
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Sartori, Paolo. "Authorized Lies: Colonial Agency and Legal Hybrids in Tashkent, c. 1881-1893." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 55, no. 4-5 (2012): 688–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341273.
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Abstract In this essay I reconstruct a conflict over the legitimacy of a waqf established in Tashkent in 1881. The litigation involved a qāḍī and the heirs of the founder of the endowment; Russian colonial authorities investigated the case. Looking, as they were, for an instance of qāḍī malpractice, the Russians sought recourse to legal concepts borrowed from sharīʿa and fabricated evidence as they saw fit. I draw on the idea of legal pluralism in order to highlight how, in Russian Central Asia, legal praxis inevitably embraced diverse conceptions of legality. I also show how locals were able to maneuver government officials into using procedures from various legal traditions and thus produce a legal hybrid. Le présent article s’attache à reconstituer un contentieux touchant la légitimité d’un waqf établi à Tashkent en 1881. Le litige opposait un qāḍī aux héritiers du fondateur de la dotation; les autorités coloniales russes étaient en charge de l’enquête. Prompts à mettre en cause les qāḍī pour malversations à la moindre occasion, les Russes n’hésitaient pas à recourir à des notions juridiques empruntées à la sharīʿa, voire à forger des preuves au besoin. Mon analyse de cette affaire s’appuie sur la notion de pluralisme juridique, qui permet de mettre en évidence la coexistence, dans la justice telle qu’elle se pratiquait en Asie Centrale sous domination russe, de conceptions hétérogènes de la légalité. Cette étude révèle aussi le rôle des populations locales, et leur capacité à induire les fonctionnaires d’état à mettre en œuvre des procédures émanant de traditions différentes, au point de produire de véritables hybrides juridiques.
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Kazimierczak, Mariola. "Michel Tyszkiewicz (1828-1897) et les fouilles archéologiques en Italie." Światowit 57 (December 17, 2019): 237–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.6819.
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According to Stanisław Lorentz, the collections of Michel Tyszkiewicz, enriched by his excavations in Egypt and Italy, undoubtedly “belonged to the more valuable European collections created in the second half of the 19th century”. After his first journey to Egypt, Tyszkiewicz, enlivened with a passion for excavations, first lived in Naples and then settled permanently in Rome in 1865. As the political situation changed there after 1870 and the new government restrained issuing permits, he started applying for excavation permits in his estate of Birże, in Lithuania (1871). Later, in 1894, he also tried to obtain excavation permits at Olbia, in Southern Russia, but this time unsuccessfully. His unpublished letters to the famous German scholar Wilhelm Froehner (1834–1925), now in the Goethe und Schiller Archiv in Weimar, throw a new light on the discoveries that took place in Boscoreale and in Lake Nemi and on his purchases there, as well as on his great enterprise in relation to the Satricum excavations in 1896, from which he was excluded after discovering the trace of “thousands of different votive objects”.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Russia – Politics and government – 1881-1894"
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SUSLOV, Mikhail. "Russian geopolitical utopias in comparative perspective, 1880-1914." Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13278.
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Defence Date: 25/11/2009Examining Board: Prof. Edward Arfon Rees (EUI / University of Birmingham) – supervisor; Prof. Steve Smith (EUI) - liaison supervisor; Prof. Mark D. Steinberg (University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign); Prof. Uwe Backes (Hannah-Arendt-Institut für Totalitarismusforschung at Technische Universität Dresden)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The subject of the thesis is Russian geopolitical utopias in a comparative perspective. Geopolitical utopias are understood as utopias, representing comprehensive projects of the improvement of a country’s geopolitical position by means of war, colonialism, annexationist policy, concluding military blocs, spreading spheres of interest, establishing military bases, and so forth. The chronological framework of this research embraces roughly the three last decades before the Great War. For Russia the most relevant chronological frame is from 1881 to 1914, that is, from the assassination of Alexander II and the beginning of Counter-Reform period, marked with political conservatism and policy of geopolitical imperialism in the Far East, Middle Asia and in Eastern Europe. The goals of the study include the following: 1) To discuss the phenomenon and characteristics of imperialist utopianism, its interrelationships with international and domestic ideologies such as nationalism, pan-nationalism, traditionalism, conservatism, religious fundamentalism and so forth; 2) To examine the historical and ideological context for geopolitical (imperialist) utopias and to prove its relevance for interpreting utopias; 3) To investigate national traditions of geopolitical thinking as the reference point for interpreting utopias with the particular focus on Russian pan- Slavism and its variations, German pan-Germanism, American Messianism of the ‘Manifest Destiny’ stamp, French revanchism, and Italian irredentism, and to test the so called ‘democratic peace theory’ by the example of geopolitical utopias and to infer whether aggressiveness of the utopian fantasy correlates with anti-democratic character of the political regime; 4) To describe and interpret differences in national traditions of geopolitical utopianism with the focus on the Russian case; 5) To analyze Russian imperialist utopias as a case in point, filling thus a gap in Western historiography of Russian intellectual history; to put Russian imperialist utopias into their proper intellectual context and to investigate the ideological sources of Russian imperialist utopianism; this requires analysis of Panslavism, proto-Eurasianism and other relevant imperialist ideologies; 6) To deliberate in more details on the most graphic example of imperialist utopianism, that is utopias of Sergei Sharapov, whose ideas are largely unknown to students of Russian history both in Russia and abroad; 7) To study the ‘therapeutic’ effect of utopianism in a sense of addressing the most pressing needs of modernity: the making of industrial and civil society and a responsible rational individual.
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Thörner, Walter P. "Russian transformative state capacity : a comparative study of corporate law reform." 2002. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/2568.
Full textBooks on the topic "Russia – Politics and government – 1881-1894"
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Geoffrey, Woodward, ed. From autocracy to Communism: Russia 1894-1941. London: Hodder Murray, 2008.
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Civil-military conflict in Imperial Russia, 1881-1914. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1985.
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AS Edexcel history: Russia in revolution, 1881-1924. London: Hodder Education, 2011.
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Thou shalt kill: Revolutionary terrorism in Russia, 1894-1917. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1993.
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1962-, Geifman Anna, ed. Russia under the last tsar: Opposition and subversion, 1894-1917. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers, 1999.
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Russkoe obshchestvo v zerkale revoli︠u︡t︠s︡ionnogo terrora: 1879-1881 gody. Moskva: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2014.
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A, Kropotkin. Zapiski revoli︠u︡t︠s︡ionera. Moskva: Myslʹ, 1990.
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A, Kropotkin. Memoirs of a revolutionist. New York: Dover Publications, 1988.
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A, Kropotkin. Memoirs of a revolutionist. Montréal: Black Rose Books, 1989.
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A, Kropotkin. Zapiski revolyutsionera. Moskva: Mysl', 1990.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Russia – Politics and government – 1881-1894"
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Kowalik, Jolanta. "Obraz Warszawy w świetle korespondencji publikowanych na łamach „Sankt-Pietiersburskich Wiedomosti” z lat 1855–1881." In Życie prywatne Polaków w XIX wieku. „Prywatne światy zamknięte w listach”. Tom 7. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego; Instytut Historii i Stosunków Międzynarodowych UWM, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/8142-182-9.16.
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"Sankt-Peterburgskie Vedomosti” was one of the most widely-read newspapers in the Russian Empire throughout nearly the whole 19th century. This periodical featured the news from various territories controlled by the Russian Empire, including the Kingdom of Poland –in particular, Warsaw (the capital was inhabited by most Russians). In fact, information from the city was telegraphed for the newspaper by its correspondents. Since strict censorship prohibited any explicit expression of opinions on the government’s politics (let alone criticism of its action), these reports mostly concerned everyday life, social affairs, cultural events, economic issues and city reforms. The press quite often constituted the only source of knowledge on Poles and Polish matters in the Russian Empire – hence, it shaped the public opinion on the Polish nation.