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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Russia (Federation) – Social policy'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Kalashnyk, Leonid. "Environmental Decision-making in the Pskov Region of the Russian Federation." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2345.

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The break-up of the Soviet Union handed down the Russian Federation a number of Soviet environmental legacies ranging from contaminated areas to the old bureaucratic procedures and outdated practices. In the post-Soviet years of transition to a free-market economy Russia began to face increasingly acute tension between environmental security and economic development, and the state’s ability to effectively pursue environmental policies deteriorated. Current environmental policy-makers are faced with a multitude of challenges that range from complicated environmental systems to the inconsistent legislative framework and resource deficiencies. Although researchers have paid some attention to these problems, environmental decision-making remains a poorly illuminated area and constitutes a theoretically challenging problem. This paper addresses the regional environmental decision-making process in the Russian Federation. Using the Pskov region on the border with Byelorussia and the two future EU members Estonia and Latvia as a case study, this paper seeks to supply a better understanding of how environmental decisions are made on the regional and local levels with a special focus on constraints affecting environmental policy-making. The study attempts to explain the environmental decision-making process in light of the two competing theories of decision- making, incrementalism and the bureaucratic politics model. It is primarily based on interviews made in the Pskov region in the autumn of 2002.

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2

Bachkatov, Nina. "La diplomatie énergétique de la Fédération de Russie: forces et limites." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209939.

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La diplomatie énergétique russe qui est au cœur de ce travail diffère des politiques industrielles classiques adoptées régulièrement par les États afin de développer leur pays, relancer son économie ou certains secteurs industriels. Elle entend en effet utiliser les ressources naturelles de la Russie, et singulièrement son potentiel énergétique (sachant que la Russie est à la fois producteur, consommateur, pays de transit) afin de retrouver son statut de grande puissance. Ce retour de puissance devant permettre à la Russie de sortir de la période de transition pour redevenir un acteur de premier rang dans un monde global redessiné par la fin de la guerre froide. Il s’agit pour elle de faire entendre sa voix, de participer en qualité de partenaire égal aux décisions et à l’élaboration des nouvelles normes rendues nécessaires par le bouleversement engendré par la fin de la guerre froide.

La diplomatie énergétique russe s’affirme pendant les années 2003-2004, comme une démarche pragmatique, un moyen opportuniste de rencontrer un projet politique en utilisant un des rares leviers dont dispose ce pays appauvri et affaibli – sa puissance énergétique qu’il s’agit de transformer un outil de puissance politique, raison pour laquelle la politique étrangère russe va être mise au service de ce projet. Le travail fait donc référence aux spécificités internes de la Russie et au contexte international afin d’identifier les faiblesses et les forces de cette diplomatie spécifique.

Russian energy diplomacy, with which this work is uniquely concerned, differs from the classic industrial policies adopted by states in order to re-launch their economies or certain industrial sectors. It has consisted of putting Russia’s natural resources and particularly its energy potential (as a producer, a consumer, and a transit country) to the practical purpose of restoring its status as a great power. For Russia, the return to power would permit the country to emerge from its period of transition and become a leading actor in the world reshaped by the ending of the cold war. It is a matter of making its voice heard, as an equal partner in international decisions and the formulation of the new political norms necessitated by post-cold war upheaval.

In 2002-2004 Russia developed this energy diplomacy as a pragmatic and opportunistic means of attaining a political objective with one of the few levers at the disposal of an impoverished and enfeebled country – that is to say, its energy potential, which it turned into a political tool. To this effect, Russian foreign policy has been made to serve the same project. Consequently this work deals with internal specificities and the international energy context, in order to probe both the weakness and the strength of this particular form of diplomacy.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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3

Lazdinis, Marius. "Connecting social and ecological systems : towards an integrated toolbox for assessment of forest policy implementation /." Uppsala : Dept. of Conservation Biology, Swedish Univ. of Agricultural Sciences, 2004. http://epsilon.slu.se/s315.pdf.

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4

Rogga, Sebastian. "Zwischen Kolchose, Kapitalismus und kultureller Autonomie : Wandel und Persistenzen im Transformationsprozess des Deutschen Nationalen Rayons (Altai)." Universität Potsdam, 2011. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2011/5280/.

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Rund 20 Jahre nach dem Ende der Sowjetunion verharrt ein Großteil ländlich geprägter Regionen in der Russländischen Föderation in einer strukturellen Krise, die sich auf ökonomischer, sozialer und politischer Ebene niederschlägt. Auch wenn sich ländliche Räume als vermeintliche Verlierer der Transformation erwiesen haben, so sind sie doch vielfach in sich differenziert und zeigen verschiedenartige Problemlagen und Entwicklungspfade auf, die vom Umgang mit den Herausforderungen des Systemwechsels zeugen. Beispielhaft wird dies am Deutschen Nationalen Rayon Altai (DNR Altai) dargestellt, dessen Transformationsphase in der vorliegenden Arbeit rekonstruiert wird. Der DNR Altai stellt in vielerlei Hinsicht einen Sonderfall dar, da er als räumlicher Fixpunkt russlanddeutscher Entwicklungspolitik in die bundesdeutsche Förderkulisse eingebettet war. Mit dem allmählichen Rückzug der deutschen Förderinstitutionen stellt sich jedoch die Frage nach nachhaltigen Strukturen, Verstetigung von Projekten und der Zukunft russlanddeutscher Kultur im Altai.
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5

Noble, Ben. "Rethinking 'rubber stamps' : legislative subservience, executive factionalism, and policy-making in the Russian State Duma." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6a027f93-90d6-4ecc-9346-48712a003de0.

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Conventional wisdom views authoritarian legislatures as 'rubber stamps'. According to this model, non-democratic parliaments are entirely subservient to dominant executives, having no influence on the development of policy; as a result, all bills introduced into the legislature become laws without amendment. Although these bodies might perform other functions, they serve - according to this account - a purely ceremonial function in the policy-making process. There is evidence, however, inconsistent with this portrayal from a range of non-democracies, including evidence of executive bill failure and bill amendment. Existing attempts to explain these apparently deviant observations refer to some degree of legislative autonomy - bills fail and change as a result of legislator influence. According to these accounts, authoritarian elites use legislatures to co-opt members of the opposition and to gather information about citizen grievances. This dissertation, in contrast, argues that legislative activity in non-democracies can be driven by executive concerns. Whereas the 'rubber stamp' model infers from executive dominance an absence of legislative activity, the approach proposed by this dissertation suggests there are a variety of reasons why executive actors might want to amend or kill off their own bills in the legislature. In particular, these legislative policy developments can result from clashes between executive factions, which use legislative institutions to monitor, challenge, and amend each others' proposals. This dissertation proposes and assesses this new approach using fine-grained data on legislative processes and outputs from the contemporary Russian State Duma. The analysis draws on a variety of data sources, using both qualitative and quantitative methods. The findings suggest that legislative institutions can still 'matter' in non-democracies, even with an entirely subservient body of legislators.
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6

Gorska, Joanna Agnieszka. "Dealing with a juggernaut : analysing Poland's policy towards Russia, 1989-2004." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670075.

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7

Torgersen, Dale G. "KTO I KUDA? Russia, language, and national identity." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec%5FTorgersen.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Tsypkin, Mikhail ; Keyser, Boris. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 27, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Russian Language, Language Policy, Russification, Russia, Russian Federation, Soviet Union, Former Soviet Union, Identity, Nationalist, Nationalism, russkie, rossiianne, Baltic States, Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, Pushkin, Lermontov, Tolstoy, Romanov Dynasty, Bolsheviks, Communist Party, Lenin, Stalin, Khrushchev, Brezhnev, Gorbachev, Yeltsin, Putin. Includes bibliographical references (p. 31-33). Also available in print.
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8

Urs, Ion Social Sciences &amp International Studies Faculty of Arts &amp Social Sciences UNSW. "The empowerment of aggressive state ideology in two periods of Russian history." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Social Sciences & International Studies, 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40568.

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The concepts of power and state - particularly embedded in the idea of the Great Power, with a geopolitical perspective and a profoundly aggressive character - are tantamount in importance to the Russia's elite political ideology. However, the existence of different emphases within such a political ideology, ranging from the active-obstructive to the passive stances, brings into question the factors of variation that might be responsible for the elite's level of determination to pursue these concepts over an internal or foreign policy development. In addressing this query, two tasks are set: descriptive - involving a survey of the content of Russian aggressive political ideology over different periods in history; and explanatory - determining circumstances that might account for the empowerment of one or other option of Russian aggressive political ideology. Therefore, the thesis includes a comparison of historical periods with similar relevance to the Russian state. The concern here is in relation to shifting factors of variations of aggressive political ideology acting in the space-frame of one state, but in different time-frame. Resting on these frames the thesis explores the shaping of the Russian elite's defining principles of state internal and foreign policy development and traces the factors of variation responsible for the empowerment of one or other particular form of the aggressive political ideology. The factors of variation discussed in the thesis are different in nature and intensity. The primary impetus for variation in the form that aggressive political ideology would take is determined by the factor of national distress. Other factors (regime volatility, political and economic motivations, information dissemination, and challenges within the international system) are responsible for the depth and extent to which aggressive ideology is going to resonate. No factor could create the variation by itself. The argument is that a specific set of factors is required to create the conditions for variations in the form the aggressive political ideology would take and to determine whether aggressive ideology would generate or not an obstructive political decision.
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9

Golubchikov, Oleg. "Cities of the Russian northwest in a new space economy : global forces, local contexts." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670150.

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10

Fredheim, Rolf Emil. "Playing for time : the past in Russian media coverage (2003-13)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708818.

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11

Hawkins, Laurie, and University of Lethbridge Faculty of Education. "Education and society in Moscow : teachers' perceptions." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Faculty of Education, 1999, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/111.

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Within the span of less than a decade, Russian teachers have lived through the collapse of the Soviet Union, the end of Communist rule, the emergence of a free market economy and levels of inflation which have pushed much of the population into poverty. Restrictive government poliies have been replaced with an infrastructure often described as corrupt and infeffective. New laws on education now allow for innovative curriculums and methodology, but economic restrictions have limited much possiblity for change. The purpose of this descriptive study is to examine the perceptions of Moscow educators regarding public educaion and society in Russia. Selected teachers were surveyed and interviewed about their perceptions of recent soical, political and economic changes within Russia; communism and the future of communism in Russia; democracy in Russia; schooling, students and teachers in general in Moscow; the creditation and training of educators in Russia; their responsibilities as educators in Russia; and the future of their individual professional lives. The study discusses the context of education and schooling in Moscow, provides data from a Likert type quesitonnaire and personal interviews, discusses the quantitative and qualitative data and uses a one way analysis of variance (ANOVA) with teachers' age as the variable. Major findings include teachers' perceptions that the political and economic changes in Russia are "inevitable." Teachers' lives continue to be restricted, however, that restriction is dictated by economics as opposed to political repression. The fall of the communist state is considered desirable and teachers are unsure if the communist party will ever again form the government of Russia. Teachers do not consider themselves to be "free" or Russia to be a true democracy, and most are undecided if Russia will become a true democracy in their lifetime. As well, the quality of public education is seen to have suffered since the end of the Soviet state with severe underfunding limiting the opportunities for innovative practice. Teachers, however, believe that educators in Russia are well- prepared to be professional teachers in post-communist Russia. They also believe that teachers are responsible for fostering a sense of Russian nationalism and instilling proper values in students. They have an important role to play in shaping Russian society in the future and are optimistic about the future of the teaching profession and the role they will play in determing that future.
1 v. (various pagings) ; 29 cm.
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12

Martin, Jeremy Andrew. "Russia and the "West" a useful paradigm or an imagined actor? /." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1178124728.

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13

Linden, Corina Herron. "Power and uneven globalization : coalitions and energy trade dependence in the newly independent states of Europe /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10775.

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14

Price, Hilary Downs Driscoll. "NATO-Russia cooperation in Bosnia, 1995-2003." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669921.

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15

Mikenberg, Eero. "Pskov region of the Russian Federation as foreign policy actor." Thesis, Connect to e-thesis, 2008. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/211/.

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Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Glasgow, 2006.
Ph.D. thesis submitted to the Department of Central and East European Studies, University of Glasgow, 2006. Includes bibliographical references. Print version also available.
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16

Belousova, Valentina. "U.S. Bilateral Trade with its Major Trading Partners and Russia." Thesis, North Dakota State University, 2011. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/29552.

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This study examines U.S. exports and imports to/from its major 15 trading partners and Russia. To analyze U.S. export and import flows the gravity model approach is used. Factors affecting U.S. bilateral trade flows with its 16 trading countries are evaluated using Generalized Method of Moments (GMM). Annual data from 2000 to 2009 are used for this study. Goods traded between the U.S. and its trading partners are disaggregated into three groups based on the Standard International Trade Classification (SITC). Results show that major factors affecting both U.S. export and import flows are distance and change in polity score. Also U.S. exports are influenced by U.S. trading partner Gross Domestic Product (GDP) for agricultural (AGR) and middle sector (MID) groups. U.S. foreign direct investment is a complement for U.S. exports of final (FIN) group and at the same time it serves as substitute for U.S. exports of AGR. On the other hand, U.S. imports of AGR and foreign direct investment (FDI) from 16 trading partners to the U.S. are substitutes. This study also reveals that the U.S. and Russia bilateral trade could be improved through economic growth in both countries, improving political cooperation and increasing inward and outward FDI.
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17

Cakir, Sevil. "Russia." Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12608875/index.pdf.

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This thesis seeks to analyze Russia&rsquo
s responses to globalization under Vladimir Putin in the fields of energy and foreign policy. This thesis argues that Russia under Vladimir Putin has redefined its process of globalization through a nationalistic perspective as its policies in the field of energy and foreign policy demonstrate. The thesis has seven chapters including introduction and conclusion chapters. The concept of globalization is explored in Chapter 2. Chapter 3 examines Russia&rsquo
s globalization under Boris Yeltsin and his energy and foreign policies. In Chapter 4, responses of Russian communist, nationalist and liberal intellectuals, to the globalization of Russia under Boris Yeltsin are evaluated. Chapter 5 explores the energy policy of Vladimir Putin while Chapter 6 discusses foreign policy of Russia under Vladimir Putin.
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18

Matukhno, Natalia S. "U.S. Foreign Policy Toward Russia: Agenda-Setting Time Series Analysis (1945-2004)." Ohio : Ohio University, 2005. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1125780999.

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19

Bernard, Andrew T. "The eagle, the bear, and the yurt : evaluating Kyrgyzstan's foreign policy behavior with the United States and Russia in the post-9/11 security environment /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FBernard.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2005.
Thesis Advisor(s): Anne L. Clunan, Mikhail Tsypkin. Includes bibliographical references (p. 107-115). Also available online.
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20

Brown, James D. J. "The energy impact theory of foreign policy : an analysis of Soviet Union and Russian Federation, 1970-2010." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2011. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=166218.

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This thesis addresses the substantive problem: how does variation in energy wealth impact upon the foreign policies of major energy-producing states? To answer this question, the thesis draws upon the ‘resource curse’ literature, as well as existing works of foreign policy analysis, to formulate a new theory. Based on a framework of neoclassical realism, this energy impact theory of foreign policy proposes that energy wealth, conceived as a national capability, has a significant and reliable effect on major energy-producing states’ foreign policies. Specifically, it is hypothesised that increases in energy capabilities amplify the scale and scope of these states’ international activity; promote boldness, ambition, and aggression; and encourage the adoption of unilateralist approaches to foreign policy. Decreases in energy capabilities are anticipated to have the opposite effects. Having delineated the core features of this middle-range theory, the model is tested using an initial, most-likely case study of the Soviet Union and Russian Federation, 1970 to 2010. The results of this empirical study are enormously encouraging since, following meticulous qualitative analysis of events data, the theory is concluded to have significant explanatory value in this context, as well as substantial promise as a more general model. In this way, the thesis endeavours to make a distinctive contribution, not only to research into the factors shaping Moscow’s international conduct, but also to the broader theoretical literatures on the ‘resource curse’ and foreign policy analysis. It is anticipated that this thesis marks only the beginning of a much more extensive programme of research.
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21

Matz, Johan. "Constructing a post-Soviet international political reality Russian foreign policy towards the newly independent states, 1990-95 /." Uppsala : [Uppsala University], 2001. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/46401841.html.

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22

Flynn, Moya. "Global frameworks, local realities : migrant resettlement in the Russian Federation." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2001. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1399/.

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The thesis explores the 'return' migration and resettlement experience of members of ethnic Russian and Russian speaking migrant populations who over the period 1991-2000 left their homes in the former republics of the Soviet Union to resettle on the territory of the Russian Federation, their 'historical homeland'. The study focuses upon individual experiences of resettlement in two regions of the Russian Federation, but locates these experiences within the context of the wider regional, national and global migration regimes. The thesis traces the development of the institutions and legislation of the Russian federal and regional migration regimes over the period 1995-2001. The study demonstrates that the way in which the migration process (the migration movement and subsequent resettlement) and the space of 'return' are constructed, through political and non-political discourse and practice, often conflicts with migrant experiences of the same process and their expectations of 'return'. It charts how migrants, despite displacement and the often constraining features of the surrounding migration environment, begin to re-construct their own sense of 'home' at the site of settlement. The study concludes that rather than the migration process of the Russian populations from the former republics being a 'return' to a 'homeland', for the individual migrant the process represents an attempt to re-create an immediate 'home', that is primarily achieved through a reliance upon personal networks of family and friends.
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23

Khmelnitskaya, Marina. "Social learning and policy-making in Russia : the case of housing policy since 1991." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.550798.

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This thesis aims to explain the development of post-Soviet Russian housing policy by analysing the process of policy-making in this sphere at the federal level. The policy process is examined through the lens of the social learning framework. This framework views policy- making as a learning dynamic that unfolds in time, and holds the interaction of institutions, actors and ideas central to the understanding of policy development. The thesis constructs a model of social learning (MSL) that helps to trace a pattern of reiterating cycles of policy transformation in the post-Soviet Russian housing sphere. The analysis begins in the late-Soviet period. It finds that the first fundamental change in Russian housing occurred in the final Soviet years. In order to facilitate the analysis of this complex and multi-faceted policy area I have divided it into three interrelated sub-cases or issue areas - (1) housing property rights, (2) housing and utility services, and (3) housing finance. This analysis reveals divergent patterns of policy transformation in these three sub- cases. In the first and the third sub-cases two fundamental policy shifts were observed over the post-Soviet period, whereas only one such shift was present in the sub-case of housing utilities. This is attributed to the stability of policy ideas present in the latter sub-case and absent in the former two sub-cases. Overall, the thesis argues that the process of policy- making in Russia struggles to produce fundamental change in areas where a plurality of policy ideas is present. This is due to the effect of the Russian political institutional environment - in which the impact of informal connections among influential policy actors and the lack of social representation in the policy process are prominent. As a result, policy-making within the Russian state suffers.
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24

Beaupré, Maxime. "Unwilling foes : Russia's and China's reaction to the challenge of the American ballistic missile defence programme." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83170.

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The official reaction of the Russian Federation and of the People's Republic of China to the announcement made by the United States in December 2001 to abrogate the almost thirty years old Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty has been remarkably weak, given their sustained and coordinated opposition to the deployment of strategic defences against ballistic missiles (BMD). Because the existing literature, particularly balance of power theory, under-explored this puzzle and fails to provide a satisfactory explanation to it, a neoclassical realist model building on structural and unit-level variables is proposed to supplement this caveat. It is argued that Russia, as a stagnant great power experiencing trouble at the domestic level, bandwagons with the United States because it discounts the medium- and long-term threat posed by BMD. China, a rising developmental state, is soft balancing because it resents the project and the threat it poses to its security. It has not hard balanced so far because there is an acknowledgement that this could jeopardize its power base, as the telling example of the USSR collapse illustrated.
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Atalay, Serap. "Property Relations From The Ussr To The Russian Federation: Continuity Or Change?" Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12606553/index.pdf.

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This study, by focusing on the economic reform attempts in the USSR and the privatization process in the Russian Federation, will question the scope of political change in Russia during the capitalist transformation process until the end of the Yeltsin period. It will be argued that the determination of the political processes on property relations during the time of the USSR persisted in the Yeltsin period since after the collapse of the USSR, main political actors of the Soviet system such as the Party and ministry officials and the enterprise managers maintained their dominant positions within the property relations. As will be shown in the thesis, this was ensured through their successful interventions in the privatization processes. Hence, people who had important positions in the former Soviet Union, became whether the new owners of state assets, or had the authority to determine the new owners.
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26

Mitchell, C. S. Humanities &amp Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "Phoenix from the Ashes? : Russia???s defence industrial complex and its arms exports." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38745.

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The continued existence of the Russian defence and arms industry, known as the Oboronnyi Promyshennyi Kompleks (OPK), was called into question following the disintegration of the Soviet Empire in 1991. Industry experts cited the lack of a domestic market, endemic corruption, and excess capacity within the industry as factors underpinning its predicted demise. The most telling factor was the sudden removal of considerable government subsidies and high defence industry wages that had traditionally buttressed the industry's economic viability and encouraged the cream of Russia's workers into the sector. It was a crippling blow. However, the industry's export customers in China, India and Iran during those early years became the OPK's saving grace. Their orders introduced hard currency back into the industry and went a long way to preventing the forecasted OPK collapse. Although pessimistic predictions continued to plague the OPK throughout the 1990s, the valuable export dollars provided the OPK the breathing space it needed to claw back its competitive advantage as an arms producer. That revival has been further underpinned by a new political commitment, various research and development initiatives, and the restoration of defence industry as a tool of Russian foreign policy. In order to gauge the future prospects for the OPK, it is necessary to examine the domestic and external drivers that have either underwritten its success to date or are still required to ensure its long term endurance. Domestically, continued success demands a closer collaboration between the OPK and the Russian armed forces. It also requires serious efforts to curb endemic corruption, further consolidation of the defence industry and continued development of the Russian domestic market for arms. Externally, the strength of the state arms exporter, Rosoboronexport, global market diversification and joint military ventures with strategic partner countries are essential ingredients for long term OPK success. Cultivating and maintaining the economic and political momentum vital for the OPK's progress will be a daunting undertaking for Russia. However, Russia's accomplishments in these key areas since 2000 suggest that continued success is a genuine prospect and that the OPK could potentially grow to be the proverbial 'phoenix from the ashes'. China and India constitute approximately eighty percent of the total Russian arms transfer market. Trading and cooperation with these two countries has provided Moscow with the finances to sustain its defence industry through continued orders and valuable finance for research and development programmes for military hardware. However, post 2015, the Chinese market will be nearing total saturation and the Indian market will have contracted somewhat, as the indigenous defence industries of these nations can be expected to usurp the demand for Russian equipment. This scenario, together with a more active foreign policy under Putin has seen Russia launch aggressive marketing campaigns into the Middle East, South East Asia and Latin America. The strategy has already begun to pay dividends with large contracts being signed by Algeria, Indonesia, and Venezuela. The Russians hope that large sales to these countries will trigger further sales within the respective regions. The realised or potential contracts for arms from Libya, Saudi Arabia, Malaysia, Mexico, and Brazil suggest that this strategy is producing the desired result. The short term future of the Russian OPK looks promising. The rising domestic defence order is beginning to challenge the export market as the OPK's most important customer. Meanwhile, exports will be safeguarded by continued foreign demand for niche Russian defence products such as cruise missiles and air defence systems as well as cost effective and user friendly Russian aircraft, ships, submarines and land systems. Flexible financing options offered by Rosoboronexport will stimulate demand in new markets such as Algeria and Indonesia and sustain the economic viability of the OPK for at least the next decade.
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27

Unsal, Duygu. "Migration Trends And Policies In Post-soviet Russia." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12610056/index.pdf.

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This thesis seeks to examine the internal and external migration trends in the Russian Federation. The thesis also examines the internal migration trends in the Soviet Union as well as Soviet emigration and migration policies. The thesis focuses mainly on the migration policy of the Russian Federation. The main argument of the thesis is that although ethnic dynamics, armed conflicts and nationalist clashes play important roles in Russia&rsquo
s migration trends, the main force of Russia&rsquo
s internal and external migration trends are economic. The thesis has four main chapters. After the introduction the first chapter examines migration in the Soviet Union. The second chapter explores migration policy of Russia. The third chapter deals with internal migration in the Russian Federation. The last main chapter discusses external migration in the Russian Federation.
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28

Ozertem, Hasan Selim. "Russia&#039." Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12610982/index.pdf.

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This thesis seeks to examine Russian foreign policy in the post-Soviet era and its evolution in terms of Russia&rsquo
s use of soft power in the post-Soviet space. Contrary to the views that consider Russia exclusively as a hard power, this thesis argues that Russia has started to develop its soft power capabilities and how to use its soft power effectively in the post-Soviet space, especially since the beginning of Vladimir Putin&rsquo
s second Presidential term in 2004. In this context, Russia pursues a proactive foreign policy particularly in the spheres of language and education, which are important elements of its soft power. The thesis is composed of three main chapters in addition to the introduction and conclusion chapters. The first main chapter discusses the evolution of the soft power concept in Russian foreign policy by analyzing the period of 1992-2008. The second chapter seeks to analyze the position of Russian language in the CIS countries as lingua franca. The last chapter examines the Russian education system and the attraction of its higher education institutes for students from the CIS countries.
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29

Gunay, Mehmet Zeki. "Parties Of Power In Post-soviet Russia (1991-2008)." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610281/index.pdf.

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This thesis seeks to examine the &lsquo
parties of power&rsquo
in the Russian Federation between 1991 and 2008. The thesis also discusses the political party system and political party development in post-Soviet Russia. The thesis focuses mainly on the United Russia party and compares it with the former &lsquo
parties of power&rsquo
in the Russian Federation. The main argument of the thesis is that as compared to the previous &lsquo
parties of power&rsquo
, which were affiliated mainly with the prime ministers without achieving party consolidation, the United Russia party has been successful in consolidating its party development and achieved a central status in the Russian political system. The thesis has seven chapters. The introductory first chapter is followed by the second chapter that examines &lsquo
parties of power&rsquo
in post-Soviet Russia, along with the political party system and the stages of political party development in the Russian Federation. The third chapter explores Russia&rsquo
s Choice party. The fourth chapter deals with Our Home Is Russia party. The fifth chapter focuses on the United Russia party. The sixth chapter discusses the new role of the United Russia in Russian political system after 2007 State Duma elections. The last chapter is the conclusion of the thesis.
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30

Ebini, Christmas Atem. "Policy Alternatives for the Cameroon Conflicts with Views on Abolishing the Federation." ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/7539.

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The violent conflicts in the Northwest and Southwest provinces of Cameroon (Southern Cameroons) have obtained national and international attention. The government of Cameroon and armed separatists (Southern Cameroonians) have been called upon to address the root cause of the conflicts and reach a lasting peaceful settlement. This qualitative study is aimed at providing policy alternatives for the current conflict. The primary research question seeks to establish how the 1972 abolition of the federal system may have provided the impetus for the current conflicts. A second question addresses the options for resolving the conflict and the prospects of resolution. Data was collected from a focus group of 20 participants and from secondary data. Data analysis was completed using Jagar's critical discourse analysis. According to the findings of the study, the root cause of the current conflicts and the associated political, social, and economic issues can be attributed to the abolition of the federal system of governance. Policy alternatives to resolving the conflicts may require international mediation, an all-inclusive dialogue/negotiation without preconditions, the unconditional release of all in detention, a general and total ceasefire, and a general amnesty and resettlement program. This study may provide an understanding of the root cause of the conflicts and policy alternatives that will help restore peace, save lives, stabilize the region, and return dignity to the lives of the citizens.
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31

Eddleman, Michelle Lee. "Democracy and capitalism in Russia : a step backward for women?" Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 1999. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/58.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.
Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science
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32

O'Shea, Liam. "Police reform and state-building in Georgia, Kyrgyzstan and Russia." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/5165.

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This dissertation provides an in-depth study of police transformation in Georgia, Kyrgyzstan and Russia since the collapse of the Soviet Union. It draws upon interviews with police, NGO workers, politicians and international practitioners, and employs a comparative-historical approach. Contra to democratic policing approaches, advocating the diffusion of police power and implementation of police reform concurrently with wider democratisation, reform was relatively successful in Georgia after the 2003 Rose Revolution because of state-building. The new government monopolised executive power, fired many police, recruited new personnel, raised police salaries and clamped down on organised crime and corruption. Success also depended on the elite's political will and their appeal to Georgian nationalism. Prioritisation of state-building over democratisation limited the reform's success, however. The new police are politicised and have served elites' private interests. Reform has failed in Kyrgyzstan because of a lack of state-building. Regional, clan and other identities are stronger than Kyrgyz nationalism. This has hindered the formation of an elite with capacity to implement reform. The state has limited control over the police, who remain corrupt and involved in organised crime. State-building has not precipitated police reform in Russia because of the absence of political will. The ruling cohort lacks a vision of reform and relies on corruption to balance the interests of political factions. The contrasting patterns of police reform have a number of implications for democratic police reform in transitioning countries: First, reform depends on political will. Second, institutionalising the police before democratising them may be a more effective means of acquiring the capacity to implement reform. Third, such an approach is likely to require some sort of common bond such as nationalism to legitimate it. Fourth, ignoring democratisation after institutionalisation is risky as reformers can misuse their power for private interests.
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33

Sulejmanovic, Selma. "Russia And The Kosovo Conflict: 1998-2008." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609472/index.pdf.

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This thesis aims to study Russian foreign policy towards Kosovo during the period between 1998 and 2008 in light of the school of thought that claims that Russia'
s foreign policy toward Kosovo resembles the Cold War confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union. This thesis argues that Russia&rsquo
s role in the Kosovo war and its aftermath is motivated by Russia&rsquo
s interest in being seen as a great power in international system rather than using Kosovo in order to confront the United States. Besides an introduction and conclusion, the thesis consists of four main chapters. The second chapter presents historical background and discusses Russian foreign policy during the wars of secession in Yugoslavia. The third chapter focuses on Russian foreign policy and the 1998 &ndash
1999 war in Kosovo, while the fourth chapter covers the Russian role in the post-conflict settlement in Kosovo. Finally, the fifth chapter deals with Russian foreign policy as it relates to the resolved Kosovo situation.
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34

Chen, Ping-Kuei. "Menace of Power: Russia-NATO Relations in the Post-Cold War Era." Ohio : Ohio University, 2008. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1204826768.

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35

Cox, Angela Marie. "Policy and Practice: Russian and Soviet Education during Times of Social and Political Change." Thesis, Boston College, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1964.

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Thesis advisor: Gerald Easter
This is a study of education policy and practice in Russia and the Soviet Union during periods of revolutionary social and political change. It begins with the late tsarist era and moves through the Soviet era into the modern Russia state, a period of time spanning from the late 19th century through to the present period of educational reform. The modern educational system of Russia is still adapting to the post-Soviet world in many ways. Modern Russia inherited a confusing and contradictory educational tradition marked by high standards of learning and achievement along with ineffective traditions of student uniformity and standardization. The attempt at democratization, decentralization, and individualization seen in the immediate post-Soviet period was derailed by an absence of regional or local administrative infrastructure and a deep and scarring economic crisis
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2011
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: College Honors Program
Discipline: Political Science
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36

Sell, Daniel James. "Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin's United Russia the how and why of Russia's new party of power /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1226594286.

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37

Bodur, Kadriye. "Impact Of Polish Memberships In Nato And The Eu On Polish Foreign Policy Towards Russia." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12610062/index.pdf.

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This thesis examines the impact of Poland&rsquo
s NATO and EU memberships on Polish foreign policy towards Russia by taking the historical background of Poland&rsquo
s relations with Russia into account. The main objective of the thesis is to examine the change in Polish foreign policy towards Russia in the aftermath of its memberships in NATO and the EU in 1999 and 2004 respectively. The thesis argues that Poland has changed its accommodative approach towards Russia and started to pursue a more assertive foreign policy after its NATO and the EU memberships due to its decreasing dependency on this country. In this thesis, the concept of interdependence is employed to explain Polish foreign policy on Russia. The thesis has six chapters, including Introduction and Conclusion chapters. The second chapter explores the historical background of Polish-Russian relations. The third chapter analyzes the main characteristics of Polish foreign policy in the post-Cold War era. The fourth chapter examines the impact of Poland&rsquo
s NATO membership on Polish foreign policy towards Russia. The fifth chapter discusses the impact of Poland&rsquo
s EU membership on its foreign policy towards Russia.
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38

Johansson, Elena. "Protection of Intellectual Property in the Russian Federation : Institutions and Organizations." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Företagsekonomi, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-33803.

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Infringement in fields of Intellectual Property Rights is a global problem causing repeated and sustained attention at national and international levels. A number of different organizations and commissions are constantly control and counteract the growth of these infringements, but despite the taken measures counterfeit and piracy goods continue to be manufactured and sold around the world. The Russian Federation (RF) is a country that has close commercial ties with many foreign states, including Sweden. However the RF is one of the countries, included on the Special 301 Priority Watch List due to the continuing and large - scale of Property Rights and Intellectual Property Rights violations. In this connection, a study was conducted with the participation of collaborating Swedish - Russian enterprises, whose activities could be subjected to counterfeiting and IP piracy. The aim of the study is to determine how collaborating Swedish – Russian enterprises with branches in the Russian Federation perceive the situation in the country and assess the activities of Russian institutions that play an important role in controlling and combating violations against counterfeiting and IP piracy. Moreover the aim includes identifying the most vulnerable class of actors in the general mechanism of counterfeiting and IP piracy. The research based on elements of the New Institutional Economics Theory and conducted by using a combination of a literature review and semi- structured interview with representatives of Swedish - Russian enterprises. The study found that organizations are the most vulnerable class of actors in general mechanism of counterfeiting and IP piracy. International firms and companies are in a more difficult situation because they provide own activities simultaneously in several legal and political systems. Representatives of interviewed companies argue that activities of analyzed Russian institutions are insufficiently effective and the state should take a set of measures so the foreign collaborative organizations could feel confident in territory of the RF and Russian market would become more attractive for foreign business.
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39

Bain, Courtney. "Entrepreneurship in Russia patterns and problems of its development in the post-Soviet period /." Thesis, Connect to e-thesis. Move to record for print version, 2007. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/18/.

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Thesis (Ph.D) - University of Glasgow, 2007.
Ph.D. thesis submitted to the Department of Central and East European Studies, Faculty of Law, Business and Social Sciences, 2007. Includes bibliographical references. Print version also available.
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40

Chebeňová, Nina. "Kultúrna diplomacia ako nástroj zahraničnej politiky Ruskej federácie, Prípadová štúdia: Slovensko." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-201983.

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The diploma thesis is focused on defining the place of cultural diplomacy and concepts of soft power and nation branding in the foreign policy of the Russian Federation, as since the end of the Cold War importance of culture and cultural diplomacy in international relations has started to grow. It analyses the question whether cultural diplomacy as part of the foreign policy of the Russian Federation contributes to increase attractiveness and positive image abroad. To determine positives, negatives and exploit the potential, SWOT analysis was applied. In the case study the position of Slovakia in the cultural diplomacy of the Russian Federation with regard to problem areas of cooperation is defined. It also includes analysis of the activity, its results and major projects of the Russian Centre of Science and Culture in Bratislava.
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41

Dinpajouh, Mona. "Russian Foreign Policy Towards Iran Under Vladimir Putin: 2000 - 2008." Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610874/index.pdf.

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This thesis analyses the foreign policy of Russia towards Iran during Vladimir Putin&rsquo
s presidency. This thesis examines energy, security and regional issues in relation to the cooperation between these two states. Contrary to the view that Russia&rsquo
s relation with Iran is an example of strategic partnership, this thesis argues that Russia does not consider Iran as a strategic partner due to her own global ambitions. Russia just seeks to keep Iran under her sphere of influence. In fact, Russia&rsquo
s is not willing to consider Iran as a strategic partner due to the differences in state structures and national interests of these states. This thesis has six chapters. The first chapter is the introductory chapter. The second chapter gives a historical background on Russian &ndash
Iranian relations until Vladimir Putin&rsquo
s rise to presidency in 2000. The third chapter discusses the role of energy, while the fourth chapter analyses the importance of security issues and their effects on the dynamics of &ldquo
cooperation&rdquo
between Russia and Iran. The fifth chapter discusses regional dimension of Russia&rsquo
s relations with Iran. Final chapter is the conclusion.
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42

Rankin, Colleen A. "International Agendas Confront Domestic Interests: EU Enlargement, Russian Foreign Policy, and Eastern Europe." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1337888570.

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43

Salimzade, Samir. "Internal and External Factors Shaping Russia’s Foreign Policy towards the Baltic States." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23120.

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This thesis discusses one of the most serious security challenges faced by the Baltic states since regaining their independence. This security challenge is a product of Russia’s assertive foreign policy towards its western neighbours, which has intensified after the annexation of Crimea in 2014. In order to understand the rationale behind the Kremlin’s policy in the region, the thesis aims to analyse how internal and external factors shape the foreign policy of Russia towards the Baltic states. By taking neo-classical realism as its theoretical framework, the thesis uses mixed research methods for collecting data and applies qualitative content analysis to analyse the three main factors that shape Russia’s Baltic policy. The thesis identifies that NATO’s actions in the anarchic international system raise security threats towards Russia. This shapes Putin’s threat perceptions and compels him to react with counteractions, and since the foreign policy in Russia is concentrated mainly in the hands of the president, his perceptions are decisive. Nevertheless, Putin is dependent on Russians’ support and exploits nationalist feelings of the Russian population to pursue his foreign policy. The thesis concludes that the combination of these three factors makes Russia’s foreign policy towards the Baltic states more aggressive.
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44

Lundqvist, Anastasia. "Contemprorary Russian Environmental policy: problems, players and priorities. The case of Pskov Region and environmental agenda-setting process." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-1870.

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From the beginning of nineties, when significant changes took place, Russia began to elaborate new environmental policy and designed new patterns for responding the environmental problems. The paper tried to make a contribution to our understanding of environmental policy and policy processes within the Russia in general terms and to the nature of environmental agenda setting in Pskov region in more specific terms. This thesis is therefore explores environmental agenda setting process in Russia taking into consideration contemporary trends in the analysis of policy- making, such as inclusion of non-state actors as well as role of ideas shaping actors attitudes and behaviour. The purpose of the thesis is to study the relationship between transnational forces and interactions, national policy and local political developments and the role of various agents and institutions in agenda setting of the regional environmental policy-making. The frame of reference is constituted by a theoretical combination of the agenda-setting model with constructivist approach in order to broaden our investigation of the implications of environmental policy-making, impact of political culture upon construction of environmental issues, and transformations in the public policy. By focusing on Pskov region case, the paper identifies and discusses a number of reasons why environmental issues are found on the margins of the political agenda. A central argument is that in the absence of effective governance in the Pskov region, international agents together with regional interest groups formulate environmental agenda. The paper concludes that, even though, the mentality of environmentalism is set through the foreign assistance, the processes of learning from international cooperation may contribute to attainment of regional environmental objectives.

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45

Akgul, Esra. "Russian Foreign Policy And The Discourse Of Eurasianism Rhetoric Versus Reality." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606811/index.pdf.

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This thesis aims to examine the evolution of the discourse of Eurasianism and its impact on the formulation and implementation of post-Soviet Russian foreign policy. The thesis argues that both of Russia&rsquo
s post-Soviet leaders: Boris Yeltsin and Vladimir Putin have used the discourse of neo-Eurasianism pragmatically whenever it suited Russia&rsquo
s interests. Moscow ignored this discourse when its foreign policy interests contradicted with the main tenets of this ideology. The thesis has five chapters. Following the introductory chapter, the second chapter explores the evolution of Eurasianism as a discourse and its main variants in post-Soviet era. The third chapter examines the relationship between the Eurasianist discourse and Russian foreign policy under Boris Yeltsin. The fourth chapter discusses the same relationship under Vladimir Putin. The concluding chapter evaluates the main findings of this thesis.
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46

Bruckauf, Zlata. "Parental human investment : economic stress and time allocation in Russia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:99cf2f7a-7bd0-4931-9efa-14f67bf85cc1.

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A decade of growth and wealth generation in Russia ended in 2009 with the collapse in GDP and rising unemployment. This Great Recession added new economic challenges to the ‘old’ problems facing children and families, including widening income inequalities and the phenomenon of social orphanage. One question is how the new and existing material pressures affect parent–child relationships. This research contributes to the answer by examining, in aggregate terms, the role poverty plays in the allocation of parental time in this emerging economy. Utilising a nationally representative sample of children, it explores how child interactions with parents are affected by aggregate and idiosyncratic shocks. Drawing on the rational choice paradigm and its critique, we put forward the Parental Time Equilibrium as an analytical guide to the study. This theoretical approach presents individual decisions concerning time spent with children over the long term as the product of a defined equilibrium between resources and demands for involvement. We test this approach through pooled cross-sectional and panel analyses based on the Russian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey dataset from 2007 to 2009. Children in low-income households face the double disadvantage of a lack of money and time investments at home, with both persistent and transient poverty being associated with lower than average parental time inputs in the sample. Moreover, while on average, we find that children do maintain the amount of time they spend with their parents under conditions of severe financial strain, low–income children lose out on play time with the mother. Material resources cannot be considered in isolation from structural disadvantages, of which rural location in particular is detrimental for parent–child time together. The study demonstrates that the cumulative stress of adverse macro-economic conditions and depleted material resources makes it difficult for parents to sustain their human investment in children. The evidence this study provides on the associations between economic stress and pa-rental time allocations advances our knowledge of the disparities of in the childhood experience in modern Russian society. The findings strongly support the equal importance of available resources and basic demand for involvement, thus drawing policy attention to the need to address both in the best interests of children.
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47

Pettersson, Emelie. "An analysis of foreign involvement within the Syria conflict. : Why had the United States and Russia a foreign interest in Syria." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-90883.

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This study offers an alternative analysis of the current literature regarding foreign involvement in the Syria civil war. The initials briefly describe the current situation in Syria, international relations and why the conflict is interesting to analyse from a scientific standpoint. The relevant actors and theoretical construction are also introduced. In the previous research chapter, the current research is presented concerning the global superpowers as well as the interventions that have taken place in Syria. In the theory chapter realism and liberalism are presented, and a number of important factors are discussed. In the result, the decisions and events that have taken place during the conflict in Syria is analysed through the lens of previous named theories. The actors studied are the USA and Russia. There are both realistic and liberalist elements in the decisions made by the actors. The final part of the essay discusses the result. The underlying interest of the players largely determines which decision is ultimately taken. Moreover, there are underlying tones of realism even in clearly liberalistic decisions.
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48

Karrar, Hasan H. (Hasan Haider) 1973. "The new silk road diplomacy : a regional analysis of China's Central Asian foreign policy, 1991-2005." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102514.

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This thesis explores China's relations with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, from 1991 to 2005, contributing to the body of knowledge by arguing that China's relations with post-Soviet Central Asia were shaped by security and economic imperatives in Xinjiang, home to Muslim Turkic nationalities who have historically challenged Beijing's jurisdiction.
As discussed in Chapter One, after 1949, the Communist Party sought to bring Xinjiang firmly within Beijing's orbit, ending a 150-year long period during which Beijing's hold over Xinjiang periodically faltered. The dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, coupled with instability in Afghanistan, led to new challenges to Beijing's authority.
Chapter Two examines China's relations with Central Asia from 1992 to 1996. In the post-Cold War order characterized by US primacy, China envisioned Central Asia as an arena of cooperation between China, Russia, and the independent republics. However, the republics became fertile ground for transnational Islamist movements. China feared spillover into Xinjiang; consequently, China extended economic cooperation to the impoverished republics with the understanding that they would suppress emigre Uighur organizations. Bilateral economic cooperation was also important for Xinjiang, which benefited from cross-border trade.
Chapter Three examines Sino-Central Asian relations from 1996 to 2001, exploring the development of the Shanghai Five mechanism in 1996 between China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, which initially addressed confidence building, but after 1998, focused on regional security. This was important for China, since in 1996/1997, Xinjiang experienced instability that was exacerbated by the independence of Central Asia. Competition over the region's energy is also examined, which contributed to international rivalry.
Chapter Four examines Sino-Central Asian relations from 2001 to 2005. In June 2001, the Shanghai Accord signatories, and Uzbekistan, established the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). While envisioned as a forum for wide-ranging cooperation, combating "terrorism, separatism, and extremism," was an immediate priority. Following the attacks on September 11, 2001, the United States sought a military presence in Central Asia that temporarily undermined China's influence, heightening China's concerns over energy security. China's response was to gradually deepen relations with the republics in the energy and security fields.
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49

Kopeykina, Valeria. "The maternity capital's impact on birth intervals in Russia : Survival analysis of the transition from the 1st to 2nd child." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-146690.

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From 2007 up until now, Russia’s period fertility rate (TFR) increased at a relative constant pace. This increase coincided with the implementation and execution of pronatalist measures, mostnotably the maternity capital program. In this study, two distinct time periods (pre- and postpolicy) were compared in order to discover the effect of this program on fertility. This study is based on data from the Russian Generations and Gender Survey (GGS), conducted in 2011. Employing event-history analysis for the transition to a 2nd childbirth, this study assesses whether the maternity capital policy has had an impact on the interval between the 1st and 2nd birth and the overall 2nd birth risk. Moreover in this study I aimed to determine whether the 2nd birth risk was different according to woman’s educational level and ages at the time of 1st birth (entry into the 1st motherhood) in the policy period. The analysis pointed out that the transition to the 2nd birth event did not precipitate due to the introduction of maternity capital. Moreover my research indicated that the introduced policy did not increase the overall risk of having a 2nd child. The analysis of the interaction between the post-policy period and woman’s education or age at the 1st birth also did not reveal any significant difference.
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50

Willardson, Spencer L. "Under the influence Of arms: the foreign policy causes and consequences of arms transfers." Diss., University of Iowa, 2013. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2660.

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How are arms export choices made within a state? In this dissertation I use a foreign policy analysis framework to examine this question. I focus on examining each of the three primary levels of analysis in international relations as it relates to the main question. I begin with a typical international relations level and examine the characteristics of the two states that dominate the world arms trade: The United States and Russia. I then examine the full network of relations among all states in the international system that are involved in the sale or purchase of arms. To do this I use an Exponential Random Graph Model (ERGM) to examine these relations, which I derived from data on arms sales from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI). I examine the arms sales in each decade from 1950 through 2010. In order to answer the question of how arms decisions are made within the state, I focus my inquiry on the United States and Russia. It is these states that have the practical capability to use arms transfers as a foreign policy tool. I examine the foreign policy making mechanisms in each of these states to determine how arms transfers can be used as a foreign policy tool. I examine and the bureaucratic institutions within each state and come up with a state ordering preference for how arms decisions are evaluated in each state. Finally, I use case studies to examine arms relations between the both the U.S. and Russia and three other states in each case. The other states were selected based on the pattern of sales between the two countries. I examine these sales to determine the impact of bureaucratic maneuvering and interest politics on the decision-making process within Russia and the United States. I find in my network analysis that the traditional measures of state power - military spending, regime type, and military alliances - do not account for the overall structure of the arms sale network. The most important factors in the formation of the arms sale network in each of the six decades that I study are specific configurations of triadic relations that suggest a continued hierarchy in the arms sale network. I find in my case study chapters that a simple model of state interest as a decision-making rule accounts for the decisions made by the different bureaucratic actors in the U.S. Russian arms sales are driven by a state imperative to increase Russia's market share, and there is high-level involvement in making different arms deals with other countries.
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