Journal articles on the topic 'Russia (Federation) Ethnic relations'
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1
Skvortsova, Yulia. "DEVELOPMENT OF STUDENT YOUTH'S INTER-ETHNIC COMMUNICATION CULTURE IN THEORY AND PRACTICE OF THE USSR AND MODERN RUSSIA." Proceedings of Altai State Academy of Culture and Arts 4 (2020): 86–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.32340/2414-9101-2020-4-86-90.
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The paper considers some aspects of governmental control for relations between peoples and ethnic groups in multicultural Soviet and post-Soviet Russia in setting the stage of inter-ethnic communication culture in student youth community. The historical conditions of appearance of academic interest to easing inter-ethnic and inter-confessional tension among humanities scholars and researchers focused on problematics challenged by social sciences are described. Also, the paper sums years-long experience of public management of inter-ethnic relations in three multicultural territories of modern Russia (Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), Republic of Tatarstan, Republic of Chechnya); the author expresses her own views on effectiveness of state control measures aimed at building inter-ethnic relations culture in student community resided these regions of the Russian Federation.
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Arnold, Richard. "“Thugs with Guns”: Disaggregating “Ethnic Violence” in the Russian Federation." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 5 (September 2009): 641–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903122883.
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How can one understand the phenomenon known as “ethnic violence?” Does subsuming events under the category “ethnic violence” assist our understanding or does it obscure it? Are there lessons that the form ethnic violence takes can teach us? These questions are important not only for anyone interested in the causes and prevention of ethnic violence but also for those who wish to understand group behavior more generally. I explore this question more fully through analysis of the case of the Russian Federation. Russia is a country where in recent times skinhead violence against ethnic minorities has become an important issue. According to Tarasov, Russia contains between 60,000 and 65,000 skinheads active in at least 85 different cities. These skinheads daily commit appalling acts of violence against members of ethnic minorities and human rights activists. Three instances of violence all from the year 2006 help to illustrate some of their activities.
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Mineeva, Elena K., Aleksey I. Mineev, and Aleksey N. Starostin. "TRANSFORMATION OF NATIONAL POLICY IN THE XX – EARLY XXI CENTURY: RUSSIAN EMPIRE, USSR, RUSSIAN FEDERATION." Historical Search 3, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 20–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2022-3-2-20-29.
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Russia is a multinational state, the multi-ethnicity of which continues to be one of its main features even in the XXI century. In modern conditions, the problem of interethnic relations is of particular relevance. The multi-ethnicity of the Russian Federation is an objective circumstance, which we have no right not to take into account, especially since the federalism of our country is based on the national-territorial principle. Each state has its own historical past, on which its content and form, internal and external political relations depend. Russia has a rich and instructive history, which not only affects the present, but also largely determines its future. The gathering of East Slavic tribes around the Kyiv center, the collapse of the single Old Russian state during the period of feudal fragmentation, the creation of Muscovy as a single centralized state, the formation of the Russian Empire, the Soviet Union, the demise of the USSR, and the formation of a peculiar post-Soviet history – all these are specific stages of the Russian past.
The article presents an overview of the implementation of national policy in the XX – early XXI century within the framework of the existence of the Russian Empire, the Soviet Union, and the Russian Federation. An appeal to the history of national relations in Russia and to the experience of Soviet national policy is very relevant in modern times. The national question naturally acted as one of the main problems in different historical epochs. In modern conditions, Russia is still a multi-ethnic state, uniting peoples of different language groups, cultures and confessions. The ethnic core of the country is the Russian people, constituting more than 80% of its population. At the same time, the territory of Russia remains the historical homeland of many peoples who have retained their ethnic identity and created the foundations of their statehood during the years of the Soviet period.
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Yunus, Nur Rohim. "Constitutional Law: Sistem Kontrol Wilayah Dengan Pembentukan Distrik Federal di Negara Rusia." ADALAH 6, no. 1 (June 18, 2022): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/adalah.v6i1.26610.
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Having a large territory with ethnic diversity and nationalism makes the Russian Federation state must provide strategic policies, in order to regulate relations between the center and the regions. The existence of 83 Federal or State Subjects in the Russian Federation made President Vladimir Putin issued a policy in 2000 to establish 9 Federal Districts dividing federal subjects into federal districts headed by an official directly appointed by the president. This makes Russia a unique and interesting country in the analysis of constitutional law studies.
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Wiśniewski, Rafał. "Etniczny wymiar depopulacji w Rosji w ujęciu regionalnym." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 8, no. 2 (November 1, 2018): 125–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.3575.
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The paper addresses the issue of depopulation in Russia, especially the ethnic aspect of this process considering the regional approach. Two essential aspects of depopulation were discussed i.e., the quantitative aspect resulting from the rate of natural increase or decrease and migration, as well as the qualitative aspect exerting impact on changes in the number of ethnic groups, namely the shift in ethnic self-identification. The analysis was conducted for the period of 1989–2010 (the last census in the USSR and the last census conducted in the Russian Federation). Population change in Russia has acquired a specific meaning in regional terms, leading to significant quantitative and structural transformation. On the one hand, there is a depopulation of native Russian regions and ethnic structured regions dominated by the Russians (or more broadly by the Slavs), and on the other, demographic expansion of non- Slavic ethnic groups, especially of North Caucasus. Changing the mutual relations between ethnic groups may cause tension or escalation of ethnic conflicts.
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Torode, Nicky. "National Cultural Autonomy in the Russian Federation: Implementation and Impact." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 15, no. 2-3 (2008): 179–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181108x332596.
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AbstractThis article explores the meaning of national cultural autonomy both in the Soviet period and in the Russian Federation at the time of, and following, the adoption of the 1996 Federal Law on National Cultural Autonomy. The author examines the cartography of national cultural autonomies, that is the ethnic minority associations, set up since 1996 to understand the motivations by ethnic minority communities for establishing an autonomy, often in addition to pre-existing ethnic minority organizations and cultural institutions. For ethnic minority community leaders the autonomy model appeared attractive – the access to state powers and perceived provision of financial resources. The state saw an obvious benefit in autonomy as a means in regulating its relations with a plethora of ethnic organisations which had formed in the final days of the Soviet regime. Although the law marked a historic departure in the history of ethnic minorities by being the first law to name ‘certain ethnic groups’ as the beneficiaries of the promotion of their rights it has not been without its problems. This author suggests the inherent hierarchical structure prescribed within the law whereby only one federal autonomy could exist increased intra-ethnic rivalry rather than unifying ethnic organisations. It also inadvertently brought the Russian question to the fore, that is the place of ethnic Russians in a post-communist Russia who attempted to avail themselves of cultural autonomy. Despite the shortcomings of cultural autonomy both in theory and practice it has performed an essential role in opening up the debate on the national question in the Russian Federation.
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Bornio, Jakub. "Ethnic heterogeneity as a potential target of active measures of Russia: Identification of vulnerabilities of Polish-Ukrainian relations." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 18, no. 3 (December 2020): 27–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2020.3.2.
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This article raises the issue of how the Russian Federation could benefit from the instrumental use of ethnic heterogeneity to pursue its geopolitical interests. The paper focuses on the recent case of a Polish-Ukrainian historical memory dispute which affected relations between Warsaw and Kyiv. The research focus is on how vulnerable Poland and Ukraine are to Russian active measures which potentially target not only national minorities but also groups of people who are only temporarily present in these states, such as economic migrants and tourists. An analysis is conducted of Russia’s geopolitical objectives and its strategy toward Polish-Ukrainian relations in the broader context of the rivalry between Russia and the West. The analysis is conducted within the framework of the neorealist theory of international relations. The case study of specific events discloses how Russia could exacerbate tensions between nations and the role of ethnic heterogeneity in this regard. Against this backdrop, the author shows how Russia may challenge other states of the Euro-Atlantic community with similar active measures.
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Achkasov, Valery, and Anna Abalian. "Russian Ethnofederalism: Evolution and Development Prospects." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 3 (June 30, 2021): 203–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.3.18.
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Introduction. The authors analyze the peculiarities of the formation, evolution and prospects of Russian ethnofederalism, based on the achievements of Russian and Western researchers. Methods and materials. Along with classical approaches to the nature of ethnofederalism, the authors proceed from the concept that relations between the elites of the center and the regions in the Russian Federation are based on the so-called “incomplete contract”, which is characterized by the absence of guarantees for its implementation. Analysis. This political practice comes as a source of the elites desire to change the distribution of power and resources in their favor while the Constitution remains unchanged, the “pendulum” nature of relations along the “federal center – regions” line. In modern Russia federalism does not have a value dimension, both for the elites of the center and the elites of most regions, and it remains a purely instrumental concept. The authors build their analysis of interethnic relations and the prospects of ethnic federalism in Russia, proceeding not from any ideal model, but starting from the existing ethnic political reality with its already existing imperfect institutions of ethnic federalism. At the same time, a differentiated approach is used to assess the correlation between federalism and ethnicity. Results. The authors come to the conclusion that, despite the numerous shortcomings of the ethnic model of federalism (organizational complexity, special requirements for political elites, asymmetry with its inherent “injustice”, etc.), there is no real alternative to it in Russia.
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Korostelina, Karina. "War of textbooks: History education in Russia and Ukraine." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 43, no. 2 (May 7, 2010): 129–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2010.03.004.
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Many scholars stress that teaching about the shared past plays a major role in the formation of national, ethnic, religious, and regional identities, in addition to influencing intergroup perceptions and relations. Through the analysis of historic narratives in history textbooks this paper shows how the governments of the Russian Federation and Ukraine uses state controlled history education to define their national identity and to present themselves in relations to each other. For example, history education in Ukraine portrays Russia as oppressive and aggressive enemy and emphasizes the idea of own victimhood as a core of national identity. History education in the Russian Federation condemns Ukrainian nationalism and proclaims commonality and unity of history and culture with Russian dominance over “younger brother, Ukraine”. An exploration of the mechanisms that state-controlled history education employs to define social identities in secondary school textbooks can provide an early warning of potential problems being created between the two states.
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Minaeva, Eleonora, and Petr Panov. "Localization of Ethnic Groups in the Regions as a Factor in Cross-Regional Variations in Voting for United Russia." Russian Politics 5, no. 2 (June 16, 2020): 131–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00502001.
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Abstract In the context of electoral authoritarianism, political mobilization is likely to be a more reasonable explanation of cross-regional variations in voting for the party of power than the diversity of the regions’ policy preferences. In the Russian Federation, the political machines which coordinate various activities aimed at mobilizing people to vote for United Russia demonstrate different degrees of effectiveness. This article examines the structural factors that facilitate machine politics focusing on ethnic networks. Although strong ethnic networks are more likely to arise if the members of an ethnic group live close to each other, and at the same time separately from other ethnic groups, so far researchers have neglected to consider the localization of ethnic groups within the territory of an administrative unit as a factor. In order to fill the gap, we have created an original geo-referenced dataset of the localization of non-Russian ethnic groups within every region of the Russian Federation, and developed special GIS (geographic information systems) techniques and tools to measure them in relation to the Russian population. This has made it possible to include the localization of ethnic groups as a variable in the study of cross-regional differences in voting for United Russia. Our analysis finds that the effect of non-Russians’ share of the population on voting for UR increases significantly if non-Russian groups are at least partially geographically segregated from Russians within a region.
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Shulman, Stephen. "Competing versus Complementary Identities: Ukrainian-Russian Relations and the Loyalties of Russians in Ukraine*." Nationalities Papers 26, no. 4 (December 1998): 615–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999808408591.
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The huge Russian diaspora created in the wake of the Soviet Union's collapse creates a great challenge to nation builders throughout the “near abroad.” Especially in Lithuania, Kazakhstan, Moldova, Ukraine, by virtue of their size, Russian populations must be integrated into new political communities where they now have minority status. The building of cohesive, unified nation states requires that the identities and loyalties of these Russians be directed toward their new states. If Russians can identify with the broader community dominated by the titular ethnic group and simultaneously maintain a strong ethnic consciousness and loyalty toward the Russian Federation, then national integration can proceed in a relatively straightforward manner. But if creating a state-wide, national identity entails the weakening of Russian ethnic identity and the breaking of emotional and physical attachments to Russia, then national integration will be a much more conflictual and difficult process. Unfortunately, social scientists have paid little theoretical and empirical attention to the question of whether ethnic and national identities complement one another or compete with one another. Likewise, we do not know how a diaspora's relations with its homeland affects its ability to adopt loyalties to its host state. And if scholars are uncertain about these issues, then so likely are ethnic groups themselves; logically the political consequences of this uncertainty also merit study.
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Archer, Dawn, and Christopher Williams. "Constructing a shared history, space and destiny." Pragmatics and Society 4, no. 2 (June 18, 2013): 200–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ps.4.2.05arc.
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The children’s reader, Udmurtiia naveki s Rossiei, celebrates the “450th anniversary of the voluntary entry of Udmurtia into the Russian State structure”. Published in Russian, one of its aims is to familiarize young children (aged 10 and under) with “key events” in Udmurt-Russian relations leading up to the inclusion of Udmurt-inhabited areas in the Russian Empire; emphasizing throughout the absence of inter-ethnic conflict in a “multi-ethnic Udmurtia”. Drawing on history, corpus linguistics and Critical Discourse Analysis, we show how the official representations of Udmurtia and Udmurts, as presented in the reader, fail to provide them with a distinct ethnic voice – separate from Russia – within today’s Russian Federation. Specific attention is paid to the consequences of using ‘unity’ as an argument for achieving ethno-linguistic equality via a Russian civic identity; the way(s) in which this serves the Russian government’s agenda; and its effect on the construction of Udmurt identity.
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Naydenko, Vitaly N. "Factors affecting activities to prevent and suppress ethnic conflicts in the Russian Federation." VESTNIK INSTITUTA SOTZIOLOGII 12, no. 4 (2021): 14–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/vis.2021.12.4.747.
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The article analyses the activities to prevent and suppress ethnic conflicts, activities that form a major component of the national security system of the Russian Federation against extremist, including terrorist, threats. The article examines the features and the degree of influence of the main factors on the activities of state structures, religious organisations, public associations for the prevention and suppression of interethnic conflicts. The survey of twenty experts who are highly qualified specialists in the field of countering ethno-extremism conducted by the author using the methods of questionnaires and in-depth interviews, as well as the results of mass sociological studies and analysis of scientific works and media publications on the topic of the research allowed to determine the degree of influence of the main factors on the ethno-conflict sphere. It was revealed as a result of the research, that the Russian Orthodox Church, traditional Muslim organisations and public law enforcement organisations, primarily Cossack organisations and voluntary people's guards, have the most positive influence on activities to prevent and suppress ethnic conflicts. The factor of "spreading the ideology of the" Russian world "" in the context of aggravated relations with Western countries has practically no effect on anti-conflict activities in the ethno-national sphere. Attempts to support foreign followers of the Russian patriotic project evoke nothing more but Russophobic reaction from the political elites in a number of foreign states. Such factors as “deficiencies in educational and upbringing activities”, as well as “pandemic”, have a negative impact on the activities aimed at preventing and suppressing ethnic conflicts in Russia. The worst influence on the prevention and suppression of ethnic conflicts, according to the experts interviewed, have “activities of elites in national formations”, “migration policy”, as well as “development of Internet communications and social networks”. The author proves that taking into account the peculiarities and degree of influence of the main factors on activities to prevent and suppress ethnic conflicts will not only allow the authorities to ensure the protection of the Russian society from ethno-national threats but also to more effectively solve important tasks of strengthening the all-Russian self-awareness and spiritual community of the Russian nation, harmonising ethno-national relations and state-civil consolidation in the Russian Federation.
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Tsakhirmaa, Sansar. "Comparative Ethnic Territorially Based Autonomy in Tatarstan, Bashkortostan, and Yakutia of Russia: An Analytical Framework." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 5 (May 27, 2020): 891–914. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.77.
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AbstractThis article proposes an analytical framework to address why implemented autonomy outcomes may differ across ethnic republics in the Russian Federation. Composed of a long-range factor, inter-ethnic boundary making, and a short-term factor, titular elites’ representation in the ethno-regional state, the framework is applied to a synchronic comparison of three republics of Russia with differing autonomy outcomes for the 2010s, Tatarstan, Bashkortostan, and Yakutia, reliant upon state-generated data and fieldwork. Titular elites’ representation in the ethnoregional state is used as a proxy for titular elites’ bargaining capacity with the central state. It is argued that an “integration–distinction balance,” or rather, higher inter-ethnic integration combined with robust consciousness of inter-ethnic distinction, can contribute to titular elites’ bargaining capacity with the center, which can lead to greater autonomy outcome for the ethnic republic.
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Dunlop, John B. "Minority Ethnic Mobilization in the Russian Federation." Perspectives on Politics 2, no. 04 (December 2004): 867–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592704570585.
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Kuznetsova, Anna Yu. "Rights of Small Peoples Living in the European North of Russia in the Legislative Acts of the Russian Federation." REGIONOLOGY 27, no. 1 (March 29, 2019): 82–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2413-1407.106.027.201901.082-099.
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Introduction. The work is of relevance due to the ambiguity of the status of small peoples: legislation of many countries (including Russia), being aimed at supporting small ethnic groups, is difficult to implement in practice. The article intends to analyze the situation concerning small ethnic groups living in Russia, created by the system of legislative acts. Materials and Methods. The study employed the method of content analysis, which allowed for a qualitative analysis of documents and their subsequent valid interpretation and comparison. Results. It has been revealed that Russia has not ratified the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and has its own understanding of the term; therefore the state does not recognize the right of peoples to own lands and does not establish a dispute settlement procedure. In theory, Russia provides ethnic groups with a wide range of rights, for example, the right to use lands and the right to receive education in their mother tongue. However, imp lementation of these provisions is often limited or completely impossible due to insufficient resources or conflicts of laws. It has been identified that generally the legislation makes provision for strengthening the unity and integrity of the state as the main goal of the state national policy. Discussion and Conclusion. The legislation on small peoples is of a declarative nature, so there is a need for regulation of relations between the state, enterprises and the indigenous population. Since the legislation is quite flexible due to changes in society, further monitoring of the acts adopted by the state on small ethnic groups and of the mechanisms introduced is necessary and appears to be a matter for further research.
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Naydenko, V. N. "Factors of interethnic conflicts in the Russian Federation." RUDN Journal of Sociology 19, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 707–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2272-2019-19-4-707-721.
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The article considers the conflict factors of interethnic relations in the Russian Federation. The survey of experts, qualified professionals in the spheres of ethno-extremism and interethnic conflicts, the data of opinion polls, analysis of academic papers and relevant mass media allowed the author to identify factors that can have a negative impact on interethnic relations and provoke ethnic conflicts in the next five to seven years. The first group of factors that are highly dangerous in terms of their impact includes economic crisis, low living standards, corruption, migration, proliferation of international Islamic extremism, activities of foreign states, struggles for power and access to federal money between governing elites and ethnic groups in national republics, ineffective educational and cultural policies. The second group of negative factors with a medium impact on interethnic situation consists of activities of interethnic and ethno-religious organizations, organized crime (including ethnic), decrease in the share of Russians in the population, ineffective ethnic policy and poor performance of law enforcement agencies. The third group of factors with a modest impact consists of foreign policy and systematic violations of the rights and freedoms of citizens.
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Simonov, V. A. "Improvement of the constitutional mechanism for the protection of constitutionalism in Russia." Law Enforcement Review 5, no. 4 (January 5, 2022): 100–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.52468/2542-1514.2021.5(4).100-108.
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The subject. The article names the conflict situations that have developed in the Russian Federation that threaten Russian constitutionalism, searches for ways to resolve them, and outlines measures to improve the constitutional and legal protection of the constitutional system and the territorial integrity of our state.The purpose of this article is to identify threats to constitutionalism in the Russian Federation from the point of view of the ethnopolitical and historical development of Russia as well as to identify conflict situations that generate these threats.The methodology. Dialectical method, systematic approach and system analysis, formaldogmatic, logical-legal, comparative-legal, concrete-historical and sociological methods were used.The main results, scope of application. The article indicates the impact on Russia of the negative processes that led to mass riots in foreign countries, and the conflict situations caused by them. When destabilizing public relations in Russia, one of the first places is occupied by inciting hostility on the basis of national relations, first of all, inciting an aggressive minority against a state-forming ethnic group. Grievances and disagreements that took place in the historical past, as well as contradictions of an interfaith and intercultural nature are used as reasons.The article makes proposals for the prevention, suppression and elimination of negative processes and conflict situations aimed at strengthening Russian constitutionalism.They are reduced not only to strict compliance with the existing constitutional and sectoral norms; elimination of contradictions in the Constitution, as well as the specification of constitutional norms by sectoral rules; timeliness, proportionality and inevitability of state coercion measures applied to offenders. Restoration and accelerated development of sectorsof the national economy destroyed during the perestroika; increasing the number of jobs with decent wages; employment of citizens of the Russian Federation first of all; comprehensive expansion of the network of professional training in industrial and technical specialties are among the important measures to protect constitutionalism.
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Wojnicz, Piotr. "WYZWANIA POLITYKI MIGRACYJNEJ FEDERACJI ROSYJSKIEJ – STUDIUM PRAWNE, SOCJOLOGICZNE I GEOPOLITYCZNE (wersja poprawiona)." Civitas et Lex 5, no. 1 (March 31, 2015): 65–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/cetl.2036.
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Migration is a mass phenomenon of our time, a permanent phenomenon which takes manyforms, affects all continents and all countries. This phenomenon is one of the most important socialand international issues of the modern world. In this context, the Russian Federation is not freefrom problems arising from migration processes. Migration policy of the Russian Federation isa very important part of that country’s geopolitical game. Location Russia between the EuropeanUnion and China creates considerable scope to influence the shape of migration processes notonly regional but also global. Russia has become a country of immigration. There are two veryimportant aspects in the migration policy of Russia: the internal and external aspects. The internalaspect relates to such phenomena as the fight against the demographic crisis and related deficitsin the labor market, national and religious revival of ethnic groups living in Russia, the low levelof social integration of immigrants. In terms of external migration policy is treated as an instrumentof pressure on the countries of the former Soviet Union, a way of shaping relations with Chinaand the element of national security. Russian migration policy is an active instrument for solvingproblems within the country, as well as a very important foreign policy wizard. Pejorative sideof this policy is that it is planned from above, without taking into account the needs and natureof various Russian regions.
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Naydenko, Vitaly N. "Ethnopolitical Tensions and Assessment of the Possibility of Ethnic-National Conflicts." Sociologicheskaja nauka i social naja praktika 7, no. 3 (2019): 22–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/snsp.2019.7.3.6687.
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The article examines the problems of open and latent ethnonational tension in Russian society, which in the conditions of aggravation of the social situation, may lead to the use of spontaneous methods of solving ethnonational conflicts, including those of a violent nature. A survey of 20 experts, who are qualified specialists in the sphere of ethno-extremism counteraction and ethno-national conflict localization, conducted by the author of the article, has shown that the majority of them have assessed both the current and forecasted situation in the sphere of ethnonational relations as “tense” for the next five to seven years. In their opinion, “ethnonational tension” is conditioned by a number of long-term factors that will influence the content and dynamics of ethnonational conflict in the Russian Federation: the desire of the USA for global dominance and the confrontational policy of NATO member states towards Russia; the antiRussian policy of the Ukrainian leadership, which is attempting to accuse Russia of “unleashing and waging a hybrid war against Ukraine” and actively pushing Western countries to strengthen confrontation with the Russian Federation; attempts by some states to bring territorial claims against Russia; intensification of the fight against embezzlement of budgetary funds, systemic corruption and ethno-extremist manifestations in the North Caucasus region; the ethnopolitical situation in the Republic of Crimea, characterized by manifestations of Ukrainian nationalism and militant Islamism. According to expert estimates, the highest degree of ethnonational tension is currently maintained in the Republic of Dagestan, the Republic of Ingushetia, the Kabardino-Balkarian Republic, the Karachayevo-Circassian Republic, the Republic of Crimea, the Republic of Bashkortostan and the Republic of Tatarstan. The results of research in the article testify to the necessity of constant study of the problem of ethnonational conflicts, research into the factors influencing the maintenance and dynamics of conflict potential, definition of Russian regions with an increased level of tension, development of recommendations to authorities on prevention and localization of ethnonational conflicts.
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Grigoryev, D. S., A. A. Batkhina, and D. I. Dubrov. "Assimilationism, Multiculturalism, Colorblindness, and Polyculturalism in the Russian Context." Cultural-Historical Psychology 14, no. 2 (2018): 53–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/chp.2018140206.
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The present study examined the relationships between interethnic ideologies (assimilation, colorblindness, multiculturalism, polyculturalism) and generalized and specific prejudice towards Chechens, Belarusians, Uzbeks, and Chinese from the of perception ethnic Russian citizens. In order to take into account of the specific context of intergroup relations in Russia, we also included intergroup contact experience, which potentially associated with prejudice and intergroup tension (frequency and positivity of interethnic contacts, positive interethnic emotions) and perceived neighborhood ethnic density. The results indicated that colorblind and polycultural interethnic ideologies had negative associations with generalized prejudice and prejudice towards Chechens, Uzbeks, and Chinese but not with prejudice towards Belarusians, which was negatively associated with only multicultural interethnic ideology. The total sample was 359 ethnic Russians (female 46,5 %; male 53,5%) from the Central Federal district of the Russian Federation in the age from 16 to 68 years (M = 33,9; SD = 11,9).The obtained results were explained by perceived cultural distance and existing stereotypes towards considered ethnic groups. According to the perspective of two dimensions of the stereotype content model (warmth and competence), these stereotypes are substantially different.
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Remington, Thomas F. "After the Deluge: Regional Crises and Political Consolidation in Russia. By Daniel S. Treisman. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999. 262p. $57.50." American Political Science Review 95, no. 1 (March 2001): 247–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401722010.
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Daniel Treisman offers an ingenious explanation for the fact that the Russian Federation held together after the collapse of the Soviet regime. Unlike the three other ethnic federa- tions in the communist world-Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, and the USSR itself-the Russian Federation, which was the largest of the 15 nationally based constituent republics in the Soviet Union, avoided disintegration. Many observers in the early 1990s feared the same pressures that had led to powerful separatist movements among the Soviet republics would prove too strong for the fragile central government to resist. Yet, Russia managed to maintain itself as a federal state, albeit weak. The one constituent republic in which separatism ultimately led to armed confrontation was Chech- nia, where a brutal war began in 1994, paused in 1996, and erupted again in 1999.
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Krishtal, Mihail I. "Cooperation with Russia and the Current State of the RussianLanguage Community on the Agenda of the 2018 Election to the Seimas of Latvia." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 718–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-4-718-728.
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The article discusses the opinion of the relevant participants in the 2018 elections to the Seimas of Latvia in regards to the Latvian-Russian relations and the situation of the Russianspeaking community in the country. The issue sprung up in the period between the elections as a result of foreign policy (confrontation between Russia and the West to regards to the events in Ukraine) and internal political factors (adoption of the law stipulating the transfer of ethnic minority schools to teaching in the Latvian language). In the light of the ethnic conflict between Latvians and the Russian-speaking population in Latvia, the authors have based their research on S. Lipset and S. Rokkan’s theory of demarcations. Drawing on this theory, the authors use the scoring method to highlight ideological contrasts of political parties. As a result, three different approaches to the current situation have been identified. The first approach is focused on creating conditions for ethnic equality in Latvia and cooperation with Russia. The second approach, on the contrary, stands for limiting the rights of the Russian-speaking population in Latvia and continuing confrontation with the Russian Federation. The third approach, being ideologically close to the second, nevertheless allows for some latitude towards Russian-speaking residents. Based on Pearson’s correlation method, the analysis of the voting geography showed that the ideological contrasts existing between political forces coincide with their electoral divergences.
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Giuliano, Elise. "Secessionism from the Bottom Up: Democratization, Nationalism, and Local Accountability in the Russian Transition." World Politics 58, no. 2 (January 2006): 276–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2006.0025.
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Do ethnic federations undergoing democratization promote or discourage regional secessionism? This article argues, based on evidence from the Russian Federation, that when democratization produces a transfer of political accountability from center to region, the incentives of regional leaders shift, forcing them to react to local constituencies in order to retain office. If these constituencies desire autonomy, regional leaders must respond, making separatism not merely an opportunistic strategy but a necessary one for their own political survival. Democratization, then, can transform administrative regions into electoral arenas.However, the case of Russia also demonstrates that regional demands for autonomy are not inevitable and may dissipate after they have begun. Popular support for nationalism and separatism varied significantly among Russia's sixteen ethnic republics in the late Soviet and early post-Soviet period. This variation is explained by showing that mass nationalism, contrary to conventional wisdom, is neither a latent attribute of federal regions, nor a simple function of natural resource endowments, nor something summoned into existence by the manipulations of regional leaders. Rather, it is argued that increasing competition for jobs in the Soviet Union's failing economy allowed particular issues articulated by nationalist leaders to resonate with ethnic populations. Through the framing of issues of ethnic economic inequality, nationalist leaders were able to politicize ethnicity by persuading people to view their personal life chances as dependent on the political fate of their ethnic community. Thus, secession in democratizing ethnic federations can be best understood by directing attention toward the origins of popular support for nationalism and the role that support plays in the elite contest for power within subfederal regions.
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DUNCAN, PETER J. S. "CONTEMPORARY RUSSIAN IDENTITY BETWEEN EAST AND WEST." Historical Journal 48, no. 1 (March 2005): 277–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04004303.
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This is a review of recent English-language scholarship on the development of Russian identity since the collapse of the USSR in 1991. The first part examines literature on the economic and political changes in the Russian Federation, revealing how scholars became more sceptical about the possibility of Russia building a Western-type liberal democracy. The second part investigates approaches to the study of Russian national identity. The experience of empire, in both the tsarist and Soviet periods, gave Russians a weak sense of nationhood; ethnic Russians identified with the multi-national Soviet Union. Seeking legitimacy for the new state, President El'tsin sought to create a civic identity focused on the multi-national Russian Federation. The Communist and nationalist opposition continued to promote an imperial identity, focused on restoring the USSR or creating some other formation including the Russian-speaking population in the former Soviet republics. The final section discusses accounts of the two Chechen wars, which scholars see as continuing Russia's imperial policy and harming relations with Russia's Muslim population. President Putin's co-operation with the West against ‘terrorism’ has not led the West to accept Russia as one of its own, due to increasing domestic repression and authoritarianism.
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Włodarska-Frykowska, Agata. "Ethnic Russian Minority in Estonia." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 18, no. 2 (December 30, 2016): 153–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ipcj-2016-0015.
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The article examines the position of Russians in Estonia and their relation with ethnic Estonians. The author analyzes models of the society integration introduced by Tallinn after 1991. The results raise questions regarding language education in Estonia, the proficiency level of Estonian is getting widely known by Russians, but on the other hand, there is still a significant part of the population that cannot communicate in Estonian. Those who have a good command of Estonian tend to be better integrated and to coexist with both Estonians and Russians. Russians living in Estonia are supposed to be equally involved in social and political life of the state. The potential of all residents has to be effectively and considerably used, especially when the number of population is decreasing. The position of Russians in Estonia is a major domestic and bilateral issue in the relations with the Russian Federation.
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Yengibaryan, R. V. "Is There a Need for the Modernization of Russian Federalism and To What Extent?" Journal of Law and Administration, no. 3 (January 23, 2019): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2018-3-48-3-10.
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Introduction. The issues of federalism theory, history, policy and practices have been the focus both in Russia and abroad over decades. Hundreds of books, thousands of research papers, lots of scientific conferences and seminars seem to have been dedicated to this problem. Yet we are still watching a burgeoning interest in this issue due to the increasing role of federalism in the reality of the modern world.Methods and Materials. The research involves such methods as logical analysis, systematic and comparative legal methods, etc.Research Outcomes. 1. The federal system of Russia, its political stability, sustainable nature of interfederal relations are the true facts, giving rise to necessity for the transition to a new model of federalism, which can prove to be more appropriate in terms of current economic and political environments prevailing in Russia.2. There is no doubt that the federal system of polity of the Russian Federation is justifed by legal, judicial, political and economic aspects, with no reasonable alternatives. The question is whether the existing principle of national and territorial structural organization of the Russian Federation is appropriate by now. There are persuasive arguments for the priority of the geographical and economic principle over the national and territorial division.3. The geographical and economic principle priority in the organization of modern Russia does not mean that specifc national and ethnic features of certain regions will be neglected.4. The geographical and economic principle priority in the organization of the Russian Federation will result in the consolidation of Russian entities and provide them with more extent of economic independence.Discussion and conclusion. It is obvious that from perspective of long-term development of Russia, the development of all Russian entities should be going at the same pace, which is not an easy task in the existing social, political and economic environments. The pace of development demonstrated by Moscow or Saint Petersburg Regions, or Tatarstan cannot be justly compared with those of Ingushetia or Dagestan. Indeed, the developed entities of the Russian Federation cannot endlessly donate to those lacking dynamics in their development. It is crystal clear that the modern day organization of the Russian Federation based on mere national and territorial grounds can hardly promote the equal development and integration of all Russian regions. Cultural and civilizational distinctions of certain entities should not lead to their isolation within one country and lagging behind national development.
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Saidov, Akhmedkhan, and Alibekova Yakhyaevna. "Islam and the Russian State in the Imperial Period: the Nature and Stages of Relations." Islamovedenie 12, no. 4 (December 30, 2021): 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.21779/2077-8155-2021-12-4-44-58.
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The article is devoted to the study of the Islamic policy of the Russian state in the Imperial Period, which today is of great interest to the Russian academia due to a wide involvement of socio-historical knowledge in the process of developing a modern concept of state structure in the Russian Federation. Analyzing the current controversy on this issue associated with finding legitimate, political and ideological grounds for the new concept and comparing various ideological positions and assessments of the nature of the relationship between Islam and the imperial state, the authors discover a differentiated approach of the imperial state to different Muslim peoples and their social categories. A significant drawback of contemporary controversy is that its participants, when dealing with such an essential issue, do not attach importance to the Eurasian, multi-ethnic, confessional and civilizational foundations of integration and modernization of the Russian society, thus repeating the mistakes of tsarism and post-Soviet “Westernizers”. Due to the use of new ideological approaches and sources of information, the authors integrate the most important elements of Islamic political culture with political and legal processes in the Russian state and analyze the conditions and positive factors that can give stability and dynamic development to the Russian society proceeding from its civilizational essence. The work highlights qualitatively different stages of the relationship between Islam and the imperial state, reveals the socio-political, ideological and moral limitations of tsarism. The authors conclude that only a truly democratic and legitimate system of government in Russia is capable of creating and sustaining the political and ideological foundations of state-building based on indepth civilizational, ethnic and confessional Eurasian priorities. Regrettably, these characteristics were not inherent to the Russian Empire and are not typical of contemporary Russia.
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Popov, Alexander A. "IMPLEMENTATION OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT OF PEOPLES TO ETHNO-CULTURAL IDENTITY IN THE MULTI-ETHNIC REGION (on the materials of the Komi Republic)." Historical Search 1, no. 4 (December 25, 2020): 77–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2020-1-4-77-83.
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The article analyzes the process of enforcing the peoples’ constitutional right to ethno-cultural identity, which is especially relevant in the conditions of multinationality and polyethnicity of the Russian Federation. The Constitution of our country guarantees the ethno-cultural development of the peoples of Russia. The choice of the study region is due to the fact that the Komi Republic is one of the most multi-ethnic national-territorial entities within the Russian Federation. The norms of the Constitution of the Russian Federation and the Constitution of the Komi Republic in the field of national life are successfully implemented in practice. The diverse national life of the Komi Republic, as a historically formed multi-ethnic community, found its direct reflection in 12 out of 103 articles of the Komi Republic Constitution that is currently in force. The constitutional norms analyzed in the study have been successfully working and implemented in the diverse national life of the Republic for a quarter of a century. The region has created a developed infrastructure in the field of interethnic and inter-confessional relations. At the expense of the republican budget, subsidies are allocated to support the activities of social movements and national-cultural autonomies. The state language policy is aimed at cultivating the traditional values of the Russian language, of the native languages of the peoples living in the Republic. Based on the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the model of state national policy is aimed at serving the peoples’ interests in a multinational region in its composition. Thus, the main importance of this model is that it enables the authentic culture of Komi people to develop; it is aimed at meeting ethno-cultural needs and the needs of other nationalities, as well as contributes to the formation of an All-Russian civil identity.
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Simonsen, Sven Gunnar. "“You Take Your Oath Only Once:” Crimea, The Black Sea Fleet, and National Identity Among Russian Officers." Nationalities Papers 28, no. 2 (June 2000): 289–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713687467.
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The Soviet military officer's motto was “I serve the Soviet Union.” He had taken an oath to a state whose leadership constantly stressed the ethnic diversity of its population. When the USSR fell apart, however, only one of its 15 successor states—the Russian Federation—did not declare itself the homeland of one specific ethnic group. The reality of the divorce was difficult to grasp for many people in the former Soviet Union. In Russia, ideas of democracy and hopes for the future of the RSFSR as an independent state were standing strong. Not all the newly independent states would be missed; the Central Asian republics were widely seen as a culturally distant periphery tapping the RSFSR of resources. However, shedding off Kazakhstan, Belarus, and above all, Ukraine was a completely different story.
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Omelchenko, Elena A. "CHILDREN FROM MIGRANTS’ FAMILIES IN RYAZAN’ AND KALUGA REGIONS: PROBLEMS OF INTEGRATION INTO RUSSIAN SOCIETY." Vestnik Chuvashskogo universiteta, no. 2 (June 25, 2021): 142–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/1810-1909-2021-2-142-157.
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The problems of adaptation and integration of ethnic migrants into the Russian society become more and more acute, due to the intensification of migration processes in the modern world and the involvement of the Russian Federation in them. Nearly 38 million children participate in the international migration, and many of them meet difficulties with the access to qualitative education, and have to pass through an enduring and tricky way of linguistic, cultural, social and psychological adaptation. The structure of conventional cultural and communicative, natural and geographical contacts, interactions of a child with his family and relatives is destroying, a child is stressed and experiences the crisis of identity, has to rethink and reinvent values and social regulations. The listed problems contribute to the increase of social disadaptation of ethnic migrants’ children; generate the situation of their potential failure in the future. Inside the society, accepting migrants, these problems complicate the structure of interethnic relations and links, and sometimes it becomes a ground for inter-ethnic tension.
In the Russian Federation, the problem of adaptation of children from the families of ethnic migrants also becomes quite urgent, especially in the sphere of education. The author of the article has been researching this theme during the latest 20 years, and in 2019–2020 this research is made in the frames of the project “Integration of the children of ethnic migrants’ families via education: the methodical and consultative support of schools and kindergartens in the regions of the Russian Federation”, where 32 educational organizations in ten regions participate. The article illustrates a series of problems connected with the adaptation of migrant children, using the materials of the research made in the Ryazan’ and Kaluga regions. These children are mostly migrants of one-and-a-half or the second generation, and their families came to Russia from Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan and Tajikistan. Several paragraphs refer to the problems of adaptation to school of the Gypsy children. Basing on the results of the analysis, the author names main restrictions that prevent schools from the organization of intensive work aimed at linguistic, social and cultural adaptation of ethnic migrants’ children. She also defines main problems restraining the integration of the children from ethnic migrants’ families into the Russian educational environment and Russian society.
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Gabdrakhmanova, Gulnara F., and Guzel I. Makarova. "New frontiers of research of ethno-social processes in the Russian regions." Historical Ethnology 7, no. 2 (2022): 335–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22378/he.2022-7-2.335-342.
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The article highlights the results of the work of the 5th All-Russian scientific and practical conference “Positive experience in the regulation of ethno-social and ethno-cultural processes in the regions of the Russian Federation”, held on April 28–29, 2022 in Kazan. The main thematic areas of the forum focus on identities (all-Russian, regional, local, ethnic), their influence on the socio-psychological attitudes of the Russians and on interethnic relations; language policy and language processes in Russian regions; migration; theory and practice of post-secular society. The appeal of the conference participants to a wider range of topics is pointed out, taking into account the tasks facing the modern Russian society. They include the consequences of Covid-19 and intangible resources for the development of Russia and its subjects in the context of the formation of the new world order.
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Sieradzan, Przemysław J. "Kabardo-Bałkaria jako republika dwutytularna w składzie Federacji Rosyjskiej." Cywilizacja i Polityka 16, no. 16 (November 30, 2018): 132–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.7605.
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The present paper is dedicated to the Republic of Kabardino-Balkaria – one of the subject of Russian Federation, in which two ethnic groups have a status of “titular nation”. The point of entry to the further considerations is an analysis of the phenomenon of “bi-titularism” in the context of the specifics of the political system of Union of Soviet Socialist Republic and Russian Federation. The further part of the study is dedicated to two ethnic groups, which are completely different in both cultural and linguistic aspect – Kabardians (who belong to Abkhaz-Adyghe superethnos) and Turkic Balkars. The influence of bi-titular model on the character of the political regime, inter-ethnic relations and stability of the regional situation.
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Neznanova, Violetta Sergeevna. "Impact of the Orthodox Church upon the development of civil society in Russia." Социодинамика, no. 10 (October 2021): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7144.2021.10.36677.
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The subject of this article is the impact of Orthodox Church upon the development of civil society in Russia. The goal is to reveal the role of the Orthodox Church within the structure of Russian civil society, analyze the evolution of civil society in Russia, shed light on interaction between the government and civil society, and demonstrate what unites the Orthodox Church and civil society in Russia. The article leans on the “Fundamentals of Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Church”, data of the Civic Chamber of the Russian Federation, public chamber of St. Petersburg, “Center for the Development of Nonprofit Organizations”, etc. The scientific novelty lies in disclosure of the role of Orthodox Church within the structure of Russian civil society; analysis of the evolution of civil society in Russia; clarification of the peculiarities of interaction between the government and civil society, as well as what unites the Orthodox Church and civil society in Russia. The conclusion is drawn that the role of Orthodox Church as the civil institution in political relations is defined by the following factors: 1) as the guardian of the highest religious values, the Church is the “sense of conscience” of the civil society; Church is the civil institution for defending the public interest; 3) Church is the interlink between the private and common interests, as well as ensures social integration; 4) Church is the guardian of not only personal faith, but collective identity as well. The religious majority tends to view their faith as a social “ethics”, while the religious minorities rather view it as ethnic affiliation.
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Peregudov, Sergei P. "The "Question of the Ethnic Russians" in the Context of Ethnic Relations in the Russian Federation." Russian Politics & Law 52, no. 1 (January 2014): 6–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rup1061-1940520101.
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Peregudov, Sergei P. "The “Question of the Ethnic Russians” in the Context of Ethnic Relations in the Russian Federation." Russian Social Science Review 56, no. 4 (July 4, 2015): 52–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10611428.2015.1074013.
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Vorontsov, Vladimir Stepanovich, and Denis Arkadievich Chernienko. "INTERETHNIC RELATIONS IN THE REPUBLICS OF MARI EL, MORDOVIA AND UDMURTIA IN THE ASSESSMENTS OF EXPERTS." Yearbook of Finno-Ugric Studies 16, no. 4 (December 26, 2022): 618–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2224-9443-2022-16-4-618-627.
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The article presents some results of an expert survey conducted in 2021 in the framework of a scientific research project entitled "The Ethnic Factor in the Socio-Political Life of Russia's Regions: from Ethno-political Mobilization to Civic Integration (Republics of Bashkortostan, Mari El, Mordovia, Udmurtia and Chuvashia)". The materials received enabled to analyse the opinions of experts - specialists in the field of national and youth policy regarding the role and significance of the ethnic factor in contemporary socio-political processes, assessments of the interethnic situation and proposed measures for strengthening ethno-political stability. The relevance of the study during this period was related to two important national campaigns - elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation and the All-Russian Population Census. To some extent, the coronavirus pandemic and related socio-economic crises may have affected the state of ethno-confessional relations. In addition, contemporary Russia is influenced by a number of unfavourable external factors that can affect the situation in the regions and generate tensions in the system of ethno-political system of ethno-political relations. An analysis based on expert opinion shows that the Finno-Ugric republics in the Volga federal district present a model of longstanding stability in interethnic relations and relative non-conflict, even though they experience the same difficulties as other Russian regions, often with greater economic potential and higher levels of social development. Therefore, the model of conflict-free, sustainable social development in the Finno-Ugric republics requires further systemic analysis. On the whole, the results obtained indicate the current dominance of regional socio-economic problems over inter-ethnic contradictions.
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Khachatryan, Ludmila A., and Ekaterina M. Korobkina. "MANAGEMENT PRACTICES FOR STRENGTHENING OF INTER-NATIONAL CONSENT AT THE REGIONAL LEVEL (THE CASE OF THE PERM KRAI)." Вестник Пермского университета. Философия. Психология. Социология, no. 4 (2018): 583–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2078-7898/2018-4-583-593.
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Modern society is a society formed as a result of numerous changes that occurred in the world at both global and national levels. It includes many ethnic entities organized into a complex ethnic and social structure. This article analyzes the practice of management of cross-national relations in Perm Krai with the aim of strengthening the interethnic harmony. Perm Krai, just like the whole Russian Federation, is characterized by polyethnicity. While some ethnic groups have been living and developing for a long time within Perm Krai, others regard the region as a temporary place of refuge. Constant complication of the national structure and interethnic relations requires an appropriate policy that can ensure the inter-ethnic harmony. The aim of the article is to study administrative practices for achieving the interethnic harmony at the regional level, since it is at the regional level that unique administrative decisions are being developed and implemented to resolve interethnic problems and prevent conflicts on national grounds. The Perm region has accumulated a wealth of experience in the area of development and harmonization of cross-national relations, which was highly appreciated at the all-Russian level. Management practices for implementing the tasks set out in the Strategy of the State National Policy in the Russian Federation for the period up to 2025, Perm Krai has developed six targeted programs for the development and harmonization of interethnic relations. This experience is of interest for specialists in the management of social and interethnic interaction, achievement of the inter-ethnic harmony in society.
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KURIUKIN, ANDREY. "SOME CHARACTERISTICS OF CONTEMPORARY POLITICAL AND LEGAL DISCOURSE OF ETHNIC AND NATIONAL CONFLICTS IN RUSSIA." Sociopolitical sciences 10, no. 4 (September 30, 2020): 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2020-10-4-53-64.
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The issue of ethnic relations and the conflicts generated by them is acutely relevant. Many branches and directions of modern science study it. Political science and jurisprudence are in the foreground of the modern study of ethno-national conflictology. Over a long period of research, they have developed several influential approaches that have become widespread. The growing complexity of the surrounding political and legal reality, the escalation of conflict in society, including ethno-national, require the search and application of new research paradigms. One of these is the analysis of political and legal discourse, which consists in studying the ways of how legal meanings, ideas, opinions and preferences, which are carried by legislators, are technically and meaningfully embodied in the texts of normative acts, subsequently forming a specific political and legal reality. Analyzing the domestic ethno-conflictological political and legal discourse, the author concludes that in the era of the Russian Empire, the legalization of ethno-national relations had little attention from legislators, the documents adopted in the 19th century carried widespread ideas of the legislative theory and existed unchanged until 1917. The basic paradigm of the Soviet political and legal regulation of ethno-national relations was the ideological dogmas of the theorists of Marxism-Leninism, within which, in Soviet society, such a phenomenon as an ethno-national conflict was denied, but, in fact, existed. At the present stage, after the acute events of the second half of the 1980s - 1990s, a serious system of political and legal regulation of ethno-national relations was developed. It bore fruit. Today, the domestic political and legal regulation of ethno-national relations has the character of a developing system designed to adequately respond to changes. The article can be used to improve the state social and legal policy of the Russian Federation. Also, the materials presented can provide the interest of students, graduate students, teachers, researchers and other people who are interested in the current social, political and legal development of Russia.
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Philippova, Evgenia Yu. "Included or excluded: Minority languages in government programs texts in multi-ethnic regions of the Russian Federation." Ars Administrandi (Искусство управления) 12, no. 4 (2020): 577–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-9173-2020-4-577-594.
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Introduction: the inclusion of the language issue into the institutional agenda is a topical matter for Russia with its multiple ethnic groups speaking their native language. However, such an inclusion can be implemented in different forms and to a different degree, in particular, in the context of thematic government programs. The study attempts to determine the variability spectrum in the practices of including the ethnic minorities’ languages into thematic government programs texts in the multi-ethnic regions of the Russian Federation. Objectives: to identify models for including the language component into thematic government programs texts operating in multi-ethnic Russian regions, to understand the scale of the existing variability, taking into account the ethnolinguistic structure of the population in this regions. Methods: cross-regional comparative content analysis of thematic government programs in Russian multi-ethnic regions. Results: the presence of cross-regional variability was determined in the inclusion of the language component into thematic government programs texts of three types: the programs in the field of national policy, in education and in relation to the preservation, development and study of the regional languages. Four models of including the language component into thematic government programs texts have been identified: “all-encompassing”, “title-oriented”, “priority selective” and “ignoring”. No stable relationship between the specificity of the ethno-national structure of the Russian regions population and the variability of mentioning the languages in thematic government programs texts has been found. Conclusions: the variability of the language component inclusion into thematic government programs texts is manifested in the extent and depth of language topics coverage, therefore there is a need for an additional research through a qualitative comparative analysis of a selection of cases.
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Ryazantsev, Sergey, Elena Pismennaya, Maria Apanovich, and Dzerassa Dzusova. "SOUTH CAUCASIAN ETHNIC COMMUNITIES IN RUSSIA: SPECIFICS OF FORMATION AND ECONOMIC CONTRIBUTION TO THEIR HOMELANDS." Central Asia and The Caucasus 22, no. 1 (March 23, 2021): 047–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.1.05.
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This study has been suggested by the huge importance of labor migration for the social and economic development of the South Caucasian post-Soviet space. Confronted with an unprecedented outflow of their citizens and acutely aware of the problems associated with migration of able-bodied population to other countries, Russia among them, these countries have arrived at a conclusion that their migration policies need reforms. The article analyzes the trends of labor migration from the South Caucasian countries to Russia and other equally popular destinations. The migration trends up to and including Russia’s regions with the maximum numbers of labor migrants from the Southern Caucasus and the structure of their employment by industry are also analyzed. The paper contains statistics on the amounts of remittances sent by labor migrants from Russia to their homelands and assesses their impact on the economies of corresponding states. The cultural and economic contacts between the diasporas and the countries of their origin suggested a comparative analysis of their emergence and development. We have identified the typical industries preferred by representatives of each of the South Caucasian states in Russia, and the documents required of migrants to be employed in Russia. Conclusions related to the specifics of influence and the role of the diasporas in the structure of their employment are contained in the final part of our article along with the identified patterns and trends of these processes. Today, the situation on the market is unbalanced when it comes to job availability and the positions of members of these diasporas. The situation will remain the same as long as diasporas preserve their influence and the migration flows, their proportions. We have identified the most attractive regions in terms of job availability, the spread of migrants from the Southern Caucasus across the regions of the Russian Federation and the rivalry between Azeris, Armenians, and Georgians for jobs in various employment spheres.
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Kuleshov, Roman, and Elena Foigel. "Interethnic Relations: Organizational and Forensic Aspects of Modern Criminal Policy." Russian Journal of Criminology 16, no. 1 (March 11, 2022): 111–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-4255.2022.16(1).111-121.
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The authors analyze legal regulation of interethnic relations in the sphere of criminal law and the problems of implementing legal norms in modern law enforcement activities. It is noted that the condition of interethnic relations in a multinational country determines a substantial part of the migration policy and has a great influence on the economic, political and criminogenic situation. The authors describe the modern condition of interethnic relations in the Russian Federation, trace the historical connection with the national question in the Russian Empire and the USSR, analyze the State Strategy of National Policy of the Russian Federation till 2025 approved by the Decree of the RF President of December 19, 2012 № 1666. It is shown that Russian legal regulation of interethnic relations lacks a unified framework of concepts and categories; for example, there are no clear boundaries between the concepts «ethnic», «national», «racial» and their derived categories. All of them are used in a chaotic manner with different mutual correlations. The article describes the contents of the compared concepts, determines their converging and differentiating features. The fundamental difference in the understanding of the concept of «national» in Russian and foreign legislation and law enforcement is stressed. The authors prove the necessity to unify terminology, bring examples from Russian court practice and the position of the European Court of Human Rights, establish the criminalistic significance of ethnic information. It is suggested that the specific framework of concepts and categories should be the basis for the development of practical instruments for using ethnic information about the participants of a crime event — a mechanism of practical implementation of the legal regulation of interethnic relations, and for determinig its goals, tasks, and key directions of work. Besides, the authors examine modern social interethnic situation in the area of identifying, investigating and detecting crimes.
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Ilyuhina, Vera. "Classification of the principles of family law of Russia." Legal Science and Practice: Journal of Nizhny Novgorod Academy of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia 2022, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 44–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.36511/2078-5356-2022-1-44-51.
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Based on the positivist legal thinking, the classification of the principles of family law is analyzed: 1) according to the source of the normative consolidation of the principles of family law; 2) in the field of legal regulation. Within the framework of the first classification, three groups of principles of family law are distinguished and characterized: 1) constitutional principles of family law, duplicated and (or) specified in the Family Code of the Russian Federation (three principles); 2) constitutional principles of family law, not duplicated in the Family Code of the Russian Federation (thirteen principles); 3) sectoral principles of family law, reflected only in the Family Code of the Russian Federation (seven principles). Within the framework of the second classification, general legal principles that are valid in the field of family law (eleven principles), intersectoral principles of family law (two principles) and specific sectoral principles of family law (ten principles) are distinguished and characterized. It is substantiated that some provisions of Part 1 of Article 1 of the Family Code of the Russian Federation (building family relations based on feelings of mutual love and respect, mutual assistance and responsibility to the family of all its members) are not principles of law, but represent a special way of fixing certain guidelines in family relations, family values, which in turn are based on the norms of morality and ethics.
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Jankiewicz, Szymon, and Nadezhda Knyaginina. "Language Conflicts in Russia’s Education System." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 16, no. 1 (April 1, 2019): 188–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117_01601009.
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This article analyses changes to the language policy in Russia in 2017, and their effects on the state (national) languages of Russia’s republics within the education system. In July 2017, Russian President Vladimir Putin gave a speech at the Council on Interethnic Relations, addressing the language rights of the Russian-speaking population and stressing the existing limit of the power of Russia’s 22 ethnic republics to introduce compulsory study of their official languages. The President’s statements provoked widespread prosecutorial inspections in the republics’ schools and a new round of public discussion about language policy. Public discontent in Tatarstan, Bashkortostan and Komi led to protests against both ethnic Russians and the native speakers of languages recognised as co-official with Russian (‘state languages of the republics’). The authorities of some republics publicly disagreed with the position taken by the federal government. In other republics, however, the President’s speech did not trigger any public discussion. In many republics, it looks like the regional authorities will ultimately accept the decision of the federal government and speakers of republican languages will not actively defend their languages. Effectively, the balance of rights of the federation and the republics for the establishment of state languages, achieved in the 1990s, was violated.
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Nizamova, Liliya R. "Ethnic Tatars in contention for recognition and autonomy: Bilingualism and pluri-cultural education policies in Tatarstan." Nationalities Papers 44, no. 1 (January 2016): 71–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2015.1124076.
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This article explores the development of language and education policies in the Republic of Tatarstan, a constituent of the Russian Federation, in the context of continued decline in minorities’ political nationalism between 2000 and the 2010s. The new “model of Tatarstan” relies on a close partnership with Moscow reaffirmed by an exclusive treaty on the division of powers. However, this formality does not eliminate Tatars’ cultural contention for recognition and autonomy. The case of Tatarstan speaks to both the potential and the constraints of autonomous territories that are incapable of satisfying the needs of co-nationals living beyond their administrative borders. Language policies and education practices have become a relatively autonomous area for claim-making in defense of Tatar culture as well as bilingualism and multicultural education in the region. This study reveals the interrelationship between the two components, Tatar ethno-culturalism and “pluri-culturalism,” and the encouragement of the region's diversity in the public domain of Tatarstan. Valuable in itself, the latter in a wider context appears to be a necessary condition for protecting minority groups in multinational Russia. Thus while promoting the interests of the “titular” nationality — ethnic Tatars — Tatarstan also serves the advancement of multicultural values in present-day Russia.
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Vorontsov, V. S. "FORMATION, DEVELOPMENT AND TRANSFORMATION OF NATIONAL ELITES IN THE USSR AND THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 3, no. 2 (June 25, 2019): 201–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2019-3-2-201-213.
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The article reveals the establishment and transformation of elite groups in the USSR. “The theory of elites” allows to expand our understanding of the crisis of the beginning and end of the 20th century, which affected all spheres of life in the Russian society. The analysis of the ethnopolitical situation right prior to the collapse of the country suggests that it was not only a clash between the “top” and the “bottom”, elites and counter-elites, but also a confrontation within the elites and counter-elites, considering their different ideological attitudes and the ethnonational component. In contrast to pre-revolutionary Russia, in Soviet society elite groups were replenished in the process of “vertical mobility” at the expense of all layers of the multi-ethnic population. This is evident by the statistics on the nationality of the country's leadership and the national composition of the ruling Communist Party. The multinational Communist Party of the Soviet Union was a strong uniting point for the society, and just as in 1917 the fall of monarchy triggered the collapse of the empire, in 1990s it was enough to abolish the monopoly of the Communist Party to trigger and intensify centrifugal tendencies and aggravate inter-ethnic relations. The credibility of the union center, as the supreme arbiter and the guarantor of the integrity of the country, was undermined. Along with socio-economic, political, international, and national factors, the decisive importance in the collapse of the USSR was played by the rebirth and betrayal of the ruling class of the country.
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Sieradzan, Przemysław J. "Czynniki destabilizacji politycznej w Karaczajo-Czerkiesji: separatyzm etniczny i fundamentalizm religijny." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 2 (November 2, 2018): 93–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2012.17.2.7.
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The Republic of Karachay-Cherkessia is among the most unstable entities of the Russian federation. Whereas the ideas of radical political Islam enjoy little popularity there, the ethnic structure is exceptionally complex, which is not reflected in the model of territorial administration. The scale of corruption and nepotism of the local elite is enormous. The relations between the two titular ethnicities of Karachay-Cherkessia abound in mutual prejudices and distrust, or even hostility. The current model of a two-nationality republic is an element of the Soviet legacy, originally introduced in order to overcome ethnic particularism. The decline of the Soviet model of state fostered ethnic particularism and separatism, which applied to Karachays and Cherkessians alike at the turn of the nineteen-eighties. At present, Karachay separatism is a marginal phenomenon, while the influence of the Pan-Cherkessian movement has been consistently growing, posing an increasing threat to the territorial integrity of the Russian Federation. The author characterizes various dimensions of ethnic separatism in Karachay-Cherkessia and analyzes the reasons for the weakness of the armed Islamist underground in this Caucasian republic.
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Bogatova, O. A. "SOCIAL IDENTITY OF “POWER CITIES” IN MODERN RUSSIA: BASIC SOCIOLOGICAL APPROACHES." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 4, no. 4 (December 28, 2020): 361–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2020-4-4-361-374.
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The article analyzes domestic theoretical and methodological approaches to the study of administrative centers of the subjects of the Russian Federation. The author states a wide application of the concept of "capital city" in relation to the regional administrative centers, which are described by researchers as points of concentration of regional (or federal) ruling elites, dominating over the controlled and dependent on them "peripheral" territory of the region in political, economic and cultural relations, having access to global or federal financial flows, providing the population of the city and the region with social chances and access to a variety of services, creating and centralizing information and communication flows on the territory under their control, as well as cultural and symbolic foundations of regional identity. It is noted that there are opposing approaches to the analysis of regional and urban territorial identities in the research: essentialist one, based on the identification of "territories of belonging" and "territorial spaces" as objects of social identification of the population and symbolic formation of territorial identity politics with the self-consciousness of the region and its capital; and constructivist approach, focusing on the activity and interest of regional elites in the production of their capital identities. Culturalization is characterized as the predominant frame for the study of urban identity in contemporary Russia, with less pronounced attention to the civic component of urban identity, which is based on a sense of responsibility for the city and local civic activism. Among the distinctive characteristics of the capital cities identity of the republics within the Russian Federation, domestic researchers refer to the tendency to its "ethnicization" and absorption of republican identity through the reduction of cultural and symbolic components to cultural symbols and performative (including socio-political) practices, attributed by regional elites to the ethno-national identity of "titular" ethnic communities of the republics. Nevertheless, almost the same parameters of identity - local symbols, regional and capital cities’ "political mythology", its heroes and narratives, public events are considered as "natural" or constructed bases of capital city identity in the studies devoted to both the capitals of the republics and other subjects of the Russian Federation.
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Гайнанова, А., and A. Gaynanova. "Dynamics of Ethnic Stereotypes of Russian and Ukrainian Youth under the Changing Social and Political Situation." Scientific Research and Development. Socio-Humanitarian Research and Technology 8, no. 1 (March 27, 2019): 47–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/article_5c8f4f148eb463.92696534.
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The article addresses the concept of ethnicity, interethnic relations. There has been made an analysis of the concept of ethnic stereotype, identification of its components, determination of types of ethnic stereotypes, study of the reasons for the transformation of ethnic stereotypes. The goal of this study is to evaluate the changes in social and political situation on ethnic stereotypes of Russian and Ukrainian students. The article features results of an empiric study which reveals changes in contents, quantity and orientation of ethnic stereotypes of Russian and Ukrainian students in connection with the social and political situation between the Russian Federation and the Ukraine. The number of genuine stereotypes both at Russian and Ukrainian students has decreased. The contents and number of auto stereotypes has changed: increased at the Russians, decreased at the Ukrainians. The number of heterostereotypes has declined, the attitude towards members of its own ethnic group has remained positive, while towards members of another ethnic group has become less positive.
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Ramos, Jennifer M., and Nigel Raab. "Russia Abroad, Russia at Home: The Paradox of Russia’s Support for the Far Right." Russian Politics 7, no. 1 (March 8, 2022): 69–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00604012.
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Abstract The rise of the Far Right has been a steady global phenomenon, illustrated by political leaders such as Narendra Modi, Geert Wilders and Jair Bolsonaro. One of the main facilitators of this rise is Russia, supporting Far Right campaigns and movements in various regions of the world. Moreover, the Far Right parties around the world look to Russia as a beacon of hope, enticed by the messaging of Russia Today, Russia’s state-run international news network, and other curated social media platforms. While some argue that Russia’s support of the Far Right is an extension of its domestic values, we posit that this support is mainly to serve Russia’s strategic foreign policy and that the Far Right ideology has little to do with Russia’s domestic values and policy. In fact, Russia’s domestic stability depends on values that are contrary to classic understandings of the Far Right. Given the multi-ethnic and multi-religious composition of the Russian Federation, the classic parameters of Far Right discourse would undermine the stability so dear to Putin. To support our propositions, we use comparative case studies of Russia’s messaging abroad in Germany and the U.S. We then contrast this messaging and support with Russia’s domestic rhetoric. In all cases, we engage in a systematic analysis of relevant documents, transcripts of elite speeches and media.