Dissertations / Theses: 'Russia (Federation) Ethnic relations'

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Kotin, Igor. "Ethnic group in the post-Soviet city : a case study of the Azeri community in St. Petersburg." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670215.

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Akti, Serkan. "NATO - Russian relations : status and prospectives /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FAkti.pdf.

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Pysh, Danya L. "A survey of the current state of Russian public relations." Muncie, Ind. : Ball State University, 2009. http://cardinalscholar.bsu.edu/438.

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Gorska, Joanna Agnieszka. "Dealing with a juggernaut : analysing Poland's policy towards Russia, 1989-2004." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670075.

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Foxall, Andrew David. "The geopolitics of ethnic relations in Russia : ethnic Russian and non-ethnic Russian citizens in Stavropol’skii krai." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:81b0880b-b1ca-4917-b3ef-442a3b686b98.

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Ethnic relations are an important feature of contemporary Russia. This is especially true in the North Caucasus where ongoing insecurity combined with a depressed economy has led to growing Russian nationalism, xenophobia, and fears over immigration. In Stavropol’skii krai, the only ethnic Russian dominated territory in the North Caucasus Federal District, the situation is especially acute. In this thesis I investigate how the geopolitics of ethnic relations in Stavropol’skii krai, as part of the wider North Caucasus situation, impact on the everyday life of citizens in Stavropol’. I do this through employing an eclectic methodology, including both qualitative and quantitative techniques. Through four research papers, I explore how the built urban environment, through the politics of naming place (for example, street names and monuments), has become a space through which ethnic identity can be (re)produced and contested. I show how ethnic relations are (re)presented and performed in Stavropol’ through the Den’ kraya celebration, a performance that is based on a Soviet-era idealised framing of ethnic relations, and one which is open to challenge. I explore how in summer 2007 ethnic relations turned violent as ethnic Russian and non-ethnic Russian citizens rioted, and I attempt to explain the geopolitics surrounding this. Finally, I show how everyday ethnic relations have turned increasingly violent in Stavropol’ since 1991, drawing on reports from non-governmental organisations and independent researchers. I situate this research within the context of the changing ethnic geography of the krai since 1991. Together, this research represents a geopolitics of ethnic relations in Stavropol’skii krai.

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Šleivytė, J. "Russia's European agenda and the Baltic states." Thesis, Cranfield University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1826/3611.

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Russia has always been a primary factor in the development of the Baltic States. It is impossible to analyse Baltic security without looking into the processes inside Russia and the prevailing trends vis-a-vis the Baltic States. However, the changes in the Baltic security landscape in the 21st century lack a comprehensive analysis. This thesis seeks to bridge the gap. Two key aims are being pursued in this thesis. The first is to present an analysis of Russia's European agenda under President Vladimir Putin and to examine the place of the Baltic States in this agenda. The second aim is to define Russia-related threats and challengers to the Baltic States, as well as prospects in Russo-Baltic relations. To attain these aims, inter-active approach to international relations, comprising three levels of analysis - the international system, the nation state (domestic level) and the individual (personality) level - has been applied. The neo-realist paradigm of international relations theory, comparative analysis and the Knudsen model, which addresses the peculiarities of relations between great powers and small states, are the methodological framework of the thesis. When analysing the development of Russo-Baltic relations in 1990-2006, this thesis focuses on the evolution of the Baltic States from factors to actors and their chance of shaping Russo-Baltic relations from within the enlarged EU and NATO. It also examines possibilities for more active engagement of Russia in the Baltic region. The thesis concludes with an analysis of perspectives for the Baltic States in countering Russia-related threats and building cooperativer elations with Russia. The author maintains that 'high politics' in Russo-Baltic relations has ended, yet, the tensions do remain in 'low politics'. Russia seeks to retain her political and economic influence in the Baltics by exploiting various tools, primarily economic levers and Baltic dependence upon Russian energy.

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Kiskis, Rolandas. "Deterrence and reassurance in Lithuanian-Russian relations." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FKiskis.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004.
Thesis advisor(s): David S. Yost, Anne Clunan. Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-74). Also available online.

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Arakchaa, Tayana. "Household and property relations in Tuva." [Boise, Idaho] : Boise State University, 2009. http://scholarworks.boisestate.edu/td/38/.

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Belousova, Valentina. "U.S. Bilateral Trade with its Major Trading Partners and Russia." Thesis, North Dakota State University, 2011. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/29552.

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This study examines U.S. exports and imports to/from its major 15 trading partners and Russia. To analyze U.S. export and import flows the gravity model approach is used. Factors affecting U.S. bilateral trade flows with its 16 trading countries are evaluated using Generalized Method of Moments (GMM). Annual data from 2000 to 2009 are used for this study. Goods traded between the U.S. and its trading partners are disaggregated into three groups based on the Standard International Trade Classification (SITC). Results show that major factors affecting both U.S. export and import flows are distance and change in polity score. Also U.S. exports are influenced by U.S. trading partner Gross Domestic Product (GDP) for agricultural (AGR) and middle sector (MID) groups. U.S. foreign direct investment is a complement for U.S. exports of final (FIN) group and at the same time it serves as substitute for U.S. exports of AGR. On the other hand, U.S. imports of AGR and foreign direct investment (FDI) from 16 trading partners to the U.S. are substitutes. This study also reveals that the U.S. and Russia bilateral trade could be improved through economic growth in both countries, improving political cooperation and increasing inward and outward FDI.

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Grishaeva, Sofiya. "Trade and investment relations between Czech Republic and Russian Federation." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-79536.

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This Master Thesis examines cooperation between Russia and the Czech Republic in the spheres of foreign trade and investment relations. The analyzed period is primarily over the last decade with the concentration on the current trends. The analysis is carried out through evaluation of present level of trade volumes and investment flows between countries, search of obstacles and incentives for mutual cooperation in these areas, countries' governmental and other sources of support, etc. The Thesis considers trade and investment perspectives for relation development and mutual cooperation between Russia and the Czech Republic as well. One of the study's purposes was to provide recommendations for improvement of the business environment in Russia and making its national economy attractive for foreign capital. The study shows that, even though the share of the Czech Republic in the total trade volume between the EU and other non-EU member states makes up about 1%, the trade volumes in relations between this country and Russia remain significant. The largest category of Czech exports to Russia are machines and means of transport; Russian exports to the Czech Republic are energetic commodities, raw materials and mineral oil. As a matter of fact Russia's economic growth in later years has largely been driven by its energy exports. The country's dependency on energy sector demands structural changes in the national economy, modernization is critical for its long-term economic growth. The analysis emphasizes that Russia should adopt experience of the Czech Republic, as a highly industrialized country, use Czech innovative technologies and equipment, enter into joint projects with the Czech Republic, and so on in order to ensure future growth in today's competitive world. This is necessary especially in the light of the fact that Russia close to gaining membership to WTO, which can potentially facilitate trade and investment flows between the country and the EU, including the Czech Republic.

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Atalay, Serap. "Property Relations From The Ussr To The Russian Federation: Continuity Or Change?" Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12606553/index.pdf.

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This study, by focusing on the economic reform attempts in the USSR and the privatization process in the Russian Federation, will question the scope of political change in Russia during the capitalist transformation process until the end of the Yeltsin period. It will be argued that the determination of the political processes on property relations during the time of the USSR persisted in the Yeltsin period since after the collapse of the USSR, main political actors of the Soviet system such as the Party and ministry officials and the enterprise managers maintained their dominant positions within the property relations. As will be shown in the thesis, this was ensured through their successful interventions in the privatization processes. Hence, people who had important positions in the former Soviet Union, became whether the new owners of state assets, or had the authority to determine the new owners.

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Levine, Marc Benjamin. "A comparative review of executive/legislative relations in the U.S. and Russia pertaining to NATO enlargement." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2001. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA404778.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2001.
Thesis advisor(s): Mikhail Tsypkin, Frank Teti. Includes bibliographical references (p. 41-44). Also available online.

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Beaupré, Maxime. "Unwilling foes : Russia's and China's reaction to the challenge of the American ballistic missile defence programme." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83170.

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The official reaction of the Russian Federation and of the People's Republic of China to the announcement made by the United States in December 2001 to abrogate the almost thirty years old Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty has been remarkably weak, given their sustained and coordinated opposition to the deployment of strategic defences against ballistic missiles (BMD). Because the existing literature, particularly balance of power theory, under-explored this puzzle and fails to provide a satisfactory explanation to it, a neoclassical realist model building on structural and unit-level variables is proposed to supplement this caveat. It is argued that Russia, as a stagnant great power experiencing trouble at the domestic level, bandwagons with the United States because it discounts the medium- and long-term threat posed by BMD. China, a rising developmental state, is soft balancing because it resents the project and the threat it poses to its security. It has not hard balanced so far because there is an acknowledgement that this could jeopardize its power base, as the telling example of the USSR collapse illustrated.

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Chen, Ping-Kuei. "Menace of Power: Russia-NATO Relations in the Post-Cold War Era." Ohio : Ohio University, 2008. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1204826768.

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Rodin, Johnny. "Rethinking Russian Federalism : The Politics of Intergovernmental Relations and Federal Reforms." Doctoral thesis, Stockholm University, Department of Political Science, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-1152.

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In Russia federalism and the design of federal institutions have been greatly debated topics ever since the beginning of the 1990s. When the newly elected Russian president Vladimir Putin introduced a number of federal reforms in May 2000 it represented the culmination of a debate on federalism that had been triggered by the political and economic crisis of 1998. In many ways these reforms entailed a different perspective on federalism, or in the terminology of this thesis a new “federal paradigm”, from the one that had dominated most of the Yeltsin era. At the same time the relations between federal and regional authorities, often referred to as intergovernmental relations, appeared to become less confrontational and fragmented than before. This work examines this latest stage in the Russian state-building process.

In particular two elements are scrutinized. The first is the shift of federal paradigms that the federal reforms reflected. Combining organisation theory and historical institutionalism it is argued that the origins of federal paradigm shifts often can be traced to the federal system itself. In Russia the failure of the federal system manifested through the political and economic crisis of 1998 changed many governmental actors’ views on federalism. However, it was not until Putin became president that the new federal paradigm could consolidate.

The second element concerns the connections between the new federal paradigm and the mode of intergovernmental relations. This work presents the argument that the way in which federalism is interpreted and conceptualised by governmental actors is important for the variation of intergovernmental relations across and within federal systems. Deriving from federal theory and some comparisons with other federal systems it is concluded that the federal paradigm that Putin represented in his first presidential term was on the whole more conducive for coordinate intergovernmental relations, at least in the short term.

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Moore, Eric D. "The Crisis of Cooperation: A Critical Analysis of Russian-Iranian Relations in the Post-Soviet Era." PDXScholar, 2012. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/902.

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In the study of contemporary politics few interstate relationships have proven more instrumental, controversial, and perplexing to global policy makers than that which has persisted between Moscow and Tehran since the collapse of the USSR. Despite the great importance of Russian-Iranian relations to questions of global and regional politics there has, to date, been very little in the way of critical scholarship performed on the subject. While a wide-array of accounts from subject analysts provide a wealth of data on contemporary and historical events which have presumably defined and conditioned bilateral relations, there has been relatively little effort to isolate, examine, test, and evaluate those conditions or variables that are deemed salient to cooperation. In light of these circumstances, this study seeks to initiate a tradition of scholarship on Russian-Iranian relations that appeals broadly to the use of a scientific methodology. The first step of any scientific inquiry requires attention devoted expressly to the development of a dependent variable of bilateral political affinity. While it remains outside the scope of this present investigation to analyze the host of factors/conditions capable of influencing bilateral relations, the formalization of a variable which records changing political affinity is a necessary first step and one that will fill-in a significant gap within the existing literary tradition. Rather than simply dismissing the extant tradition of literature on Russian-Iranian relations, this study seeks to aggregate and transform the subject's many diverse narratives into a user-friendly, quantitative, political metric which can form the basis for future empirical inquiry. Thus this study introduces a new approach to monitoring and measuring changes in Russian-Iranian cooperation known as General Political Affinity (GPA). Represented on the basis of a 21-point scaled indicator of bilateral affinity, GPA succinctly defines cooperation between Moscow and Tehran as the summation of three underlying, persistent issue dimensions: the trade in conventional weapons; cooperation in Iranian nuclear development; and level of agreement on matters of Caspian Sea delimitation. In more generic terms, these three criteria seek to evaluate interstate cooperation, generically, as a product of: defense cooperation; state-sponsored development assistance; and territorial agreement. The unique approach to operationalizing political affinity presented in this study not only functionally improves our ability to explain and predict the course of Russian-Iranian relations, but also provides a new schematic for evaluating bilateral relations among all political dyads.

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Martin, Jeremy Andrew. "Russia and the "West" a useful paradigm or an imagined actor? /." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1178124728.

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Li, Hak Yin. "China, India and Russia : cooperation and construction of the Asia-Pacific order in the 21st century." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2007. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/828.

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Mikenberg, Eero. "Pskov region of the Russian Federation as foreign policy actor." Thesis, Connect to e-thesis, 2008. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/211/.

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Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Glasgow, 2006.
Ph.D. thesis submitted to the Department of Central and East European Studies, University of Glasgow, 2006. Includes bibliographical references. Print version also available.

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Bachkatov, Nina. "La diplomatie énergétique de la Fédération de Russie: forces et limites." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209939.

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La diplomatie énergétique russe qui est au cœur de ce travail diffère des politiques industrielles classiques adoptées régulièrement par les États afin de développer leur pays, relancer son économie ou certains secteurs industriels. Elle entend en effet utiliser les ressources naturelles de la Russie, et singulièrement son potentiel énergétique (sachant que la Russie est à la fois producteur, consommateur, pays de transit) afin de retrouver son statut de grande puissance. Ce retour de puissance devant permettre à la Russie de sortir de la période de transition pour redevenir un acteur de premier rang dans un monde global redessiné par la fin de la guerre froide. Il s’agit pour elle de faire entendre sa voix, de participer en qualité de partenaire égal aux décisions et à l’élaboration des nouvelles normes rendues nécessaires par le bouleversement engendré par la fin de la guerre froide.

La diplomatie énergétique russe s’affirme pendant les années 2003-2004, comme une démarche pragmatique, un moyen opportuniste de rencontrer un projet politique en utilisant un des rares leviers dont dispose ce pays appauvri et affaibli – sa puissance énergétique qu’il s’agit de transformer un outil de puissance politique, raison pour laquelle la politique étrangère russe va être mise au service de ce projet. Le travail fait donc référence aux spécificités internes de la Russie et au contexte international afin d’identifier les faiblesses et les forces de cette diplomatie spécifique.

Russian energy diplomacy, with which this work is uniquely concerned, differs from the classic industrial policies adopted by states in order to re-launch their economies or certain industrial sectors. It has consisted of putting Russia’s natural resources and particularly its energy potential (as a producer, a consumer, and a transit country) to the practical purpose of restoring its status as a great power. For Russia, the return to power would permit the country to emerge from its period of transition and become a leading actor in the world reshaped by the ending of the cold war. It is a matter of making its voice heard, as an equal partner in international decisions and the formulation of the new political norms necessitated by post-cold war upheaval.

In 2002-2004 Russia developed this energy diplomacy as a pragmatic and opportunistic means of attaining a political objective with one of the few levers at the disposal of an impoverished and enfeebled country – that is to say, its energy potential, which it turned into a political tool. To this effect, Russian foreign policy has been made to serve the same project. Consequently this work deals with internal specificities and the international energy context, in order to probe both the weakness and the strength of this particular form of diplomacy.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Ardovino, Michael. "Revisiting Eric Nordlinger: The Dynamics of Russian Civil- Military Relations in the Twentieth Century." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2001. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2918/.

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This paper examines the role that military has played in the political development of the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the modern Russian Federation. By utilizing the theoretical tenets of Eric Nordlinger, this paper endeavors to update and hopefully revise his classic work in civil-military relations, Soldiers in Politics. Chapter one of this paper introduces many of the main theoretical concepts utilized in this analysis. Chapter two considers the Stalinist totalitarian penetration model that set the standard for communist governments around the world. Chapter three follows up by addressing the middle years of Khrushchev and Brezhnev. Both reformed the military in its relation to the party and state and made the armed forces a more corporate and professional institution. Chapter four pinpoints the drastic changes in both the state and armed forces during Gorbachev's perestroika and glasnost. The military briefly ventured to a point it never gone before by launching a short coup against the last Soviet president. Chapter five focuses on the last ten years in the Russian Federation. While still a professional organization typical of the liberal model of civil-military relations, the armed forces face great uncertainty, as economic and social problems demand more of their time and resources. Chapter six concludes by speculating on the future of Russian civilmilitary relations and reconsiders the importance of Nordlinger's elegant yet parsimonious work.

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Artman, Vincent M. 1981. ""Passport Politics": Passportization and Territoriality in the De Facto States of Georgia." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/11506.

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ix, 161 p. : maps
In 2002, the Russian government began distributing tens of thousands of Russian passports in the de facto states of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Some scholarly attention has been devoted to this process, known as passportization, but most of the literature treats passportization as a primarily political process, ignoring its geographic aspects. This thesis shows that passportization in Abkhazia and South Ossetia amounted to a process of "biocolonization," wherein the populations of the de facto states were discursively captured by Russia through individual naturalization. Consequently, passportization served to create "Russian spaces" within the internationally recognized borders of Georgia and, in the process challenged international legal norms rooted in the logic of the modern state system.
Committee in charge: Dr. Alexander Murphy, Chair; Dr. Shaul Cohen, Member; Dr. Julie Hessler, Member

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Karrar, Hasan H. (Hasan Haider) 1973. "The new silk road diplomacy : a regional analysis of China's Central Asian foreign policy, 1991-2005." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102514.

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This thesis explores China's relations with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, from 1991 to 2005, contributing to the body of knowledge by arguing that China's relations with post-Soviet Central Asia were shaped by security and economic imperatives in Xinjiang, home to Muslim Turkic nationalities who have historically challenged Beijing's jurisdiction.
As discussed in Chapter One, after 1949, the Communist Party sought to bring Xinjiang firmly within Beijing's orbit, ending a 150-year long period during which Beijing's hold over Xinjiang periodically faltered. The dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, coupled with instability in Afghanistan, led to new challenges to Beijing's authority.
Chapter Two examines China's relations with Central Asia from 1992 to 1996. In the post-Cold War order characterized by US primacy, China envisioned Central Asia as an arena of cooperation between China, Russia, and the independent republics. However, the republics became fertile ground for transnational Islamist movements. China feared spillover into Xinjiang; consequently, China extended economic cooperation to the impoverished republics with the understanding that they would suppress emigre Uighur organizations. Bilateral economic cooperation was also important for Xinjiang, which benefited from cross-border trade.
Chapter Three examines Sino-Central Asian relations from 1996 to 2001, exploring the development of the Shanghai Five mechanism in 1996 between China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, which initially addressed confidence building, but after 1998, focused on regional security. This was important for China, since in 1996/1997, Xinjiang experienced instability that was exacerbated by the independence of Central Asia. Competition over the region's energy is also examined, which contributed to international rivalry.
Chapter Four examines Sino-Central Asian relations from 2001 to 2005. In June 2001, the Shanghai Accord signatories, and Uzbekistan, established the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). While envisioned as a forum for wide-ranging cooperation, combating "terrorism, separatism, and extremism," was an immediate priority. Following the attacks on September 11, 2001, the United States sought a military presence in Central Asia that temporarily undermined China's influence, heightening China's concerns over energy security. China's response was to gradually deepen relations with the republics in the energy and security fields.

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Hegwood, Robert Alan. "Erasing the Space Between Japanese and American: Progressivism, Nationalism, and Japanese American Resettlement in Portland, Oregon, 1945-1948." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/151.

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This study examines the return of Japanese Americans to Portland, Oregon, following their mass incarceration by the United States Federal government between 1942 and 1945. This essay examines the motivations of both returning Japanese Americans and various groups within the white community with equal focus in the hopes of writing a history that provides agency to both groups. The return of Japanese Americans to Portland was an event with broader implications than a mere chapter in the history of Japanese Americans. The rise of the Japanese Exclusion League and other groups interested in preventing the return of Japanese Americans to Oregon had their roots partly in the Oregon progressive coalition of the 1930s known as the Oregon Commonwealth Federation (OCF). Unified behind the cause of public ownership of electricity distribution, racially exclusive progressives such as Oregon Governor Walter M. Pierce and civil rights progressives such as American Civil Liberties Union lawyer Gus J. Solomon sought to protect Oregon's producer class of farmers and workers from exploitation by Portland business interests. After the dissolution of the OCF in 1940 and the attack on Pearl Harbor, the two progressive factions took opposite sides on the issues of the rights of Japanese Americans. In 1945, anti-Japanese organizers across the state, including Pierce, American Legion officials, and Portland politicians called for the permanent exclusion of Japanese Americans. The racist rhetoric of these organizers drew the ire of the Portland Council of Churches, civic leaders, and War Relocation Authority officials, who formed the Portland Citizens Committee to Aid Relocation, the main white group to help returners find housing and employment. Their arguments for tolerance depended heavily on the story of Japanese American military service during World War II. Responding to the shape of debates within the white community, returning Japanese Americans community leaders, especially Toshi Kuge and George Azumano of the Portland Japanese American Citizen's League (JACL), used the rhetoric of military service to demonstrate their Americanness after World War II. The rhetoric of valorous military service provided the ideological center of both remerging Japanese American leadership organizations and connections between the Nikkei community and white civic leaders. After the reestablishment of Japanese American community organizations in Portland, Issei leaders lead a successful fundraising campaign to support a legal challenge to overturn the Oregon Alien Land Law and fund the Portland JACL. Subsequently, between 1946 and 1948, the Portland JACL served as liaisons between the Japanese American community and the white Portlanders interested in overturning laws that challenged Issei social and economic rights. Despite their efforts, Japanese Americans in the early postwar period, along with other Portland minority groups,faced significant discrimination in housing options, employment, and even blood supply. Their experience demonstrates both the power and limitations of arguments for racial tolerance in the early postwar period.

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Rankin, Colleen A. "International Agendas Confront Domestic Interests: EU Enlargement, Russian Foreign Policy, and Eastern Europe." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1337888570.

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Polkov, Kirill. "What kind of Russianness? : Exploring the role of traditional family in constructing the Russian national identity during “the decade of childhood”." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och välfärdsstudier, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-149651.

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Family and children are brought to the front in contemporary Russia and constitute an important policy area. Manifesting the centrality of family and children, the period 2018―2027 has also been officially proclaimed “the decade of childhood”, leading to numerous policy initiatives and momentous media attention. The thesis explores this current development with a particular interest in what role the family plays in asserting and negotiating (state) power and in the overall national project of constructing Russianness. The aim is thus to examine the articulations of Russianness and family in policy and media in contemporary Russia. The analysis is conducted mainly at the level of discourse and is inspired by Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory. Applying constructivist theories of nationalism in conjunction with feminist theories that critique the concepts of the nation and the state, the thesis demonstrates how the discourse articulated in policy documents and state-controlled media interconnects “family”, “tradition”, and “Russianness” and what possible effects are produced as a result. It also discusses how categories of gender, class, ‘race’/ethnicity and sexuality inform the articulated national identity. The thesis argues that despite civic “Russianness” (rossiyskaya naciya) being furthered as the desired national project, a number of articulations clearly point to nation’s ethnic character. As “Russianness” and “tradition” are loosely defined the viability of such articulations is questioned, given both Russia’s history and the coming transformations of the Russian welfare state.

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Kuličková, Iveta. "Aktivity společnosti CzechTrade v oblasti česko-ruských obchodních vztahů." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-4842.

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The first part is devoted to the characteristic of Russian Federation, to the Czech-Russian business relations and organizations, which provide support for Czech enterprises exporting to Russia. The following one describes Czech Trade Promotion Agency (CzechTrade) and services, which this organization and its representative offices offer to Czech exporters. The final part is engaged in the activities of foreign offices acting in Russian Federation, in export alliances and successful cases of cooperation between CzechTrade's offices in Russia and Czech companies.

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McBrayer, William Daniel. "Let There Be War: Competing Narratives and the Perpetuation of Violence in Georgia." Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1230892552.

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Salitan, Laurie P. "An analysis of Soviet Jewish emigration in the 1970s." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f984e4b9-f578-4ee9-89d5-b26a65cca29b.

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Domestic, not foreign affairs drove Soviet policy on Jewish emigration during the period of 1968-1989. This study challenges the prevailing view that fluctuating levels of exit from the USSR were correlated to the climate of relations between the USA and the USSR. The analysis also considers Soviet-German emigration for comparative perspective. Extensive historical background, with special emphasis on Soviet nationality policy is provided.

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McAfee, Shannon Elizabeth. "Global Positioning Semantics: President Karimov's Evolving Definitions of the Uzbek Nation's Rightful Place in the World, 1991-2011." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1306898793.

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Alvarado, Adrian. "La Russie en Arctique occidental : strategies d'Etat et interactions des acteurs." Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE2109.

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Au cours de la première décennie du XXIe siècle l'Arctique a fait l’objet d’une attention croissante de la part des chercheurs, des politiciens et des multinationales. En effet, les problématiques liées au changement climatique, et le regain d’interêt politique et économique des Etats côtiers et non côtiers, a peu à peu fait apparaître cette région comme un endroit stratégique sur l'échiquier des grandes puissances. Depuis 2001, la Fédération de Russie a entrepris plusieurs actions afin de garantir ses intérêts nationaux dans ce qu'elle considère comme l’Arctique russe, un espace qui comprend environ 22600 kilomètres de littoral avec l'océan Arctique. Or, le changement climatique, les développements socio-économiques et les impératifs stratégiques ont conditionné cette politique pour l’Arctique. Les oblasts de Mourmansk et d’Arkhangelsk jouent, de nos jours, un rôle majeur dans la mise en œuvre de la stratégie russe pour la région arctique. Ce travail évaluera donc les défis majeurs de stratégie et de sécurité nationale russes en Arctique occidental au regard des récents changements du modèle politique et économique russe, du rôle émergent d'acteurs privés et étrangers ainsi que des spécificités des régions arctiques et sous-arctiques. Dans une première partie de notre travail nous essayerons de souligner l’importance stratégique et économique de l’Arctique Occidental pour la Fédération de Russie. Une approche historique nous permettra de mieux comprendre le rôle actuel des oblasts de Mourmansk et d’Arkhangelsk tandis que l’analyse de l’évolution démographique, industrielle et commerciale de ces régions nous fera apprécier son potentiel socio-économique. Enfin, une analyse de l’adaptation des industries énergétiques et du complexe militaro-industriel aux marchés internationaux sera entreprise ainsi qu’une évaluation des risques liés au changement climatique et à la pollution industrielle. Dans une deuxième partie, nous analyserons les principales problématiques rencontrés par les acteurs étatiques et privés en Arctique occidental. Afin d’identifier les principaux enjeux, nous avons transposé des théories des relations internationales à la géopolitique (Waltz, Keohane, Putnam). Tout particulièrement, nous utiliserons pour cette analyse les modèles conceptuels de Graham Allison et son approche sur les intérêts nationaux
During the first decade of the XXIth century, the Arctic has received growing attention from scholars, policymakers and multinational corporations. Climate change as well as renewed political and economical interests from coastal and non-coastal States had repositioned this region as a prospective theater in the Great powers chessboard. Since 2001, the Russian Federation has taken several international and domestic actions to guarantee its national interest in what it considers as the Russian Arctic, a space that comprises about 22 600 kilometers of national coastline with the Arctic Ocean. But climate change, historical socio-economic developments and strategic imperatives have conditioned this engagement.The Murmansk and Arkhangelsk oblasts plays nowadays a leading role in the implementation of a cross-domain Russian strategy for the Arctic region. This dissertation will then assess the central challenges of Russian National Security and Strategy in the Occidental Arctic taking in consideration recent changes in the Russian Federation political and economical model, the emerging role of private and foreign actors and the specificity of Arctic and sub-Arctic regions.The first part of this dissertation will try to underline the past/current strategic and economical relevance of the Occidental Arctic for the Russian Federation. A historical approach will allow us to better understand the current role of Murmansk and Arkhangelsk oblasts while we will appreciate its socio-economic potential thanks to the analysis of demographic, industrial and commercial developments of these regions. Finally, a study on defense and energy industries adaptation to international markets will be conducted as well as a regional risk-assessment concerning climate change and industrial pollution.In a second part, our main objective is to demonstrate the strategic and economical importance of the Murmansk and Arkhangelsk oblasts for the Russian Arctic policy. This will lead us to analyse core issues in the Occidental Arctic for state and industry actors. The methodology applied to identify the main trends in these issues is a combination of the French school of geopolitics with relevant theories of international relations (Waltz, Keohane, Putnam). Graham Allison’s conceptual models and his approach on national interests will be applied in the analysis

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Lherbette-Michel, Isabelle. "L’idee russe de l’Etat, contribution a la théorie juridique de l’Etat : le cas russe des origines au postcommunisme." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR40064.

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Il existe une continuité dans l’« idée » russe de l’Etat qu’une analogie dans la continuité des systèmes ne reflète pas. De la Russie impériale à la Russie soviétique, l’Etat (Gosudarstvo) n’est pas conçu comme une entité abstraite et autonome. A la dimension césariste du pouvoir correspond la non-émergence, et du concept et de la réalité d’un Etat. Jusqu’en 1917, la conception russe du pouvoir est conditionnée par le discours idéologique – religieux. Après 1917, sa principale caractéristique est d’être subordonnée à l’idéologie, en tant qu’expression de la volonté du Parti communiste. L’Etat soviétique s’impose donc comme un Etat « de fait » et non comme un Etat « de droit ». La prédominance du discours idéologique entrave, à la fois, la constitution d’une culture de l’Etat, qui reste une culture du pouvoir, et la formation d’une culture de l’antériorité et de la supériorité du droit sur l’Etat. Après la désintégration de l’Union soviétique, la référence à la démocratie libérale et à l’Etat de droit devient un outil de la création d’une nouvelle légitimité pour l’Etat postcommuniste. L’entrée de la Russie dans la modernité politique nécessite une rupture avec les postulats idéologiques du passé. Or, la déconstruction du socialisme est un processus beaucoup plus complexe que la construction de la démocratie. Bien qu’ayant subi, sur plusieurs siècles, plusieurs types de transitions – de l’absolutisme de droit divin au socialisme, puis au postcommunisme -, l’Etat russe a donc conservé certains caractères constants et typiques qui en font, encore aujourd’hui, un modèle hybride, en tension entre autoritarisme et démocratie
There is a continuity as concerns the « idea » of the state that an analogy with the different systems does not reflect. From imperial to Soviet Russia, the state (Gosudarstvo) is not thought of as an abstract and autonomous entity. Until 1917, the Russian conception of power is conditioned by the religious ideological discourse. After 1917, her main feature is one of submission to ideology, in other words the expression of the will of the Communist Party. The Soviet state stands out by its « de facto » nature, rather than a « de jure » state. The supremacy of the ideological discourse hampers both the constitution of a new state culture, which remains focused on power, and the formation of the precedence and the superiority of law over the state. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, reference to liberal democracy and the rule of law becomes a tool in creating renewed legitimacy for the postcommunist state. Russia’s entry into political modernity demands a rupture with the ideological postulates of the past. The dismantlement of socialism is a much more complex process than the construction of democracy. Despite having been subjected, over centuries, to many types of transition – absolutism founded on divine right to socialism, then postcommunism -, the Russian state has always preserved certain features (be they constant or specific) that make it, and still today, a hybrid model pulling towards both authoritarianism and democracy

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McIntyre, George Eric. "Tatar nation, reality or rhetoric? : nation building in the Russian Federation." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2010-12-2402.

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Tatarstan’s degree of political, economic and cultural sovereignty within the Russian Federation is the result of Soviet era ethno-national politics. The re-adoption of the ethnic federal state model in 1992 by Russia allowed ethnic regions such as Tatarstan to challenge the federal authorities for con-federal relations within the Federation. The Tatar leadership has attempted to work within the institutional and legal framework of the Russian Federation in an attempt to codify their state sovereignty within the Russian Federation. The political and economic concessions gained through tedious negotiation with the center have provided the Republic with the means to build a culturally distinct and semi sovereign state in the heart of the Russian Federation.
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Busse, Spencer Sarah. "Social relations in post-Soviet society : Russian capitalism embedded /." 2003. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3097163.

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Alexandrov, Mikhail V. "Relations between Russia and Kazakhstan in the post-Soviet era (1992-1997)." Phd thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144240.

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George, Julie Alynn. "Separatism or federalism?: Ethnic conflict and resolution in Russia and Georgia." Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/1922.

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Speckhard, Christopher Thomas Moser Robert G. "The ties that bind big business and center-periphery relations in the Russian Federation /." 2004. http://repositories.lib.utexas.edu/bitstream/handle/2152/1414/speckhardc75696.pdf.

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Elaeva, Anastasiya Y. "Case study of Russia’s public diplomacy to attract U.S. direct investment." 2011. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1640175.

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This study has explored the public diplomacy activity performed by the Russian government and other organizations to improve Russia’s image as an investment destination and to attract U.S. direct investment in January – December 2010. This period was marked with the increase in investment promotion activity of the Russian government and other interested institutions. The main method used in the work is an exploratory case study of Russia’s public diplomacy efforts aimed to establish a positive investment image of Russia among U.S. investors. The investigation was based on the case studies of 5 public diplomacy events: the Russia Forum 2010, the announcement of creating the Skolkovo innovation center, the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev’s visit to the United States, and the Global Innovation Partnerships Forum in honor of the visit of the U.S. trade delegation led by California Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger to Russia. The study analyzed the major players in the Russian public diplomacy aimed at attracting U.S. investment such as the Russian government, private sector players (investment banks), business associations, American public officials and business climate evaluators. Major strategies employed by the public diplomacy players were identified as alliances, third-party endorsements, audience participation and media relations. The work also examined the effectiveness of Russian public diplomacy players’ media relations to improve Russia’s image as investment destination through the content analysis of the coverage of Russia in the U.S. media. Public diplomacy activities that received more media coverage among the analyzed events involved the participation of high-ranking Russian officials, participation of U.S. public officials and announcement of new investment policies as well as deals reached by Russia and U.S. investors
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Krisch, Karin Stephanie. "The doctrine of the responsibility to protect and self-determination in the context of Russia’s 2014 annexation of Crimea." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/13983.

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Davison, Jennifer-Anne. "Power dynamics in Russian-Tatarstani relations: A case study." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/913.

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In the context of nationalism and sovereignty studies emerging since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, this thesis provides an economic, rather than political, perspective of Tatarstan’s success in negotiating sovereignty claims with Russia, arguing that what lay behind Tatarstan’s demands for extensive political and economic rights was not mass nationalist mobilization, but the desire for control over natural resources by the Tatarstani elite dominated by former Soviet functionaries of indigenous nationality. In addition, this paper examines the importance of continuity among the local political elites, contrasting Tatarstan’s approach with that of Chechnya’s uncompromising separatist drive and the resulting years of civil conflict. Finally, the most recent page in the history of Russian-Tatarstani relations, the gradual reduction of the republic’s autonomy in connection with President Putin’s centralizing reforms, confirms my principal argument that control over resources is more important to the Tatarstani elites than political power as such.

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Pressley, Brandon Alan. "Cultural identity and the people of the North Caucasus." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-2792.

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During Soviet Russia, there was an active policy of forced assimilation of minorities into one cultural identity: Russian. This loss of cultural identity came in many forms of resettlement, deportation, discriminatory language policies and economic practices. All of these policies and actions led to large groups of people from the North Caucasus giving up their unique cultural identity and adopting the Russian cultural identity. Many of the policies and actions of the Soviet Union reflected the actions of the United States during the forced assimilation process of the Native Americans. Throughout this process of losing their cultural identity, the people of the North Caucasus could have maintained their unique cultural identity at home or in the local school system, but chose not to for various reasons. This choice to shed their own cultural identity and adopt the Russian identity has had detrimental effect s on the region and some cultures are on the brink of extinction. Not all the people of the North Caucasus willingly assimilated and accepted the Russian way of life; the Chechens have fought the Russians since their first excursion into the North Caucasus and continue to fight to this day for independence and freedom.
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Lyapina, Elmira. "Ochrana investic v plynárenském sektoru: Perspektivy právních vztahů mezi Evropskou unií a Ruskou federací." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-368008.

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The absence of a relevant legal basis between huge commercial partners such as the EU as a single entity and the Russian Federation promoted the emergence of a legal vacuum. The long term cooperation between Russia and the EU has only one bilateral agreement - the Agreement on Partnership and Cooperation signed in 1994, which is however obsolete, and does not meet the contemporary needs. The adequate legal basis for Russia-EU cooperation in the gas sector is still missing. The protection of investments in the gas sector is being realized by bilateral agreements between Russia and EU member states, soft law and general international agreements, without any specifications for those two partners. The only international instrument covering the energy relations of these two partners - Energy Charter Treaty cannot be considered as a reliable mechanism, as Russia withdrew from it more than 8 years ago. The reasons of the withdrawal and the Yukos case as an illustrative example are discussed in this paper. In order to avoid uncertainty in such strategic area as gas investment relations and unpredictable decisions between the states represented by the commercial entities, there is a need to design a substantive legal basis, and a need to consider on the adequate dispute resolution body. In this thesis, key...

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Russia (Federation) Ethnic relations'

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