Journal articles on the topic 'Russia – Economic policy – 1861-1917'
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1
Gatrell, Peter. "Economic culture, economic policy and economic growth in Russia, 1861-1914." Cahiers du monde russe : Russie, Empire russe, Union soviétique, États indépendants 36, no. 1 (1995): 37–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cmr.1995.2420.
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Romanova, Ekaterina Vladimirovna. "Perception of the Policy of Soviet Russia in British Government Circles in November 1917 – August 1918 ." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 5 (May 2022): 155–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2022.5.38704.
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The problem of Anglo-Russian relations in the first months after the October revolution (and the question of the British perception of the Soviet government’s policy as one of its aspects) has been more than once studied by both Russian and foreign historians. However, it still deserves attention both because in the majority of works the period indicated was considered within a longer time span of the Allied intervention, being shadowed by the latter, and due to disagreements among scholars over which factors were fundamental in determining the British attitude towards Soviet Russia. The fact that the revolution in Russia broke out during the World War to a large extent determined London’s perception of the Soviet government’s policy, which was considered primarily from the point of view of its actual and potential influence on the course of the military confrontation with the Central Powers. Although British policy towards Soviet Russia lacked unanimity and consistency, some general trends can be discerned. In spite of the armistice and then the peace treaty between Russia and the Central Powers, until the summer of 1918 Britain did not deny the possibility of military and economic cooperation with Soviet Russia on the anti-German basis. The growing perception of the Bolsheviks weakness in summer 1918, the apprehension of the prospect of their complete subordination to the German influence or a pro-German coup in Russia, along with other factors, determined a clear anti-Soviet turn in the British policy.
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Zubkov, Konstantin I., Igor V. Poberezhnikov, and Georgy N. Shumkin. "Imperial Power and The Policy of Transformation of the Outlying Lands." Journal of Frontier Studies 7, no. 2 (May 30, 2022): 165–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/jfs.v7i2.325.
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The article examines the structure and content of the monograph “Center and Regions: Economic Policy of the Government on the Outlying Lands of the Russian Empire (1894–1917)” which was prepared by a team of St. Petersburg and Moscow historians under the editorship of M.V. Khodyakov; it analyzes the characteristic features of the authors’ approaches and the significance of this work for current practices of studying the Russian Empire’s outlying areas. This monograph is a non-ordinary historiographical phenomenon in terms of its goals (to give an integral, comprehensive view of the economic policy of the center in relation to the “outlying regions”), the number of tasks implemented and the total extend of the work done. The monograph includes 31 paragraphs, each devoted to poorly studied or entirely unexplored problems. However, due to the unsatisfactory elaboration of fundamental theoretical and conceptual issues, as well as the scale of the project, and the limited time span set for its implementation, the reviewed work contains a number of shortcomings: a weak introduction (especially a historiographical survey), superficial conclusions (or their absence in paragraphs), the inconsistency of the subject of some paragraphs with the matter of economic policy. But despite of all the shortcomings, this work represents a significant contribution to the study of the frontier spaces of Russia as regards both the concrete historical material introduced into scientific circulation, and the non-trivial attempt itself to create a generalizing picture of imperial economic policy on the outlying areas of Russia in the late 19th – early 20th centuries.
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Aborvalova, O. N. "Trade in Soviet Russia During the Formation of a Socialist Economy (1917–1924 years)." Izvestiya of Saratov University. Economics. Management. Law 12, no. 1 (2012): 44–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1994-2540-2012-12-1-44-48.
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This article analyzes the specifics of trade in the period of the socialist economy, trying to replace trade distribution system, the search for new organizational forms of supply of the population, the need for a new economic policy.
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Shishkina, Olga E. "The reasons for the institutionalization of administrative responsibility in post-revolutionary Russia (1917-1924)." Historical and social-educational ideas 13, no. 2 (April 29, 2021): 161–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2021-13-2-161-174.
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Introduction. The relevance of this topic is due to the ongoing reform of responsibility for administrative offenses, discussions in the scientific literature on the delimitation of crimes and administrative offenses and the grounds for their delinquency. The study of the historical stages of the normative isolation of responsibility for administrative offenses from the point of view of events taking place in political, economic and social life, in our opinion, helps in determining the development trends of this institution. In this article, the author aims to identify the reasons and conditions for administrative responsibility as an independent institution after the Great October Socialist Revolution. The gradual normative separation of responsibility for administrative offenses from criminal responsibility falls on the period of war communism and the first half of the New Economic Policy (NEP). Methods. The author uses the classical historical and legal research method, which includes both a chronological analysis of social, political and economic factors, and a study of the legal regulation of legal institutions over a period of time. Results. In the first years of Soviet power, administrative coercion, along with other measures of state coercion, was considered as one of the means of strengthening socialist legality and fundamental order and security. The normative separation of administrative responsibility from criminal responsibility during the first half of the new economic policy was due to the development of economic relations and technical progress. In general, it was associated with Soviet ideology, a permissive type of legal regulation, an increase in the number of rules issued by the state in various spheres of public life, the creation of control and supervisory bodies that required their own operational leverage on citizens and organizations, including in the form of imposing penalties.
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Klepach, A., and G. Kuranov. "Cyclical Waves in the Economic Development of the U.S. and russia (Issues of Methodology and Analysis)." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 11 (November 20, 2013): 4–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2013-11-4-33.
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The article describes the methodology for identifying and analyzing economic cycles, which are based on historical spectral approach that combines the advantages of the historical and economic analysis and spectral method of the study of economic series. The proposed approach is used to isolate and analyze both their own regular fluctuations of economic dynamics inherent in the developed economies and the vibrations induced by technological and external economic shocks. The analysis has been carried out on the basis of data on the dynamics of the post-war U.S. economy as the main driver of world cycles, and of Russia’s economy from 1861 to 2012 using the latest research on the reconstruction of the time-series of its economic dynamics. Finally, conclusions are drawn in relation to the state economic policy in the conditions of the global cyclical development.
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Smirnova, T. M. "Topical Issues in the Study of Soviet Social Policy, 1917−1929." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S8 (December 2022): S800—S809. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622140143.
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Abstract A series of 100th anniversaries of recent years (the First World War, the Revolution of 1917, the Russian Civil War, the introduction of the NEP) has stimulated historians and representatives of related sciences (sociologists, philosophers, political scientists, culturologists, economic historians, etc.) to summarize the study of this turning point for the national history of the period, which is increasingly often regarded as homogeneous (“the time of wars and revolutions”), as well as its immediate consequences, stretching back to the 1920s and 1930s. The works published within the framework of the anniversaries and the discussions that flared up around them more clearly exposed the least studied and controversial aspects of the problems and made it possible to identify urgent tasks for the future. Quite expectedly, the focus was on subjects such as rethinking the causes of the revolutionary events and the role of various social groups in them; comparison of the events of February and October 1917, the degree of discontinuity and continuity of processes and the existence of alternative ways of Russia’s development; characteristics of the armed forces and political movements opposed to the Bolsheviks; the relation of “red” and “white” terror; problems of social stratification in postrevolutionary Russia and the relationship between the concepts of former people, the socially alien, economically dangerous elements, NEPmen; etc. In addition, summarizing the results of studying the revolution and its consequences has contributed to the revival of conceptual discussions about totalitarianism, the social base of the Soviet regime of the 1920s−1930s, and the features of the formation of civil society in Russia, as well as about the conditions for the formation and specifics of the “welfare state” of the Soviet type. At the same time, one should admit that the problem of the social policy of the Bolsheviks, which directly relates to many of the above conceptual or debatable issues, remained practically outside the framework of scientific, historical, and political discussions. Meanwhile, for example, the outcome of the Civil War and the further fate of Russia were largely determined by the nature and priorities of the social policy of the warring parties, the degree of the attractiveness of their slogans for ordinary people in the rear and at the front, as well as the ability to bring these slogans to life. The problems of continuity with the pre-Soviet past of the country, the novelty and relevance for society of the Bolsheviks’ transformations in the social sphere, and their compliance with the global trends of the era also seem key to understanding many debatable issues of early Soviet history. In particular, it is impossible to answer the question about the presence or absence of elements of civil society and the so-called “welfare state” in Soviet Russia without an objective assessment of the social slogans declared by the state and the methods of their implementation, as well as the nature of the interaction between the authorities and society in solving certain topical tasks.
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Lohvynenko, I. A., and Ye S. Lohvynenko. "Ukrainian-Russian Relationship in 1917-1918: History Lessons." Bulletin of Kharkiv National University of Internal Affairs 89, no. 2 (June 26, 2020): 26–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.32631/v.2020.2.02.
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The author has carried out a comparative analysis of Ukrainian-Russian relationship between the days of the Ukrainian Central Rada and the modern period. The character and ideological basis of stable tendencies in Russia’s policy towards Ukraine have been demonstrated. The similarity in the approaches of the Russian central government to the so-called “solution of the Ukrainian issue” has been determined; the essence of Russian chauvinism in understanding the right of nations to self-determination has been demonstrated. The causes and consequences of the war between Soviet Russia and the Ukrainian People’s Republic have been analyzed. The author has determined the main significant, fateful mistakes of the leaders of the Central Rada within relations with the People’s Commissar of Russia, which led to the loss of authority and support of the Ukrainian people for national power and, as a consequence, the collapse of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. The nature and essence of the ideology of the so-called “Russian world” have been revealed. It has been concluded that the history of Ukrainian statehood in 1917-1918 is instructive in many aspects, since it shows that one of the main reasons for the defeat of the Ukrainian Central Rada, which ultimately failed to defend the Ukrainian People’s Republic, was the lack of necessary consolidation of national political forces in solving urgent state affairs (creation and development of own army, timely solution of social, economic problems, efficiency of work of legislative and executive agencies, etc.). It has been noted that the challenges currently facing the Ukrainian state – Russia’s annexation of Crimea, the invasion of its troops in the East, the information war, the propaganda of the so-called “Russian world”, etc. – are not new. In many ways, they repeat what happened in 1917-1918. In particular, the proclamation of puppet pseudo-republics “DNR” and “LNR” in the East of Ukraine, through which Russian troops de facto launched the war against Ukraine. That is why modern Ukrainian politicians need to learn the lessons from the past. Nowadays, when Ukraine is defending its independence from Russia, Ukrainian statesmen and politicians must abandon their narrow party and self-interests and work together to protect national achievements from the encroachments of the “Russian world”, the most important of which is the state of Ukraine.
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Gapsalamov, Almaz R., Vladimir L. Vasilev, Tatyana N. Bochkareva, and Elvir M. Akhmetshin. "REFLECTION ON THE FIRST EXPERIENCES IN CREATING THE ECONOMIC MANAGEMENT SYSTEM (1917 - EARLY 1920s)." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 3 (215) (September 30, 2022): 38–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2022-3-38-44.
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The presented study is devoted to the processes of formation of the public administration system in the early years of the establishment of Soviet power, as well as the problems that characterized this process. The actualization of these issues today is not accidental, modern political and economic difficulties force us to take a different look at the mechanism for organizing the management of the economic sphere of Russian society, the search for new tools for creating effective institutions and management tools. The purpose of the presented work is to study the organizational features of the formation of the state management system of the economy of Soviet Russia in the post-October period and before the start of the new economic policy. The study involves the use of methods of analysis, synthesis, and deduction. The vector of building a control system was seen by the Bolshevik leadership in the centralization of control, which was due to both the ideological setting and the critical domestic political situation. In practice, the study showed the impossibility of centralizing management in 1917-1921, which was associated with both organizational problems and personnel difficulties.
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Arlyapova, Elena, and Elena Ponomareva. "State building in Ingushetia and Chechnya (1917—1944): imperial traditions and Soviet innovations." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2022, no. 5-2 (May 1, 2022): 32–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202205statyi34.
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The article continues a series of publications on the political, socio-economic, and demographic development of Chechens and Ingush. This study raises the issues of the formation and evolution of the statehood of the Chechen-Ingush ASSR. The incompleteness of this process in modern Russia gives additional relevance to the analysis. The article shows that the Soviet experience of state construction in the region has apparent similarities with previous imperial policy. They are pragmatism at the heart of the theory and practice of regulating political and socio-economic life, economic integration into the body of a large country, and the creation of conditions for the development of ethnic self-identification of the Caucasian peoples.
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Szporluk, Roman. "Soviet Domestic Foreign Policy: Universal Ideology and National Tradition." Nationalities Papers 22, no. 1 (1994): 195–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/00905999408408317.
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At the turn of the century a major social, economic and political transformation was taking place in Russia, which at the time was a vast trans-continental empire extending from Warsaw in the west to Vladivostok in the east. Many rival currents of thought and various political movements presented their solutions for Russia's political, social and ethnic conflicts. In 1917, adherents of one Marxist current, the Bolsheviks, seized power in Russia and after a prolonged and extremely bloody Civil War consolidated their regime in the early 1920s. Among the nations of the world Russia alone adopted as its guide for the solution of its problems and conflicts Marxist ideology, invented about seventy years earlier in Germany, an ideology that its founders thought offered a solution for all of the important problems of humanity at large. For, indeed, Marxism was a comprehensive system of thought, which claimed to explain the entire history of humanity and to offer a vision, a scientific blueprint, for humanity's future. In that blueprint the phenomena of conflict, power, and politics were to make room for totally new principles of social organization: solidarity, cooperation, and a rational management of resources and people, i.e., planning.
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Abdirashidov, Z. Sh. "In the name of enlightenment… Isma‘il Gasprinsky and Turkestan palace elite." Minbar. Islamic Studies 15, no. 3 (October 5, 2022): 549–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31162/2618-9569-2022-15-3-549-575.
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At the end of the 19th century, the territory of Turkestan administratively consisted of Russian Turkestan, Bukhara and Khiva Khanates. The last two were dependent on Russia both politically and economically, although they were officially considered independent. The Russian authorities were reluctant to interfere in the internal affairs of these vassal states. Because of this policy, the khan's administrations, until the events of 1917, tried to preserve the old method of management, as well as land and economic affairs. Despite the conservative attitude of the authorities to various innovations and the efforts of the Russian administration to reduce all ties with the outside world, the sparks of the modernist movement that swept the entire Muslim East in the last quarter of the 19th century still penetrated into the khanates. Muslims of the interior regions of Russia, in particular the leader of the Jadid reformist movement Isma‘il Gasprinsky, played a special and main role in this matter.The article examines the relations and cooperation of Gasprinsky with the palace elites of the Bukhara and Khiva Khanates on the basis of primary sources.
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Philippov, A. V. "Japanese Studies in Russia: From Its Classical Origins to the Winds of Changing Trends." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 6 (April 12, 2022): 92–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-6-5.
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The article deals with the analysis of Japanese studies evolution in Russia and its key milestones on the base of problem-oriented historical approach since the very start in the late 17th century. The development of area studies on Japan in Russia was determined by many factors, such as geopolitics, domestic and foreign policy, socio-economic changes in all public authorities. Russian Japanology is presented as a complex science that has incorporated a number of scientific areas (language, history and culture, literature and art, ethnography and ethno-psychology, geography, economics, and politics). The Japanology specificity in Russia is the preservation of the unity and integrity of Japanese studies as a sign of respect for the classical traditions of Oriental studies. Among the main stages of development, the author considers the origins of Japanese studies in Russia, starting from the 17th century, the formation in the classical form at the turn of the 19th-20th centuries, the crisis lines of 1905, 1917, 1937-1938. The next two stages, marking the completion of the review, can be considered as signs of certainly impressive results in scholarly publications for the Russian Japanese studies. The comprehensive analysis that had appeared in the scholarly works and literary translations of Russian Japanology scholars (from the mid-forties till perestroika-time, 1945-1985) was the result of a well-planned policy to promote Oriental studies based on a stable ideology and regular funding. The names of the most prominent scholars, twists and turns of their life activities and achievements are widely presented. The essay concludes with an overview of the situation at the turn of the XX-XXI centuries, touches on the pros and cons that emerged in Japanese studies at the post-Soviet stage.
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Tichtchenko, Pavel, and Boris Yudin. "The Moral Status of Fetuses in Russia." Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 6, no. 1 (1997): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096318010000757x.
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Starting bioethics in Russia we were motivated with the idea of the democratization of our society on a basic micro-social level. The country was swift enough to take several important steps in this direction on the macro-social level, i.e., to adopt a new constitution with guarantees of human rights and rights of ownership of private property, to elect the parliament and the president. But these modernizations in the Russian political facade did not sufficiently change the internal structure of the society–the net of everyday relationships in the home, at work, at school, in hospitals and other places. One of the most brilliant philosophers of the Russian “silver age,” L.S. Frank, wrote in the beginning of the century that a tyrannical state (at his time the czarist state) grows out of tyrannical interpersonal relationships. Political revolution not grounded in a social evolution on the basic level of satisfying “simple” human economic, physical, and psychological needs could reproduce only the same totalitarian pattern under a new ideological label. Events resulting from the Bolshevik revolution in 1917 proved the wisdom of his statement. Russia could suffer the same fate today.
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Demidova, Elena I., Aleksandr V. Zakharov, and Elena A. Efimova. "Institutionalization of the Soviet Higher Education Institutions in Russia in 1920s." Herald of an archivist, no. 4 (2018): 1115–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-4-1115-1127.
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The scientific concept of the Soviet state policy in the sphere of higher education in 1920s and its role in the system of state management of social processes and education of young people is formulated in the article by the aid of modern research methods. The study concludes that after the revolutionary events of 1917 and the Civil war, the leadership of the RCP(b) began to implement practices to radically reform the system of higher education. It was launched onto a new path of development, its proletarization reinforced and introduction of political methods of management continued. While developing state policy in the field of higher education, the emphasis was placed on radical, essential measures that served the goals and objectives of the Soviet power. The result was a qualitatively different content of education, ideological bias of social life, culture, science, and education, and strengthening of repressive policy towards representatives of the ‘old-regime’ higher education. The initiator of all innovations in the system of higher education in Russia in the 1920s was the RCP(b)-VKP(b). The Bolsheviks social experiment in accelerated introduction of new communist socio-cultural values and proletarianization of higher education institutions proved controversial, design of Soviet higher school being extremely poor. At the same time, the higher school that existed in Russia before and achieved the trappings of consistency by 1917, also had its advantages and disadvantages. In early 1920s, in the light of new socio-political reality, main elements of the previous structure were reformed in a fairly rigid way by the ruling RCP(b)-VKP(b). The institutionalization of the Soviet higher school in 1920s took place when a shortage of personnel with socio-cultural, methodological, and scientific experience necessary for successful implementation of the proposed socio-economic reforms was compensated by support of state security agencies.
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Narukova, Nina. "Russia and the International Institute of Agriculture in Rome: Diplomacy, Ideology, Pragmatics (1905–1945)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 3 (2022): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018559-2.
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The first specialised international agricultural organisations emerged in the first half of the twentieth century. The article complements the poorly studied history of the experience of international cooperation within these structures, given that in 1905 Russia was one of the founders of the first international intergovernmental agrarian organisation – the International Institute of Agriculture (IIA). Drawing on official documents from the IIA and the Russian Empire, as well as archival materials from the Soviet period, the author identifies two periods in the history of cooperation between Russia and the IIA: 1905–1917 and 1931–1936/37. The Russian Empire contributed large sums to the IIA budget. The IIA was in contact with Russian imperial authorities and collaborated with the Empire's eminent scientists. The partial restoration of relations between the USSR and IIA in the 1930s was in keeping with the foreign economic interests of the Soviet authorities in the context of the first five-year plans and the implementation of the general political course towards cooperation with foreign scientific, technical, and commercial establishments. The rapprochement between the USSR and IIA began at the International Wheat Conference in Rome in the spring of 1931. The participation of Russia in IIA shows the pragmatic aspects of its foreign policy, as well as the political and diplomatic potential for international communication within the framework of an international specialised organisation.
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Gvozdkov, Yuri Yu. "NOTES OF THE STATE EXCHEQUER AND THEIR COUPONS AS MONETARY SURROGATES ON THE TERRITORY OF SIMBIRSK PROVINCE IN 1917–1922." Vestnik Chuvashskogo universiteta, no. 4 (December 25, 2020): 12–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/1810-1909-2020-4-12-27.
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The article examines transformations of monetary circulation in Russia after the beginning of its participation in the First World War and the factors for the appearance of surrogates in it after a while in the form of State Exchequer notes and their coupons. In the second half of 1917, the policy of replenishing budget expenditures by money emission combined with an increase in military expenditures and prices, a decline in production, as well as insignificant flow of financial resources from taxes and loans, resulted in an acute shortage of cash both in financial institutions and among the population. In these circumstances, central and regional authorities began to use various ways to resolve the crisis situation, where one of these methods was the use of monetary surrogates on a par with credit notes. The purpose of the study is to determine the reasons why monetary substitutes in the form of State Exchequer notes and their coupons appeared in the monetary circulation in the territory of Simbirsk province and Russia as a whole, and to analyze the background economic situation and the government’s policy towards money in the pre-crisis period and after. In addition, the history of the appearance of State Exchequer notes in Russia is considered. Based on the statistical data, economic research and evaluation of processes in monetary circulation, it is proved that the financial policy initiated by the pre-revolutionary (tsarist) government after Russia’s entry into World War I, and then continued by the Provisional and Soviet governments, led to a monetary crisis. The lack of cash financial resources made it impossible to fully meet the needs of the army, to continue active military operations, to provide financing for state institutions and to make mandatory payments, which caused distrust in the existing government. In such circumstances, one of the expedite ways to find money was to use State Exchequer notes and their coupons along with credit notes and monetary surrogates. The circumstances established in the course of the study make it possible to reveal more complete insights into the content of the processes in the field of monetary circulation that took place in 1917–1918 in the Simbirsk province and Russia as a whole, and to introduce new historical facts to science.
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Noskova, A. V. "EVOLUTION OF STATE FAMILY POLICY IN RUSSIA FROM SOVIET TIMES TO THE PRESENT." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(33) (December 28, 2013): 155–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-6-33-155-159.
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The paper describes some peculiarities in evolution of the State family politics and policies in Russia since the beginning of the XX century to present time. The aim of the paper is to shed light on the family state policy in Russia during the different periods of time. We define here the family state policy widely enough as the various state activity (ideological, legislative, economic, social) concerning institute of family. The analysis of the state measures concerning the family in different social and political contexts allowed us to allocate the five main stages and models of the family state policy in Russia. They are: the post-revolutionary model (1917-1926), the «Stalin» model (1927-1953), the "welfare" Soviet model (1954-1991), the yearly post- Soviet model (1991-2005), the modern model (since 2006). The paper is based on the some demographic and sociological surveys data and devoted to an analysis of the family changes in these various periods. On the one hand, the family policies were a reaction to new social requirements and demographic changes (decline of fertility, for example). On the other hand, the state activity concerning a family itself caused transitions in the family institute. We show how various measures of soviet and post-soviet family policies and public interventions in family life have influenced on the family relations.
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Haruna, Abdallah Imam, and A. Abdul Salam. "Rethinking Russian Foreign Policy towards Africa: Prospects and Opportunities for Cooperation in New Geopolitical Realities." European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 1, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 10–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejsocial.2021.1.2.24.
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Diplomatic ties between Africa and the Russian Federation dates back to Africa’s dark decades of collective struggle for continental decolonization and severance in relations with its European colonizers. There is a vestige of historical evidence to support the claim that Russia had contributed immensely to this struggle in the early 1950s. Historically, the Russian Revolution of 1917 set the stage for the strenuous global struggle against colonialism and imperialism. This revolution, subsequently, inspired leaders of the nationalist movements on the African continent like Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Nnamdi Azikiwe of Nigeria, Haile Selassie of Ethiopia, Nelson Mandela of South Africa and Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia, among others to champion the fight for the liberation of Africa. Between 1945 and 1991, international politics was in a hegemonic geopolitical tension between the Soviet Union and the United States and their respective global allies. This power struggle polarized the world into the contrasting ideologies of Capitalism and Socialism. Some African nationalists situated the crusade for self-rule within the Eastern Bloc led by the Soviet Union. The collapse of the USSR on 26 December 1991 and the fall of the Berlin wall on 9 November 1989 heralded a new era in global politics. This paper is on the assumption that three decades into the demise of the Soviet Union, it is now time to reflect on the influence of Russia in international politics, with particular focus on Moscow’s foreign policy towards Sub-Saharan Africa. This rethinking is crucial because of the criticism that Russia’s renewed interest in Africa is a grand strategy to dominate affairs of the continent, rather than a search for new opportunities for economic cooperation and geopolitical alliances.
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Kambiev, Arsen M. "The Azerbaijan Democratic Republic and Its Policy Towards the Terek and Dagestan (the Second Half of 1919 – the beginning of 1920)." Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 4, no. 4 (2020): 1140–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2020-4-4-2.
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The article examines the little-studied and complex issue of relations between the new Caucasian state entities during the collapse of the Russian Empire and the following Civil War. The Revolution of 1917 led to the appearance on the political map of the Caucasus and Transcaucasia of a number of new state entities that fought for the recognition of their sovereignty. However, the political and military chaos in the region hindered both the internal process of consolidation of the self-proclaimed states, the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic and the Mountainous Republic of the North Caucasus in particular, and their entry into the international community. The civil war in Russia and the confrontation between the Red and the White forces instigated even more contradictions. Transcaucasian countries, primarily Azerbaijan and Georgia, support both the insurrectionary movement in the Terek-Dagestan region and the leaders of the overthrown Mountainous Republic who stayed in their territory. However, any attempts to create stable allied military, political and economic relations, undertaken by the leaders of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic and the Mountainous Republic, were not successful.
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Fedoseev, Roman V., Eduard D. Bogatyrev, and Natalya A. Kisteneva. "Activities of the Peasant Land Bank in Penza province of Russia (1883-1915)." Revista de la Universidad del Zulia 12, no. 34 (September 2, 2021): 483–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.46925//rdluz.34.27.
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The reform of 1861 not only freed the peasants from serfdom, but also led to radical economic changes in the agrarian sphere. The peasantry was involved in civil and legal relations associated with the purchase and sale of land. In order to assist land-poor peasants in the purchase of land, a specialized credit institution was created, which issued loans on favorable terms against the security of the acquired land plots. The purpose of this study is to identify the features of the activity of the Peasant Land Bank in the territory of the Penza province of Russia. Based on the materials of the Penza province, the main indicators of the activity of the Peasant Land Bank are analyzed, the dynamics of credit operations, the influence of its activities on the growth of land prices are considered, regional features of the processes under study are indicated. As a result of the study, it was concluded that the creation and operation of the Peasant Land Bank was an element of the government's agricultural policy aimed at creating peasant land tenure by providing loans to buy land from private owners.
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Arkhireyskyi, Dmytro. "Food Relations of Ukraine and the RSFSR in 1918 − the first half of 1919." Roxolania Historĭca = Historical Roxolania 2 (December 28, 2019): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/30190215.
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The purpose of the article is to establish and investigate the dependence of the population of Soviet Russia, which in 1918 − the first half of 1919 was suffering from the food crisis caused by the policy of the Bolsheviks, as well as the communist regime itself on Ukrainian food, also, to review the plans of the RSFSR leadership on Ukrainian agricultural resources in the context of the actual conquest of Russia by Ukraine in early 1919.Methods of research: chronological, structural-system, logical-historical.The main results. The reasons for the birth in Russia in 1918 of the traffic of bagmen and the peculiarities of the penetration of Russian private suppliers into the territory of Ukraine were researched; the reaction of the Ukrainian State to the appearance of Russian bagmen in the country was studied; the level of efficiency of trade relations of independent Ukraine and RSFSR is analyzed; the relationship between the food situation in Russia and the attempts of the Bolsheviks to overcome it by establishing control over Ukrainian bread in the first half of 1919 was established; it has been proved that the establishment of the Bolshevik authorities in Ukraine and the introduction of the policy of the War Communism here meant the use of force, non-economic methods of influencing Ukrainian peasants for the purpose of actually extracting food resources from them.Practical significance. The results of the article are recommended for use in synthetic works on the history of Ukraine and Russia during the revolution period of 1917−1921, as well as for the development of special courses on the history of Ukraine, Russia and Eastern Europe. These materials can also be used to promote historical knowledge.Originality. The article is completely original, performed on the basis of the generalization of the experience of a number of domestic and foreign researchers with the involvement of archival and narrative sources.Scientific novelty. For the first time in the national historiography, the data revealing the reasons and the peculiarities of the food crisis in Soviet Russia in 1918, and also the doom of a significant part of the Russians to self-help, were synthesized and investigated; the dependence of the starving population of Russia and its authorities on Ukrainian food was first shown; the ways of obtaining Ukrainian bread by Russian bagmen and the Bolshevik regime in the context of the events of the end of 1918 − the first half of 1919 were highlighted.Type of article: anlytical.
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Baksheev, Andrei Ivanovich, Pavel Alexandrovich Novikov, Sergey Alekseevich Safronov, Svetlana Petrovna Shtumpf, and Dmitry Vladimirovich Rakhinsky. "Evolution of the bolshevik doctrine on the peasant question in 1917–1929." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, Extra-C (June 19, 2021): 38–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020217extra-c982p.38-47.
Full textAbstract:
The objective of this research is to analyze the frameworks and views on the peasant question in Soviet Russia over the examined period. Using the historical, descriptive narrative, comparative, and typological methods, the authors look into the 1917 land reform, attempts to organize large-scale socialist agriculture in 1918–1920, the specific features of the temporary solutions to the peasant question in the period of the New Economic Policy, and the subsequent focus on industrialization and forced collectivization of agriculture. The authors conclude that the Bolshevik doctrine evolutionized and preserved full strategic continuity, having undergone several timely tactical adjustments. Each of these stages represented the Bolsheviks’ attempts to retain political control over the predominantly agrarian country, for which purpose the “leading” (in other words, the commanding, dictating, or domineering) role of the working class and the poorest layers of countrymen was persistently proclaimed in relation to peasants who produced surplus goods and had a different system of value (worldview) priorities.
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Baksheev, Andrei Ivanovich, Pavel Alexandrovich Novikov, Sergey Alekseevich Safronov, Svetlana Petrovna Shtumpf, and Dmitry Vladimirovich Rakhinsky. "Evolution of the bolshevik doctrine on the peasant question in 1917–1929." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, no. 3B (September 23, 2021): 411–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-6220202173b1567p.411-420.
Full textAbstract:
The objective of this research is to analyze the frameworks and views on the peasant question in Soviet Russia over the examined period. Using the historical, descriptive narrative, comparative, and typological methods, the authors look into the 1917 land reform, attempts to organize large-scale socialist agriculture in 1918–1920, the specific features of the temporary solutions to the peasant question in the period of the New Economic Policy, and the subsequent focus on industrialization and forced collectivization of agriculture. The authors conclude that the Bolshevik doctrine evolutionized and preserved full strategic continuity, having undergone several timely tactical adjustments. Each of these stages represented the Bolsheviks’ attempts to retain political control over the predominantly agrarian country, for which purpose the “leading” (in other words, the commanding, dictating, or domineering) role of the working class and the poorest layers of countrymen was persistently proclaimed in relation to peasants who produced surplus goods and had a different system of value (worldview) priorities.
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Vlasova, A. I. "The Health Care System of the Semipalatinsk Region of the Steppe Territory: Stages of Formation (60s of the 19th Century — the Beginning of the 20th Century)." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 2(118) (June 4, 2021): 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2021)2-01.
Full textAbstract:
On the basis of different sources, mainly annual regional statistical surveys, the stages of the formation of the health care system of the Semipalatinsk region of the Steppe Governor General are revealed. At the first stage, the end of the 60s — 80s of the 19th century, the accession of the Steppe Territory to the Russian Empire was completed. The integrating policy of this ethnoregion into the political-legal and socio-economic space of the empire was initiated. In the social sphere, it led to the creation of a health system. The procesas had a number of specific features due to the absence of zemstvos and zemstvo medicine and the predominance of Kazakh nomads in the ethnosocial structure of the region. Therefore, in contrast to the central regions of Russia, the development of the health care system in the Steppe Territory was dealt with by the provincial and regional administrations. The second stage (the end of the 80s 19th century — 1917) is associated with the beginning of the mass migration of peasant migrants from the European part of Russia to the Steppe Territory. This stage is characterized by the expansion of the network of regional and county medical institutions, the improvement of their material and technical base, the expansion of the specialization of practicing doctors, and the solution of the personnel problem.
Also, at that stage, the system of management of medical institutions was improved and government organizations, for example, the Resettlement Department, were involved in solving problems related to health care services for the p opulation. In general, statistics show that by 1917 the quality of health care services and the percentage of population involvement remained at a low level.
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Podkhomutnikova, Marina V. "Raskazachivanie: difficult issues of history." Historical and social-educational ideas 13, no. 2 (April 29, 2021): 151–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2021-13-2-151-160.
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104 years ago the Civil War began in Russia. Civil War 1917–1922 is one of the largest civil wars in human history. She had a great influence on the course of not only Russian, but also world history in the XX century. In the conditions of the socio-economic catastrophe experienced by the country at that time, all social and political contradictions in society exacerbated, which gave the Civil War mass character and duration. Today the topic of "decossackization" remains very relevant and in demand. The scientific relevance of the problem of decossackization is caused by the lack of generalizing studies. Currently, there is a significant amount of literature, which reflects the history of civil confrontation in Russia. Literature was created at different times and, as a result, differed in different methodological positions. The Civil War in Russia was studied, seen, reflected from two opposite sides – from the side of the victors and from the side of the vanquished. Difficult times do not have unambiguous assessments and interpretations. It is no coincidence that this period is included in the list of the so-called “difficult questions of history”. Soviet historians began to deal with the problem of decossackization in the 60s. 20th century. Within the framework of what was permitted, researchers could talk about the problems associated with the policy of decossackization in Russia. In the Soviet period, "decossackization" was understood as the elimination of the Cossacks as a socio-ethnographic community in general, characteristic features, characteristics, properties, signs of the Cossacks. In different historical periods, the term "decossackization" was understood as the abolition of class benefits and hardships. In the second half of the 19th – early 20th century. there was no oppression, persecution, destruction and violent influence on the Cossacks at that time. In the late 80s. – the beginning of the 90s. the problem of decossackization is closely associated with the repressive policy of the Bolsheviks in the Cossack regions of the country. From this we can conclude that two different meanings are put into the conventional term “decossackization”. One interpretation of this term speaks of the formal, administrative abolition of the estate rights and obligations of the Cossacks as a social-class category. Another interpretation is about purposeful and large-scale repressive actions against the Cossacks. Today, scientific discussions about the causes, nature and consequences of the anti-Bolshevik struggle during the Civil War continue. More and more researchers are being drawn into the polemical space. The author does not pretend to cover the entire array of publications, the total number of which is several hundred, we will focus on the most general trends in the analysis of the events of the Civil War and armed uprisings against the policies of the Bolsheviks in 1917–1922. The hypothesis of the study is that the overwhelming majority of armed uprisings against the Bolshevik policy in Soviet Russia in 1917–1922. were of a local nature, without going beyond a certain territory, and also were not coordinated in time. The defeat of the anti-Bolshevik uprisings was influenced by: the insurrectionary movement was not homogeneous in goals, slogans, composition; the spontaneous nature of performances at the initial stage; lack of an organizing center; focus on intra-regional problems; superiority in the strength of the Red Army; territorial fragmentation. The movement against the policy of the Bolsheviks, in spite of its scale, as a result remained local, tied to their native farms, villages, villages. According to the author of the article, the scientific novelty of the research lies in the identification and study of the features of the military-political confrontation in the context of the "small Civil War" in the south of Russia.
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Golomolzin, A. N. "Historical lessons on the protection and development of competition." Russian competition law and economy, no. 4 (December 30, 2019): 6–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.32686/2542-0259-2019-4-6-21.
Full textAbstract:
The analysis of historical experience of development and protection of competition is carried out in the context of history of development of economic relations, formation and development of the Antimonopoly legislation and practice of its application. Ensuring the development and protection of competition is evaluated taking into account the values and philosophies, the development of economic doctrines, based on the ongoing changes in the economy and technological shifts. More than a thousand years of experience of antimonopoly regulation in India, the Roman Empire and Byzantium is summarized. The antitrust experience of the United States revealed based on the analysis of history of development of economic relations in the country studies of the background of the U.S. antitrust laws in the late XIX century describes the main conditions and precedents of the application of the antitrust laws of the United States, the major structural changes in the economy in the XX century. Examples of adjustment of priorities of antitrust policy of the USA in the conditions of dynamic changes in the XXI century are given. The main stages of the millennial history of market relations in Russia are considered, including the analysis of the most important monuments of Russian history (Russkaya Pravda 1016, Kormchaya kniga 1274, the Cathedral Code of Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich 1649). The basic Antimonopoly provisions of the decrees of the Peter I era, which initiated the formation of the Antimonopoly legislation and the development of competition, the Antimonopoly norms of the Criminal and Correctional Penalties Act of 1845, approved by Nikolay I for half a century of the appearance of antitrust legislation in the United States, are investigated. The history of the development of organized trade during the development of the Russian North, Siberia and the Far East, the practice of countering the monopolization and cartelization of the economy of pre-revolutionary Russia are studied. The reasons and mechanism of monopolization and cartelization of the Russian and the Soviet economy after 1917 are revealed. The ideologies of socialism and capitalism and the reasons for their isolation from the practice of economic development are assessed. The practice of formation and development of economic relations in the Soviet period is investigated.
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Altymyshova, Zuhra. "October Revolution and Soviet Class Struggle Policy in Kyrgyzstan." Central Asia 81, Winter (June 30, 2018): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-81.100.
Full textAbstract:
In the middle of the XIX century, the territory of contemporary Kyrgyzstan was conquered by the Tsarist Russia. Later, in 1917, as a result of the October Revolution, the Tsarist regime was replaced by the Soviet rule. In the territory of Kyrgyzstan, it was established firstly in the southern and western regions of the country, such as Suluktu and Kyzyl-Kiya, Osh and Talas, where the largest industrial enterprises, mines, railway junctions and most of the workers and soldiers were concentrated. However, already by the mid 1918, the Soviet government managed to spread its power to the entire region of Kyrgyzstan.
In 1924, the Turkestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, established on April 30, 1918, was reorganized into a new administrative division. As the part of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR), on October 24, 1924 the Kara Kyrgyz Autonomous Region was formed. On May 25, 1925 the Kara Kyrgyz Autonomous Region was renamed into the Kyrgyz Autonomous Region. Then on February 01, 1926 it was restructured into the Kyrgyz Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. On December 05, 1936 it became a separate constituent republic of the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) known as the Kyrgyz Soviet Socialist Republic. Along with other 15 Soviet Socialist states, Kyrgyzstan had been the member of the USSR for about 70 years, from 1919 till 1991.
The current paper focuses on the processes of social transformation under the Soviet regime, especially the implementation of class struggle policy and its impact on Kyrgyzstan. In comparison with the interventions from the Tsarist Russia, the social transformation process undertaken under the Soviet system was quite different. In the territory of the Kyrgyz traditional society, the Tsarist Russia made only some social reorganization, but the Soviets brought radical changes in to the socio-political organizations of the Kyrgyz people. The paper seeks to understand how the Soviet Union tried to reconstruct the Kyrgyz society during the 1920s and 1930s. In addition, the paper will analyze the methods and mechanisms of the social transformation processes and the measures used by the Soviet government in their socio-political ‘battles’ against the local elites, and the influence of the new system on the existing socio-economic stratification in the context of the Kyrgyz society. During the Soviet period the prevalent scientific vision about the major historical events of the time was based on the Communist ideology. Therefore, the main aim of the paper is to analyze and describe an objective overview of the history of Soviet class struggle policy. The paper is based on the research of local archival documents, published sources and oral materials.
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Semenova, Inna Yu. "NORMATIVE FRAMEWORK ON SOCIAL SECURITY FOR WORKING-CLASS AND PEASANT FAMILIES (1917–1936)." Historical Search 3, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2022-3-2-30-36.
Full textAbstract:
The article provides a brief overview of the main legislative acts that became the normative basis for social security for the families of workers and peasants in post-revolutionary Russia. The most difficult socio-economic situation caused by the social upheavals of the beginning of the 20th century directly affected the everyday life of Soviet residents who had a priority need of food, providing medical treatment and medicines, receiving social benefits in case of tough living situations and other difficulties in the field of state support for large and single parent families, etc. The author focuses on the contribution of public organizations that provided strong assistance to Soviet workers in solving pressing problems in everyday life in the first two decades of the Soviet power. The analysis of the normative framework showed that despite the sufficiently developed social sphere, not all areas of social security had received ample funding, or the State requirements for social assistance measures had not been met. Nevertheless, we can talk about a wide range of social services that could be used by residents of the country, especially children, adolescents, and elderly people. The study provides a general picture of the government policy of the Soviet state on the social security of the family in 1917–1936.
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Klimiuk, Zbigniew. "Ekonomista z Podola. Jerzy Zdziechowski – życiorys, poglądy oraz działalność publiczna." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 13, no. 2 (January 8, 2023): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.8450.
Full textAbstract:
Zdziechowski Jerzy (1880–1975) was a politician, economist and economic activist. In the years 1917–1918 he was a member of the Polish Council of the Inter-Party Union in Russia and a co-organizer of the Polish Corps in Russia. In 1919, he was one of the main participants in the failed coup d’etat attempting to overthrow the government of Jędrzej Moraczewski. In the years 1922–1927, he was a member of the Sejm from the Popular National Union. In the years 1925–1926, he was the Minister of the Treasury in the government of A. Skrzyński. He developed the economic and financial program for stabilizing the Polish zloty, which caused such side effects as, i.a.: reduced employment, lowered wages, and reduced exports of agricultural products, as well as significant increases in taxes and prices. However, the program allowed for achieving a balanced budget. The program’s implementation resulted in the withdrawal of the Polish Socialist Party from the ruling coalition and led to the fall of the government. In the years 1926–1933, he was a member of the Council of the Camp of Great Poland, which was founded and led by Roman Dmowski. Until 1939, he was an activist of economic organizations. From September 1939, Jerzy Zdziechowski resided abroad. After World War II, he was the chairman of the Executive Department of the Political Council in London on behalf of the National Party. Jerzy Zdziechowski was characterized by theoretical eradication and the ability to achieve macroeconomic goals within the framework of economic policy, which he proved by managing financial matters in the years 1925-26 as well as by his creative criticism of the politics in 1926-39.
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Shikunova, Inna A., Aleksei I. Chubarov, and Pavel P. Shcherbinin. "Medical and social aspects of the social care system for orphans before and after 1917 (based on materials of the Tambov Governorate)." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 186 (2020): 193–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2020-25-186-193-204.
Full textAbstract:
We examine the various health, epidemiological, and everyday life realities of the life of children’s social institutions pupils, in particular orphans in imperial Russia and in the first decade of Soviet power. Consideration of these aspects of childhood history in the context of morbidity and mortality in the children’s cohort was carried out on the materials of the Tambov Governorate, which made it possible to clarify and reveal little-known facts and manifestations of social policy and the protection of the health of children and adolescents at the governorate and county levels. A comparison of regional data and the capital’s recommendations on combating child morbidity and mortality showed that the central authorities were completely disconnected from the understanding of the processes and realities of the life of the provincial society, as well as neglect of the needs of children’s institutions outside the capital. This phenomenon was not exceptional, but reflected typical trends of contradictions in the socio-economic and health status of the center and regions. A study of childhood morbidity and mortality in the pre-revolutionary period of Russian history made it possible to confirm the hypothesis that the fate and life of foundling children was the most tragic and traumatic. The mortality rate of such “trouble children”, which reached up to 90 %, began to decline only after the transition of children’s shelters to the control and financing of local governments – county administrations. But the most effective and useful was the transfer of foundling children for upbringing to peasant families. This patriarchal tradition of children’s charity, supported by a little financial support from the counties, helped save and socialize most of the unhappy and ill foundlings who became members of the family of their adoptive parents and received food, shelter and living prospects and professional skills. Appeal to the initial period of everyday life and socialization of children and adolescents in orphanages in the Tambov Governorate through reconstruction and analysis of living conditions, nutrition, morbidity and mortality revealed catastrophic problems of these “flowers of life” of Soviet Russia. The shortage of medical personnel, the almost complete lack of drugs and sanitary facilities, the difficult epidemiological situation, hunger and cold caused a widespread morbidity and mortality rate among male and female pupils of children’s homes and children’s social and educational institutions. Comparison of the charity practices of “trouble children” in pre-revolutionary and Soviet Russia cannot be correct and justified, since the general socio-economic, everyday, legal and socio-cultural conditions of life of such children were not comparable, as well as health care in children’s social institutions. We clarify the possibilities of shelters for foundling children at county hospitals, maternity wards, private patronage. The role of medical workers is revealed, whose reports and surveys of children’s educational social institutions were the most reliable indicators of the real situation with the incidence and mortality of orphans. The historiographic approaches and source study traditions of both domestic and foreign historians are analyzed when studying the charity of orphans in the considered chronological period of Russian history. Attraction of primary archival documents made it possible to evaluate the poorly studied medical and social aspects of children’s everyday life in shelters and orphanages in the Tambov Governorate in the turbulent and crucial years of national statehood. We reveal the regional features of the formation of social protection system for orphans through the prism of medical statistics and medical reports before and after 1917. Attention is drawn to the importance of conducting comparative studies on childhood history in the regional, metropolitan, ethno-confessional and sociocultural dimensions.
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Donchenko, A. S., S. A. Papkov, T. N. Samolovova, and N. A. Donchenko. "People's commissars for agriculture of the first Soviet government and the beginning of the revolutionary agrarian transformations in Russia (1917–1920)." Siberian Herald of Agricultural Science 52, no. 6 (January 14, 2023): 122–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.26898/0370-8799-2022-6-14.
Full textAbstract:
Analysis of the activities of the first Soviet people’s commissars of agriculture in the context of the restructuring of the agrarian economy after the Revolution of 1917 is presented. A description of the causes and features of the land crisis in Russia and its impact on political life is given. The nature of the first experiments in the transformation of agriculture against the backdrop of revolutionary events is analyzed. As radical revolutionary forces came to power in Russia, the project of "socialization" of the land, developed by the Left Socialist Revolutionary Party and supported by the Bolsheviks, was attempted. The basis of this project was the specific ideas of socialists to achieve progress in agriculture only through the maximum centralization of agricultural production and the nationalization of land, eliminating any private land ownership. The assessment of the Soviet legislative acts related to the introduction of collective forms of land management and state management of the rural economy stands out in this description. It is noted that during the first three years of the revolution's development, decisive steps were taken to implement this project. However, the practical results clearly revealed their utopian nature. By 1921, the development of agriculture, as well as other sectors on the basis of governmentalization led to a general political crisis in the country and the need to introduce the New Economic Policy. The role of the first organizers of the Soviet agrarian system, the people's commissars of agriculture of the RSFSR, is highlighted. Some biographical information about them is given, and their political views on the ways of solving the land issue in the country are evaluated. The article provides an original interpretation of the first revolutionary transformations of the agrarian economy of Russia, as well as the participation of the people's commissars of agriculture in them.
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Sinitsyn, Fedor L. "Transboundary nomadism in the USSR in the 1920s." RUDN Journal of Russian History 18, no. 3 (December 15, 2019): 589–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2019-18-3-589-604.
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Abstarct: In the context of the history of migration processes among nomadic peoples, the present article studies transboundary nomadism between the USSR and neighboring countries in the 1920s as well as the Soviet policy on these processes. The author discusses the border areas of the east and south of the USSR and such neighboring states as China, Mongolia, Tuva, Afghanistan, and Persia. The article is written on a broad source base, which includes both published and unpublished documents identifi ed by the author in the Russian State Military Archives (RGVA), the Russian State Archives of Socio-Political History (RGASPI) and the Aginsky Branch of the State Archives of the Trans-Baikal Territory (AFGAZK). The article demonstrates the important strategic role of border nomadic regions, in particular, of Buryatia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Turkmenistan. After the 1917 revolutionary events in Russia, migrations from these territories were motivated not only by economic but also by political reasons, with the nomads escaping from state control and subsequently participating in anti-Soviet uprisings and in the Basmachi movement. The author argues that the Soviet leadership was eager to uphold the status quo on its borderlands. By the 1930s the USSR established full control over migration processes, minimizing or completely eliminating the transboundary nomadism. This was framed as a question of securing the state´s borders against a capitalist environment, but also of preventing the penetration of hostile ideology from abroad.
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Aleksandrova, Maria V. "Communal lifestyle: norm and anomaly in the everyday space of the soviet city." Yaroslavl Pedagogical Bulletin 5, no. 122 (2021): 239–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.20323/1813-145x-2021-5-122-239-246.
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The article is devoted to the specifics of the communal lifestyle, considered as one the key phenomena of Soviet everyday life. The communal apartment in Soviet Russia is investigated in the context of the perception bycontemporaries of the socio-cultural norms and everyday practices, the shaping of the Soviet lifestyle. The article analyzes the tendencies and measures of the policy of the Soviet government, ideological, socio-economic and sociocultural factors influenced the transformation of the communal lifestyle into a new model of social interaction, a structure-forming norm of everyday life. The strategies and practices of the communal lifestyle are demonstrated on materials from 1917 to the mid-1930s, characterizing the processes of transformation of the borders of private life, destabilization of the sphere of dwelling and the consolidation of the Soviet social hierarchy in the everyday experience. The article examines the paradoxes of the communal lifestyle: the practice of «compaction» of dwellings, the introduction of a uniform standard of living space, the absence of household isolation, the loss of the sense of ownership and the status of the household.
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Lidzhieva, Irina V., and Daniyal S. Kidirniyazov. "Nomads of the Steppe Ciscaucasia during the Great Reforms in Russia." RUDN Journal of Russian History 20, no. 1 (December 15, 2021): 74–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2021-20-1-74-87.
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Based on an analysis of archival documents and periodical press materials, the present paper studies the impact of the liberal reforms of Alexander II on the policies of the imperial authorities for the nomadic peoples of the steppe of Ciscaucasia: the Kalmyks, Nogais and Turkmens. The liberal reforms of the 1860s and 1870s had a direct impact on the formation of the national intelligentsia, which during the revolutionary events of the early 20th century led to the rise of the national movement in the empires peripheries and to the struggle for self-determination of the non-Russian populations during the Russian Revolution of 1917. The article reconstructs individual facts and events from the life of the nomadic population under specific socio-economic and political-legal conditions. Using the historical-genetic method, the influence of liberal reforms on the vital activity of the nomadic peoples of the Stavropol province is revealed. The authors focus on the activities of regional authorities during the period under review, which were liberal in nature and carried out in the context of the reforms of Alexander II. The authors conclude that the pre-Caucasus steppe, the territory of the nomadic Kalmyks, Nogais and Turkmens, being the national edge of the Russian Empire and falling under a special system of governance related to the ethnic and religious characteristics of the populations, was not drawn into the orbit of liberal reforms. Meanwhile, a number of measures were approved by the regional executive authorities on the ground, of course, first of all, aimed at satisfying the needs of the imperial policy for incorporating the region into the common imperial space, but at the same time improving the lives of the nomadic peoples of the Stavropol province, in particular in the field of education and legal procedures.
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Захарова, Галина, and Galina Zakharova. "STRATEGIC VECTORS OF DEVELOPMENT THE AGRARIAN SECTOR OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION." Vestnik of Kazan State Agrarian University 14, no. 2 (July 29, 2019): 139–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/article_5d3e1732366a74.99146672.
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Over the past century, the directions of agricultural development have radically changed. In the first half of the twentieth century, the main problem was the fight against hunger, providing the population with bread. Interruptions in the supply of bread in 1917 caused riots and led to the February Revolution in Russia. In the early 20s, in order to fight hunger, a new economic policy was introduced, which gave the peasants the opportunity to restore agriculture. At the end of the 1920s, collectivization, started with the aim of increasing agricultural production to meet the country’s growing urban population and the raw materials needs of industry, turned into a new hunger, the elimination of which was the most important task of collective farms. After World War II, in 1946, there was hunger again, and the post-war restoration of agriculture was aimed at overcoming it. The ambitious program for the development of virgin lands in the 1950s was also primarily aimed at achieving a sustainable bread supply for the population. Crop failure in 1963-1964 once again put the country on the brink of hunger. The problem was solved by importing grain from other countries. In the 1990s, the problem of food supply arose again. This was due not to a shortage of food, but to the low incomes of a large part of the Russian population. The dynamically changing macroeconomic conditions make their own adjustments to the prioritization of directions for the development of agriculture in Russia. In the agricultural sector, a number of documents have been developed that reflect the promising directions for the development of the industry [1, 2]. The implementation of the goals and objectives of the long-term development of the agrarian sector of the Russian economy will be largely determined by both the macroeconomic situation in the country and the significant improvement in climate in international cooperation. The article discusses the key vectors of development of the agricultural sector in modern conditions. An economic assessment of the state of implementation of these areas is given, their positive and negative sides are noted.
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Yashchuk, Tatiana. "LEGAL REGULATION IN THE SPHERE OF HIGHER EDUCATION IN RUSSIA (HISTORICAL AND LEGAL ASPECT)." Law Enforcement Review 1, no. 4 (January 10, 2018): 14–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2542-1514.2017.1(4).14-27.
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The purpose of article is to analyze the evolution of legal regulation of higher education in Russia since the beginning up to the beginning of reform in modern conditions.Characteristics of the problem field. Higher education is studied in various aspects (sociological, cultural, historical, economic). An independent institute of educational law is distinguished in the legal science. Serious transformations of higher education in the Russian Federation have actualized the need for understanding the domestic experience of legal regu-lation. The state policy in the sphere of higher education and the evolution of educational legislation are studied in historical and legal studies.The methodology. The narrative method is the method of description. It is necessary for the reconstruction of past events and phenomena. The narrative method is supplemented by a chronological method. The formal legal method is applied to the interpretation of norms. The sociological method establishes the links between state policy, regulatory legal regulations and the social result achieved. The comparative method is used fragmentarily.Results. Higher education is a relatively new social institution. In the European tradition it took shape during the Middle Ages. The completed model was formed in the XIX century in Germany.The Russian Empire used the German model. Higher education was regulated by the state. The main regulations governing educational relations at the university were the General Charters. These Charters reflected the autonomy of universities.Three stages are identified in the legal and regulatory framework of higher education in the Soviet period: 1917 – the first floor 1930s; second floor 1930s – the first floor 1950s; second floor 1950s – 1980s.At the first stage the state regulated only politically and ideologically important educational relations. Many questions were not regulated centrally. In the 1930s the state impact on higher education was growing. The consignments are included in norm-setting activities. The established norms changed little until the end of the Soviet period. In the 1960s the liberalization of educational legislation began, which continued until the end of the Soviet period.Conclusions. Higher education as a special social Institute took shape in the medieval period. The German model, tested in the early nineteenth century with the establishment of the University in Berlin, had a huge influence on the genesis of modern higher education.
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Żelichowski, Ryszard. "Poles and Finns under Russian rule." Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej 8 (December 30, 2019): 47–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2300-0562.08.03.
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An attempt to compare Russian Tsar Alexander I was the head of the Grand Duchy of Finland, which the Russian army captured in 1809 as a result of the Russo-Swedish war. The final act of the Congress of Vienna of June 1815 decided to establish the Kingdom of Poland. Beside the title of Grand Duke of Finland tsar, Alexander I was awarded the title of the King of Poland. From that moment on, for over one hundred years, the fate of the Grand Duchy of Finland and the Kingdom of Poland was intertwined during the rule of five Russian tsars.
The aim of this paper is to answer the question whether two different ways on the road to independence – romantic Polish way with national uprisings, and pragmatic Finnish, relative loyal to the Russian tsars – had an impact on their policy towards both nations. The Kingdom of Poland and the Duchy of Finland were autonomous, were in a personal union with Russian tsars, had their own constitutions, parliaments, armies, monetary systems and educational structures, and official activities were held in Polish (Polish Kingdom) and Swedish (in the Grand Duchy of Finland). Both countries also had their own universities.
The first national uprising in the Kingdom of Poland, which broke out in November 1830, resulted in a wave of repression. The Constitution was replaced by the so-called The Organic Statute, the Sejm (the Parliament) and the independent army were liquidated. The Kingdom was occupied by the mighty Russian army, and in 1833 martial law was introduced. The second national uprising of January 1863 led to another wave of repression and intensive Russification of Polish territories. In 1867, the autonomy of the Kingdom of Poland, its name and budget were abolished. From 1872 the Polish language was only an optional choice. After 1863, the policy of the Russian authorities changed towards the Grand Duchy.
A session of the Finnish parliament (Eduskunta) was convened for the first time since 1809, the new parliamentary law allowed the dissemination of the Finnish language. After the deadly assault on Alexander II in 1881, his son Alexander III made attempts to limit also Finland’s autonomy. The years 1899–1904 were called the first period of Russification in Finland (“the first period of oppression”). The Manifesto of June 1900 introduced obligatory Russian language in correspondence of officials with Russia. In 1901, the national Finnish army was liquidated. In Russia this was the beginning of the process of the empire’s unification into one cultural, political and economic system. After a short thaw as a result of the 1905 revolution in Russia, the Grand Duchy of Finland, the so-called “second period of oppression” and anti-Finnish politics took place. During the great war of 1914–1918, the Grand Duchy was on the side of Russia. The territories of the former Kingdom of Poland were under German rule since 1915. After the outbreak of the revolution in Russia, the Eduskunta (on 6 December 1917) passed a Declaration of Independence. After a short period of regency, on 19 July 1919, the Finns adopted the republican system with a parliamentary form of government.
On 11 November 1918 Germany surrendered on the Western Front. On that day, the Regency Council in Warsaw handed over military authority to the Polish Legion commander Józef Piłsudski. Although Poland still had to fight for the final shape of the state, the 11th of November 1918 is considered the first day of recovered Polish independence.
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Мезеря, O. A. "Problems of reform in the ukrainian regions of Russia and their consequences on the evaluation of the population life in the second half of the XIX century." ВІСНИК СХІДНОУКРАЇНСЬКОГО НАЦІОНАЛЬНОГО УНІВЕРСИТЕТУ імені Володимира Даля, no. 3(259) (February 18, 2020): 37–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.33216/1998-7927-2020-259-3-37-40.
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The article deals with the problems of modern historiography of everyday life of Ukrainians in the context of Russian reforms of the second half of the nineteenth century, reveals the theme of the author's approaches to his views on a given topic.In the context of the liberalization of the Soviet regime in the late 1950s-1960s, the term "Ukrainian historiography" was reintroduced into scientific circulation
With some liberalization of education, the government has tightened control over publishing activities. By law 1865 p. censorship institutions were transferred from the Ministry of Public Education to the Ministry of Internal Affairs. At the same time, church censorship operated.
Emphasis is placed on scientific intelligence to explore a number of selected issues. Due to the above factors, the author solves the task of defining a research and comparative analysis of the impact of Russian reforms on the daily lives of Ukrainians.
As a result of the 1861 reform carried out in the interests of the landowners, the economic situation of the bulk of the peasantry deteriorated significantly. That is why, since the 1970s, the anti-landlord peasant movement has been gaining ground in Ukraine. It increased even more in the late nineteenth century: according to incomplete data, during the period 1890-1900 alone, more than 150 riots of peasants occurred.
Extremely difficult were the living and working conditions of the workers, who encouraged them to fight for their rights. In the 1880s and 1894s alone, 97 strikes and 13 riots took place in Ukraine. The total number of participants in the strikes was 29,000.
Thus, despite the tsarist colonial policy, Ukraine was one of the first places in the Russian empire for economic development. However, its economy was largely one-sided. Finally. XIX century. Ukraine accounted for 70% of all production of the extractive industry, while in processing it accounted for only 15%. The peculiarity of Ukraine's economic development was the fact that capital accumulation took place not in the hands of Ukrainians, but in the hands of their foreign national exploiters.
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Kupchenko, Konstantin, and Nikolay Fedoskin. "TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM OF THE SMOLENSK REGION (1917–1922)." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 1 (49) (May 26, 2020): 165–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2020-49-1-165-175.
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The article analyzes the results of the state policy implementation withing the formation and development of the Soviet judicial system on the example of Smolensk Governoral Court. The authors set the goal, based on the analysis of sources not introduced
into a wide scientific circulation, primarily stored at the State Archive of the Smolensk Region to restore the history of the creation and operation of justice institutions in the Smolensk region in the 1918s–1923s. The source base of the study was composed of documents stored at Smolensk State Regional Archive, materials on the history of the judiciary,
statistical materials of the period under the study, documents on the history of the party-state bodies of the Smolensk region.
The article studies current office documentation of both the higher and regional state bodies (Workers 'and Peasants' Government, People's Commissariat of Justice, Smolensk Governoral Executive Committee) and local authorities (Smolensk Council of Working People's Deputies, Executive
Committee of Smolensk Governoral Council of Workers, Peasants' and Red Army Deputies), as well as Smolensk Governoral Court.
The authors analyze the Soviet experience in the formation and development of judicial bodies under specific historical conditions; they consider transformations in the judicial system of the Smolensk Governorate in the 1917s–1922s, as well as the formation of Smolensk Governoral Court. The article studies
legal foundations of the Soviet judicial system formation, characterizes processes of creating a judicial apparatus in the first years of Soviet power and analyzes activities of Smolensk Governoral Court during its formation. The authors reveal the essence, degree of efficiency, concrete results,
political and socio-economic consequences, positive and negative lessons from the Soviet judicial system existed in Russia.
The authors assume that the development of new legislation system in the 1920s was caused by the need to reform legal sources as the main means of socialism building.
The authors conclude that the transformation of the Soviet judicial system completed the transition from the principle of «revolutionary expediency» to the principle of «revolutionary legality».
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Ivan N., Semushev. "Work of the Dorzhi Banzarov Buryat-Mongolian Scientific Society for the Study of the History and Culture of the Mongolian Nation in the 1920s." Humanitarian Vector 17, no. 3 (October 2022): 136–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/1996-7853-2022-17-3-136-144.
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The events of 1917 had a major effect on all spheres of society in the former Russian Empire. These events also had a major effect on the development of scientific and educational activities. The study of the features and experience of scientific and educational institutions of the 1920s is important and significant for more effective construction of research activities, state policy in the field of science. This article reviews the history and work of the first scientific and educational institutions of Buryatia. The processes of studying the history and culture of the Mongolian peoples are considered on the example of the works of the Dorzhi Banzarov Buryat-Mongolian Scientific Society formed in 1924. There is a connection between the scientific Oriental institutions of pre-revolutionary Russia and the new Soviet scientific organizations. The article views the history of the Buryat-Mongolian Scientific Society, its structure, main directions and results of work. The results of scientific and educational work in Buryat-Mongolia were also evaluated. The article is based on materials from the State Archive of the Republic of Buryatia and the State Archive of the Irkutsk region. The institution consisted of three main sections: political-economic (economic), physical-geographical and historical-ethnological. Special attention is paid to the work of the historical and ethnological section of the society, which has made a great contribution to the development of historical science, the study of the history and culture of the Mongolian peoples, educational activities, as well as the accumulation, description and preservation of archival materials. An important source for writing the article was the print publication of the Buryat-Mongolian scientific society “Buryatievedenie”, the lectures of participants published in it and reports on the work of the institution. An important aspect of the study is the matter of changes in state policy in relation to scientific, educational, local history societies in the early 1930s and its impact on research work in Buryat-Mongolia.
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Gusachenko, Andrejs, and Vineta Kleinberga. "The Emergence and Restoration of the State: Latvia in 1918 and 1990." TalTech Journal of European Studies 11, no. 1 (May 1, 2021): 55–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2021-0005.
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Abstract On 18 November 1918, the independent Republic of Latvia was declared in an extremely complicated international and domestic environment—the First World War was still going on, empires were collapsing, and ethnically and ideologically diverse military troops were fighting within the boundaries of Latvian territory. Despite the historical context of a previously tense relationship between Latvians and other ethnic groups, representatives of all minorities fought next to Latvians against the enemies of the Latvian state. Up until 11 August 1920, when the Peace Treaty with the Soviet Russia was signed, the prospects of de jure recognition of the newly established state were blurred; yet, the defeat of the White forces in the Russian Civil War opened the long awaited “window of opportunity”, as a result of which Latvia managed to achieve its international recognition on 26 January 1921. More than seventy years later, on 4 May 1990, when the Declaration of Independence was adopted by the Supreme Council of the Latvian Soviet Socialist Republic (SSR), the international and domestic situation was no less complicated. Latvia was forcefully incorporated into the Soviet Union in 1940 and became part of it, yet the economic and political deterioration of the Soviet Union, the national awakening in the Baltic States and other Soviet republics alongside the fall of the Berlin Wall gave momentum for the regime to change. On 21 August 1991, after the barricades and bloody clashes with the Soviet Special Purpose Police Units (OMON) in Riga on January and the failed coup d’état in Moscow in August, Latvia’s independence once again became a reality. In the events of the 1990s, the memories of 1918 and Latvia’s independence in the period between the two world wars were crucial. It is manifested by the fact that Latvian statehood in 1991 was not established anew but restored. Acknowledging the importance of history on contemporary identification and policy-making, this article aims to provide an insight into the history of 1917–1922 and its resonance in the contemporary situation. Using the methodology of literature analysis and historical process-tracing it will reveal the complicated process of the state’s formation and recognition in the period of 1917–1922, paying particular attention to the role of the minorities and diplomatic efforts. It will also uncover the resonance of the events of 1918–1922 in the 1990s, when Latvia’s independence from the Soviet Union was declared, focusing in particular on aspects defining the statehood of Latvia and its citizenship. In this part, it will be argued that the history of 1917–1922 was brought back when the statehood of Latvia was concerned, while overshadowed by fifty years of the Soviet occupation, when the citizenship issue was on the agenda. Indeed, not only ethnic Latvians but also minorities living in Latvia played a decisive role in the efforts of restoring Latvia’s independence. However, as a result of the Citizenship Law,1 adopted in 1994, more than one-fourth of the population—in most cases, representatives of the Russian-speaking community—were denied citizenship. This practice contrasts the Act that had been adopted in the interwar period, when Latvian citizenship was granted to all ethnic groups who were living within the borders of the then agreed Latvian territory, notwithstanding their diverse ideological background. Given this fact, the article provides future research opportunities related to perceptions of history in contemporary policy-making.
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Chutkyi, A. "ECONOMIC NIHILISM OF THE LEADERS OF THE UKRAINIAN REVOLUTION OF 1917-1921 AS A DETERMINANT OF DEFEAT FOR UKRAINIAN STATEHOOD IN THE BEGINNING OF THE 20TH CENTURY." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 149 (2021): 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.149.14.
Full textAbstract:
The economic factor, as an important determinant of defeat of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917-1921 is still insufficiently studied. At the same time, the very nature of human development since the transition to capitalism has led the economic sphere to a key position in the life of every person. This trend has intensified since the early 20th century. This was evidenced by two world wars and other military-political conflicts, constantly increasing acceleration in the nature of economic development and the formation of a society of mass consumption, which in itself increased the dependence on the economic sphere of each individual. So, this is an axiom. Given the importance of the economy for the life of modern society, it is advisable to find out how the leaders of Ukrainian statehood reacted to it on the beginning of the 20th century. Moreover, there are still not enough studies of this kind. As a result of the study, a complex of actual data is obtained, which shows – economic factor was important in the defeat of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917-1921, because Ukrainian statesmen at that time did not understand the importance of the economic sphere of life. The data that proves it can be conditionally divided into two groups. The first one – are the initial negative factors, which were not caused by the activities of Ukrainian political leaders, but were laid down by a long period of previous colonial development of Ukraine. However, these leaders did not take any steps to overcome that negative influence. These included: the absence of a significant number of truly wealthy people among the leaders of Ukrainian statehood, and therefore antagonism about the wealthy people between those leaders, which eventually deprived the Ukrainian statehood of internal material resources; disbelief in the possibility of independent development of Ukraine and stubborn clinging to autonomous ties with Russia; anarchism of the masses (especially the peasantry), generated by the years of war and especially by the brutal policies of the previous imperial government, which was reinforced by the activities of the Bolsheviks; shortage of patriotic specialists; the revived Ukrainian statehood lived in war conditions throughout the period of its existence, which made normal economic development impossible; the main region where the Ukrainian government lasted longer was the agrarian Right-Bank, while the industrial east was always quickly captured by enemy and the Ukrainian government had almost no influence on cities, where industry was concentrated and without its potential the existence of state is simply impossible. The second group of factors that affected negatively on the cause of the Ukrainian statehood in the beginning of the 20th century – are the practical actions of the then Ukrainian political leaders in the economic sphere. These included: the indefiniteness of the higher authorities competence and the uncertainty of their legal status; slow establishment of Ukrainian organs of power, who were responsible for economic issues; there was no clear vertical of accountable local authorities, and consequently the lack of understanding of the situation outside Kyiv; legislative framework, created in the economic sphere, was limited mainly to declarations and was not completed; Ukrainian political leaders did not have a single vision of solving a key issue for Ukraine’s economy – agriculture; inefficiency in addressing other economic issues (adjustment of industry, transport, trade, food supplies, taxation and money circulation). Separately should be highlighted the excessive idealism and, at the same time, a widespread fascination with socialistic doctrine, which at its core contradicted the normal construction of the economy. Establishment of these “thin spots” in the economic policy of the Ukrainian government in the beginning of the 20th century is important for today, because a number of mistakes of that time are presented in the policy of the modern Ukrainian government. Accordingly, the bitter experience of the past (loss of statehood due to neglect / procrastination of important economic issues) should play the role of the most powerful argument in the need for rapid change of the situation in economic construction right now.
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Zyskina, Esther. "From Ally to Enemy: the Ottoman Empire in Publicistic Works by Ephraim Deinard." Tirosh. Jewish, Slavic & Oriental Studies 18 (2018): 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2658-3380.2018.18.2.2.
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The paper considers is the transformation of the image of the Ottoman Empire in the publicistic texts by Ephraim Deinard, outstand ing Jewish writer and journalist of the turn of the 19th and 20th centu ries. The research was based on two Deinard’s works, “Atidot Israel” (“The Future of Israel”, 1892) and “Tzion be’ad mi?” (“Zion for Whom?”, 1918), which deal with a variety of topics, including Deinard’s opinion on the Ottoman Empire. In particular, the radical change of his position from the statements in “Atidot Israel” to those in “Tzion be’ad mi?” is observed. Deinard discusses the following three aspects, each case being a vivid example of this controversy: 1. The Ottoman government’s attitude towards Jews and the pros pects of the collaboration of the Jewish community with the government; 2. The economic situation in the Ottoman Empire and its foreign policy; 3. The culture and cultural policy in the Ottoman Empire. Deinard’s interest in Turkey was initially caused by his Zionist views, as the Land of Israel was part of the Ottoman Empire. Later, after World War I and especially after the Balfour Declaration in 1917, the Zionists placed their expectations on Britain, while Turkey, after losing the war and the territory so important for Jews, could no more be praised by Dei nard. In addition, Deinard had lived in the USA for more than 30 years by 1918, and it is merely logical that his publicistic works were aimed against the USA’s enemy in World War I. This shift looks especially interesting when looked at through the context of the history of the Russian Jewish Enlightenment. A very simi lar process occurred in the ideology of the Russian maskilim in the 19th century. Throughout the 19th century, they believed that the Jews should be integrated in the Russian society and viewed the Russian government as their ally. The Russian authorities, correspondingly, tried to assimilate the Jews and to make them an integral part of the society. However, af ter the pogroms of 1880s, the authorities’ attitude towards Jews changed dramatically, and so did that of the maskilim towards the government. Laws regarding Jews were tightened and became openly anti-Semitic, and the maskilim started to criticize the state instead of hoping for col laboration with it. Deinard’s works used for this research date to a later period. More over, the aforementioned events influenced his positive attitude towards the Ottoman Empire: concerning the status of Jews in the both countries, Deinard opposed Turkey to Russia. Eventually, however, Turkey took the same place for Deinard as Russia did for his predecessors, the maskilim. His hopes for collaboration with the state were just as replaced by disap pointment and criticism. To conclude, the above similarity may suggest that the shift in Dein ard’s views might have correlated with the change in the ideology of the Russian maskilim.
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Anfertiev, Ivan A. "Methodological Frameworks and Methods of Studying the Role and Scope of Political Factor in the (A)-RCP (B) – AUCP (B) Activities in State Management of Social and Economic Process in 1920s – 1930s." Herald of an archivist, no. 1 (2018): 84–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-1-84-97.
Full textAbstract:
The article uses modern methods to substantiate the theory of role and scope of political factor in the (A)-RCP (B) – AUCP (B) activities in state management of social and economic process in 1920s-1930s. The study concludes that after the Civil War’s end, the RCP (B) leaders ruled out any possibility of civilizational development in the worldwide trend and turned the nation on its special path. There were no more reforms, but a fixation of nationalization of all property and non-economic methods of the national economy management. Thus, resolution of conflict of interests could be only forceful, which clinched the self-isolation of the nation in all spheres of life, cultural, scientific, educational, and strengthened the repressive policy. The origination and overcoming of the 1920s-1930s Russian crisis came from the (A)-RCP (B) – AUCP (B). Bolshevik social experiment in initiation of the communism failed, and power framework staggered. The old statehood that numbered several centuries and attained by 1917 the trappings of civilized state structure had its merits and disadvantages. In new social and political reality of early 1920, the basic elements of that state structure reappeared in a more implacable form due to the efforts of the ruling (A)-RCP (B). In 1920s the new institutions were in their nascent stage, and their personnel, lacking administrative experience necessary for successful social and economic transformations, found support in power structures. The situation required a tough authoritarian leader. Thus J. V. Stalin’s rose to individual power in the circumstances of V. I. Lenin’s illness and death. The author identifies main stages of the RCP (B) – AUCP (P) attaining leadership in Russia in post-revolutionary 1920s and 1930s; clarifies the circumstances of the Bolshevik leaders renunciation of the War Communism; studies causes of protest sentiments within and without the RCP (B) – AUCP (P) and increasing authoritative powers of the party apparatus; outlines the problems inherent in political and administrative resources of the ruling party. He focuses on work to overcome crises in the USSR, describes power struggles at the highest levels of party power and strengthening of intra-party repressions and disciplinary sanctions.
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Kuznetsova, Olga N. "Early Gosplan and the Scientific and Methodological School of V. G. Groman. 1920–1930s." Economic History 18, no. 3 (September 30, 2022): 189–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2409-630x.058.018.202203.189-200.
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Introduction. This study is devoted to the analysis of the professional activities of one of the famous Soviet economists V. G. Groman and his colleagues, who created a scientific and methodological school in the State Planning Committee of the USSR in the 1920s–1930s. Their ideas formed the basis of the minimum draft of the first five-year plan (forecast plan), and also created a new methodological approach to planning in general. Results. The author focuses on the analysis of biographies, views, ideas and features of the planning methodology of representatives of the school of V. G. Groman – V. I. Zeilinger, B. A. Gukhman, G.V. Shub, G. M. Pistrak, R.Ya. Broitman and N. M. Vishnevsky, a number of information about which is introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. Materials and Methods. The methodological basis of the study has been constructed with help of the scientific work and practical developments of V. G. Groman. General scientific methods have been used, as well as the method of comparative analysis in relation to the context of the era before 1917, the period of Military Communism and the NEP, and those methods that were developed and implemented by the Groman school in the State Planning Commission. At the same time, special methods of economic history were used, such as the system-structural and statistical method, analysis of structural transformations for the study of planning methodology in general. Results. The characteristic of V. G. Groman, which is considered in the historical and social context in the period immediately after 1917, examines various evidence of the creation of a planned economy in the 1920s in the USSR, in particular, the personnel potential of specialists with a socialist orientation. An analysis of monographic studies, a complex of journalistic heritage, as well as press materials are given. Scientific discoveries of the school of V. G. Groman were closely connected with practice, in particular, they created control figures in the economy, developed a methodology for the balance of the national economy based on statistical data from industries, proposed the idea of a value ratio and an economic whole, which together made it possible to create centralized planning throughout the country. Subsequently, this approach to planning did not meet the objectives of the industrialization and collectivization of the country, which led to criticism and the political process of the Allied Bureau of the Mensheviks, where this direction was crushed. Discussion and Conclusion. The proposed provisions and conclusions solve the problem of returning the scientific heritage of the Groman methodological school to a wide readership and determine its role and place in the economic policy and planning methodology of Russia – USSR in the 20th century. At the same time, the relevance of the methodological aspect of studying the history of knowledge at the intersection of the interdisciplinarity of history and economics offers a fresh look at economic history during one of the systemic transformations of the country’s economy.
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Nazarchuk, Oleksandr, and Pavlo Satskyi. "Policy of Soviet Power in the Industry of Aviation on the Territory of Ukraine (January – March 1918)." Kyiv Historical Studies 14, no. 1 (2022): 90–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2022.111.
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The article analyses the state of the aviation industry in Ukraine during the first years of the Soviet regime in January-March 1918 and its policies in this sphere. The establishment of the Soviet regime in Ukraine during this period was the result of offensive actions by Bolshevyk and pro-Bolshevyk troops against the Ukrainian People’s Republic. Therefore, the Soviet regime had transient nature in Ukraine amidst the unfinished First World War. In these settings, it established a management system in the field of aviation, which was aimed at auditing and evacuating aviation property and personnel. The study found that the aviation industry in Ukraine functioned quite efficiently in general and was manageable despite the difficulties of the revolutionary times. In this work, the authors used archival documents, which were first introduced into circulation. The socio-economic and political conditions, this industry operated in, were taken as a basis for the analysis of the aviation industry status in Ukraine. During this period of the First World War, warfare on the Eastern Front had its final phase, and peace talks were held in Brest-Litovsk, in which delegations of the Ukrainian People’s Republic and the Soviet Russia took part. Since the conclusion of the armistice on December 10, 1917 between Soviet Russia and the countries of the Quadruple Alliance, a state of chaos has spread across the territory of Ukraine, which was associated with the mass movement of soldiers back from the front. Social chaos intensified as the Soviet authorities gained control over almost entire territory of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. However, some air force units were able to maintain their material base. The Soviet regime was able to audit their condition and restore control over the available resources in the aviation industry, however, the facts of theft of goods, which belonged to these air force units was also established. Attempts were made to form an effective management system of the aviation industry and its scheme started to be developed. However, due to the political situation, these attempts were in vain. As early as the beginning of March 1918, Bolshevyk troops have been losing ground of most of Ukraine to the UPR troops and their allies, i.e., the German-Austrian troops. The short period of attempts to build a management system of the aviation industry by the Soviet regime in extreme military-political conditions is quite interesting, as it demonstrates approaches to the effective management of the high-tech sphere in a difficult situation.
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Кравчук, E. Kravchuk, Губин, and M. Gubin. "The nascent of soviet dentistry in the Voronezh province." Journal of New Medical Technologies. eJournal 9, no. 2 (July 6, 2015): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/11909.
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The authors highlight the issues of creating a new system of public dentistry after the revolution of 1917, consider the decision of the Narkomzdrav of the RSFSR "On the organization of dental care in the Republic", they analyze the reform of the transition from private dentistry in Russia to the organization of free dental care. Organization of accounting and collecting information on available staffing privately practicing dentists and their material and technical equipment, as well as the issues of labor service dentists and dental technicians are considered. The article presents the process of nationalization of dental equipment ambulatory care in privately practicing dentists. The authors study the problems of mobilization of dentists to the front in the Red army, they highlight the role of Narkomzdrav of the RSFSR in the development of policies and guidelines for the establishment of a state dentistry and systematic financing of city departments to create and supply free dental clinics, as well as the problems of reform of the state organization of dentistry in the Soviet Republic. The au-thors show the changes affecting dental care because of the new economic policy. A review of documents of the state archive of the Voronezh region, which reflect the work of dental subsections of the Voronezh Region in the first years after the revolution, is presented. The authors conduct a detailed analysis of the dental work the sub-section on the establishment and organization of a network of dental clinics to provide free dental care to the population of the Voronezh province.
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Semenova, Inna Yu. "LEGISLATIVE ACTS ON WOMEN’S HEALTH PROTECTION THE FIRST DECADES OF THE SOVIET POWER." Historical Search 2, no. 2 (June 25, 2021): 30–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2021-2-2-30-34.
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The article highlights the legislation on women’s health protection that was in force in post-revolutionary Soviet Russia. The socio-economic problems that resulted from the revolutionary events of October 1917, the First World War of 1914–1918, famine and pestilence in the Volga region, and other upheavals of the early twentieth century, gave rise to a huge number of problems that the Soviet authorities immediately addressed. However, not all the actions of the Soviet government achieved their goals; there were unresolved issues in the field of healthcare, in particular, in protecting and preserving the health of female workers and peasants. The interruption of childbearing not in medical organizations due to infection, illiteracy of abortionists in matters of abortion resulted in a high mortality rate of the female population of the country, which could not but cause concern to the authorities and the general public, who understood the social reasons for such actions. The legislative act «On Protection of Women’s Health», adopted on November 18, 1920, was the basis for the diverse work carried out with women, which established not only the conditions for legal abortion, but also established penalties for both a doctor who decided to perform such an operation and for a woman who consented to a miscarriage. The analysis of adopted legal provisions makes it possible to see the general picture of the state policy of the young Soviet state in the field of marriage and family, in particular, in issues of health protection of working women, and gives the opportunity to conclude that it was well thought out within the historical framework under consideration.
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Gutnyk, Maryna, and Serhii Radohuz. "The impact of decisions of Mining Industrialists Congresses on the Industrial Revolution increasing in Ukraine in the late XIX century." History of science and technology 10, no. 1(16) (June 5, 2020): 50–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.32703/2415-7422-2020-10-1(16)-50-61.
Full textAbstract:
The activity of the mining industry in the South of the Russian Empire, of which Ukraine was part at that time, is analyzed. It is noted that the rapid development of industry in the Russian Empire after the abolition of serfdom in 1861 opened up opportunities for investors to raise capital. Information is given about why Kharkiv became the center of investment life of mine owners, namely its good geographical location. Data on the number of inhabitants of the city and the number of trading institutions are provided. The stages in the formation of the mining industry of the South of the Russian Empire as a driving force for economic development in Ukraine are highlighted.The causes of weak coal sales from the Donbas and the development of the factory industry of Ukraine in the 1860s are analyzed. It is shown how these issues were resolved. In particular, mining congresses were organized to discuss and resolve these issues.It is shown how the decisions of mining congresses influenced the development of the country's economy at the end of the nineteenth century. Examples of issues discussed at these congresses are given. In particular, the congresses discussed – workers, higher and secondary specialized education, mining credit, insurance, the ratio of the mining industry to zemstvos and land taxation of enterprises of the mining industry, taxes, land relations, postal, telegraph and telephone traffic, passenger traffic in the Southern Russia area, duties, ports, marinas, navigable rivers and canals, shipbuilding and merchant shipping, export of mineral fuel abroad, construction of new railways, etc. It should be noted that the central issue discussed at almost all mining congresses was the question of tariffs, and this was not a coincidence, since it directly concerned the markets for industrialists without whom production could not be developed, and with it the intensification of the industrial revolution. Therefore, this problem, in one form or another, has arisen constantly.Information is provided on the number of such congresses, as well as on the creation of a permanent body, the Council of Miners of the South of the Russian Empire. It analyzes the so-called “coal crisis” and the role of major mining companies in the collusion. The monopolization of the market is considered. Emphasis is placed on the customs policy of the tsarist government. Speculation on temporary fuel difficulties is illustrated. It is noted that at the end of the 1890s, there were especially high rates of development of the Donbas coal industry. Special tariffs for the export of Donetsk coal abroad were introduced. Thus, in the last quarter of the 19th century, the mining and monopolization of the mining industry of the south of the Russian Empire were enlarged and monopolized.