Academic literature on the topic 'Russia'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Russia.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Russia"
1
Hanifah, Ummu Ro'iyatu Nahdliyati Millati. "Embargo Ekonomi sebagai Strategi Konfrontasi Uni Eropa terhadap Rusia pada Masa Konflik Ukraina 2013-2015." JURNAL SOSIAL POLITIK 3, no. 2 (December 4, 2017): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/sospol.v3i2.5063.
Full textAbstract:
AbstraksiPosisi Ukraina yang strategis bagi Rusia maupun Uni Eropa seringkali menjadikannya sebagai medan konflik antara Rusia dan Uni Eropa. Seperti yang terjadi pada tahun 2013-2015, konflik domestik yang diawali oleh keluarnya Ukraina dari Perjanjian Asosiasi Eropa menjadi medan konflik antara Rusia dan Uni Eropa. Rusia yang merupakan negara pewaris Soviet merasa perlu untuk melindungi etnis Rusia yang berada di Ukraina menuntut Rusia untuk melakukan campur tangan dalam konflik domestik tersebut. Sedangkan Uni Eropa yang merasa kepentingan politiknya diganggu oleh Rusia pada akhirnya melakukan embargo ekonomi terhadap Rusia atas campur tangannya tersebut, sementara Uni Eropa memiliki ketergantungan terhadap Rusia dalam hal energi. Dalam penelitian ini akan dibahas mengenai embargo ekonomi yang diberikan oleh Uni Eropa terhadap Rusia serta latar belakang embargo tersebut dengan menggunakan teori foreign policy strategy dan konsep energy security. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian eksplanatif dengan menggunakan data kualitatif yang bersumber dari studi kepustakaan. Kebijakan embargo ekonomi yang dilakukan oleh Uni Eropa tersebut merupakan strategi konfrontasi Uni Eropa terhadap Rusia yang di dasari oleh dua hal, yaitu kapabilitas Uni Eropa yang dirasa lebih tinggi daripada Rusia serta posisi Rusia yang dianggap sebagai ancaman oleh Uni Eropa.Kata Kunci: Perjanjian Asosiasi Eropa, embargo ekonomi, strategi konfrontasi, konflik Ukraina. AbstractStrategical position of Ukraine for Russia as well as European Union often make it be conflict area between Russia and European Union. As happened to the years 2013-2015, domestic conflict that begins by the discharge of Ukraine of the European Association Agreement became the conflict zone between Russia and the European Union. Russia that legacy of Soviet Union felt it necessary to protect Russians ethnic who were in Ukraine make Russia demands to intervene in the domestic conflict. Whereas the European Union felt harassed by the political interests of Russia finally of give economic embargo to the Russian on interference in the domestic conflict, while European Union dependence on Russian energy. In this research will be discussed about the economic embargo by the European Union on Russia and the background of the embargo by using the theory of foreign policy strategy and concept of energy security. This research use explainative methode with qualitative data that sourced by library research. The economic embargo is European Union confrontation strategy towards Russia that based on two reasons, capability the European Union is considered higher than Russia and Russia's position is seen as a threat by the European Union.Key Words: European Association Agreement, economic embargo, confrontation strategy, Ukraina conflict.
2
Susilowati, Ida, S. Thoriq Musthofa Ahmad, Sepana Virqiyan, and Azzam El Zahidin. "Analisa Kebijakan Ekonomi Politik Russia Terhadap Pemerintahan Afghanistan Pasca Kemenangan Taliban Tahun 2021." SALAM: Jurnal Sosial dan Budaya Syar-i 9, no. 2 (March 31, 2022): 443–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/sjsbs.v9i2.22788.
Full textAbstract:
This paper analyzes Russia's foreign policy toward the Afghan government following the Taliban's triumph. The Taliban armed group's successful takeover of the Afghan government in Kabul without resorting to violence has sparked global political interest today. Numerous comments from countries around the world, including Russia, began to surface. The purpose of this study is to provide an in-depth examination of Russia's economic and political actions toward the Afghan government following the Taliban's triumph. The study's findings indicate that the Russian government's policy toward the Taliban government is reasonably supportive, despite the fact that Russia has not officially recognized the Taliban leadership in Afghanistan. Russia financially and diplomatically supports the Taliban in order for the Taliban's authority over Afghanistan to be acknowledged by other countries and the international community. Russian policy is inextricably linked to Russia's political and economic interests in Afghanistan, which are based on Afghanistan's geostrategic and geopolitical importance to Russia.Keywords: Russian foreign policy, Taliban victory, Russia-Afghanistan Bilateral Relations AbstrakPenelitian ini membahas tentang analisis kebijakan luar negeri Rusia terhadap pemerintahan Afghansitan pasca kemenangan Taliban. Aksi kelompok milisi Taliban yang berhasil mengambil alih pemerintahan Afghanistan di Kabul tanpa adanya pertumpahan darah, menjadi isu yang cukup menarik perhatian politik global saat ini. Berbagai respon dari negara-negara di dunia mulai muncul, termasuk di antaranya negara Rusia. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis secara mendalam kebijakan ekonomi dan politik Rusia terhadap pemerintahan Afghanistan pasca kemenangan Taliban. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan kebijakan pemerintah Rusia yang relatif mendukung pemerintahan taliban, meskipun Rusia belum mengakui secara resmi pemerintahan Taliban di Afghanistan. Rusia mendukung Taliban baik secara ekonomi maupun politik, agar pemerintahan Taliban atas Afghanistan di akui oleh negara-negara lain dan masyarakat global. Kebijakan Rusia tidak terlepas dari kepentingan politik dan ekonomi Rusia di Afghanistan berdasarkan letak geostrategis sekaligus geopolitik Afghanistan bagi Rusia.Kata Kunci: kebijakan luar negeri Rusia, Kemenangan Taliban, Hubungan Bilateral Russia-Afghanistan
3
Henderson, Jane. "Russia – Russian Constitutional Law." European Public Law 1, Issue 4 (December 1, 1995): 508–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro1995056.
Full text
4
Fedorchenko, A. V. "Russian" Israel and Russia." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(47) (April 28, 2016): 245–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-2-47-245-250.
Full text
5
Cohen, Stephen F. "Russian Studies Without Russia." Post-Soviet Affairs 15, no. 1 (January 1999): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1060586x.1999.10641461.
Full text
6
Amalia, Rifka, and Muhammad Yamin. "Kepentingan Rusia dalam Proyek Pembangunan Pipa Gas Turkish Stream tahun 2014-2016." Insignia Journal of International Relations 4, no. 01 (April 7, 2017): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2017.4.01.481.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis paper aims to analyze Rusia�s interest in the development of Turkish Stream Project in 2014 until 2016. Energy is the most notable sector for Russia that can affect the economy-politics. From economy side, energy exports are largely included in state revenues. Politically, energy is a top priority in every political agenda and foreign policy. Energy is one of determining Russia�s foreign policy toward its energy importing countries. EU is a region that has dependence on Russian energy, especially natural gas. Therefore Russia sees EU as a great opportunity and wants to dominate European�s energy market. So the South Stream project was formed which would deliver Russian natural gas directly to Europe via the Black Sea. This is one of Russia�s step to maintain the EU�s dependence on Russia and dominating energy market. Unfortunately, this project must be stalled due to the Third Energy Package policy implemented by EU. Russia, with its ambition to dominate the European energy market, has had an alternative project to achieve that ambition. The Turkish Stream project was formed in cooperation between Russia dan Turkey. The project planned not only deliver Russian natural gas to Turkey but also Europe via Greece. Although the negotiations and deliberations of this project were delayed, the project was finally continued.Keywords : Energy, National Interest, Third Energy Package, European Union , Russia.AbstrakArtikel ini hendak menganalisa kepentingan Rusia dalam pembangunan proyek �Turkish Stream�. Energi adalah sektor yang paling menonjol bagi Rusia yang dapat mempengaruhi ekonomi-politik. Dari sisi ekonomi, ekspor energi sebagian besar masuk dalam penerimaan negara. Secara politis, energi merupakan prioritas utama dalam setiap agenda politik dan kebijakan luar negeri. Energi adalah salah satu penentu kebijakan luar negeri Rusia terhadap negara pengimpor energinya. UE adalah wilayah yang memiliki ketergantungan terhadap energi Rusia, terutama gas alam. Oleh karena itu Rusia melihat Uni Eropa sebagai peluang yang bagus dan ingin mendominasi pasar energi Eropa. Proyek South Stream yang dibentuk ini akan mengantarkan gas alam Rusia langsung ke Eropa melalui Laut Hitam. Hal ini adalah salah satu langkah Rusia untuk menjaga ketergantungan Uni Eropa terhadap Rusia dan mendominasi pasar energi. Sayangnya, proyek ini harus macet karena kebijakan Third Energy Package yang diimplementasikan oleh UE. Rusia, dengan ambisinya mendominasi pasar energi Eropa, telah memiliki proyek alternatif untuk mencapai ambisi tersebut. Proyek Turkish Stream dibentuk atas kerjasama antara Rusia dan Turki. Proyek ini direncanakan tidak hanya mengantarkan gas alam Rusia ke Turki tapi juga Eropa via Yunani. Meski negosiasi dan pembahasan proyek ini tertunda, proyek tersebut akhirnya dilanjutkan.Kata-kata Kunci: Energi, Kepentingan Nasional, Third Energy Package, Uni Eropa, Rusia.
7
Suvorov, Valery Vladimirovich. "Russian cultural and historical tasks in the East in the views of S.N. Syromyatnikov." Samara Journal of Science 6, no. 3 (September 1, 2017): 259–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201763230.
Full textAbstract:
S.N. Syromyatnikov, whose views are commonly referred to as orientalism, repeatedly dwelled on historical tasks, the mission of Russia in the Far East. The most important direction of Russias foreign policy in this region was to become rapprochement with Asia, since by uniting with the Far Eastern countries, it could successfully resist Europe. China had to be at the center of Russias eastern policy, and Russias main task was to play the role of patroness and cultural counselor, protecting the eastern neighbor from European countries and Japan. The attitude towards the East and the understanding of Russias tasks in Asia was largely determined through the rejection of everything from the West. A special task was assigned to the Russian population of the eastern borderlands, in which S.N. Syromyatnikov saw a special potential for the development of Russia and strengthening of its position in Asia. The East was perceived by S.N. Syromyatnikov as a germ of a new Russia, to which he found a lot of evidence in the relationship between Russian and indigenous eastern peoples. Therefore, in S.N. Syromyatnikovs point of view, to ensure the historical future of Russia it was necessary to concentrate the main efforts in the East.
8
Газилов, Магомед, and Magomed Gazilov. "ROLE OF ASSOCIATIONS WITH THE WORDS «FRANCE» AND «THE FRENCH» IN THE FORMATION OF LINGUOCULTURAL COMPETENCE OF STUDENTS." Universities for Tourism and Service Association Bulletin 10, no. 3 (September 15, 2016): 72–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/21136.
Full textAbstract:
The article explores the associative array that arises with the words “France” and “the French” from the Russians and all the associations that arise with the word «la Russie» (Russia) from the French. For this purpose, we made a questioning among Russian and French students. The results of this questioning and analysis of correspondence at the youth forums in the social networks of France and Russia formed the basis of this study, which shows that the French think about Russians is much worse than we do about them. Despite this fact, the epoch, when the French mind associated Russias with a samovar and a bear, passes, however, the perception of our country is contrast. In Russia people think positively about France, more positively than the French about Russia. The study of associations, when the appearance of one object causes the image of another associated with it, can be important and useful in the learning process. The practical significance of the work lies in the fact that the study of associations and arising with them stereotypes is relevant in our turbulent times, when the relations of France and Russia are not going through the best stages of its development, and our research can help to understand and overcome the differences. In addition, the formation of students ‘ sociolinguistic competence will be successful if the study material on the topic happens by building associations, that will contribute to the development of associative thinking, speed up the process of memorizing information
9
Kagan, Olga, Nijole White, and Diana Turner. "Gorbachev's Russia (A Russian Reader)." Slavic and East European Journal 35, no. 2 (1991): 307. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/308341.
Full text
10
Kuchins, Andrew C. "Why Russia Is So Russian." Current History 108, no. 720 (October 1, 2009): 318–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2009.108.720.318.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Russia"
1
Dalla, Libera Cristina <1975>. "L'insegnamento dell'italiano in Russia e ai russi." Doctoral thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/20595.
Full textAbstract:
La presente ricerca ha lo scopo di fornire una panoramica dell’insegnamento e dell’apprendimento dell’italiano come lingua straniera in Russia, all’interno del segmento accademico. Lo studio della nostra lingua, a livello superiore, vanta una tradizione consolidata che risale all’epoca di Pietro il Grande e non ha mai conosciuto interruzioni, nemmeno in epoca sovietica, nella quale i rapporti con l’occidente erano fortemente limitati.
Nello specifico, sono due le domande sulla quale si è sviluppata questa indagine. La prima, mira a rintracciare le difficoltà di apprendimento della lingua italiana a livello: ortografico, fonetico, lessicale, morfosintattico, semantico, pragmatico e interculturale da parte di gruppi di studenti russofoni, che costituiscono gruppi monolingui e monoculturali. A livello speculare, anche le criticità legate all’insegnamento. La seconda domanda riguarda la percezione dell’efficacia dell’approccio e del metodo d’insegnamento, ancora a forte vocazione formalistica e traduttiva. In considerazione di alcuni fattori determinanti, come: l’età e la motivazione degli apprendenti, la disponibilità e varietà di strumenti digitali, le richieste del mondo professionale e lavorativo nel quale lo sviluppo della competenza comunicativa e interculturale ha un ruolo chiave.
Il paradigma di tipo qualitativo e il metodo dello studio di caso costituiscono il quadro metodologico di riferimento. Gli strumenti di ricerca ai quali si è fatto ricorso sono: le interviste semi-strutturate e i questionari. Nel tentativo di raggiungere quanti più informant possibili, questi ultimi sono stati somministrati online. Sono stati coinvolti nell’indagine sia docenti sia studenti di cinque università moscovite, alcune a vocazione linguistica, altre riconducibili all’area economica, amministrativa e delle relazioni internazionali.
Alla luce dei dati emersi attraverso la raccolta e la processazione, avvenuta con l’ausilio del software NVivo, è possibile dare un’interpretazione e una risposta ai quesiti di partenza, senza la pretesa di poter generalizzare i dati, vista la natura qualitativa del lavoro.
2
Sopkin, Artem. "Cooperation of Russia and BRICs countries: Russian opportunities." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-207067.
Full textAbstract:
Internationalization of energy resources has led to a problem of the smooth functioning of the global energy industry , and now this problem has a greater influence on the entire system of international economic relations. One of the key instruments of the country under such circumstances becomes a foreign policy aimed at providing leadership and competitiveness in the world. The Russian Federation has a unique geographical and strategic position in Eurasia , the largest reserves of primary energy resources on the planet, has a well developed industrial infrastructure and a significant intellectual potential .
3
Rose, Katherine Mae. "Multivalent Russian Medievalism: Old Russia Through New Eyes." Thesis, Harvard University, 2016. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33493416.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores representations of medieval Russia in cultural and artistic works of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, with an eye to the shifting perceptions of Russia’s cultural heritage demonstrated through these works. The thesis explores the history of medievalism as a field of study and interrogates the reasons that medievalism as a paradigm has not been applied to the field of Russian studies to date. The first chapter is an investigation of architectural monuments incorporating Old Russian motifs, following the trajectory of the “Russian Style” in church architecture, one of the most prominent and best-remembered forms of Russian medievalism. Chapter two explores the visual representation of medieval Russian warriors, bogatyri, in visual and plastic arts, and the ways in which this figure is involved in the national mythmaking project of the nineteenth century. The third chapter focuses on the Rimsky-Korsakov opera, The Invisible City of Kitezh and the Maiden Fevroniya, investigating the ways that different medieval and modern elements come together in this work to present an aestheticized image of medieval Russia. In this analysis of diverse and far-ranging facets of Russian medievalism in the plastic, visual, literary and performing arts, the complicated relationship between medievalism and the prevalent discourse of nationalism is investigated, opening up new opportunities for scholarly intersections with other medievalisms – in Western Europe and beyond.Slavic Languages and Literatures
4
Shmulyar, Gréen Oksana. "Entrepreneurship in Russia Western ideas in Russian translation /." Göteborg : Department of Sociology, University of Gothenburg, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2077/21128.
Full text
5
Bologova, Diana. "Swedish picture of Russia : Analysis of media coverage of Putin, Russia and Russians in Swedish media." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Journalistik, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-41093.
Full textAbstract:
The study examines how print media in Sweden portray Putin, Russia and Russians and what makes an impact on Swedish journalists when they write on that subject. The first part presents a content analysis of articles published in the two main Swedish newspapers Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet (DN and SvD). The two most significant years of coverage of Russia in Sweden (2014-2015) were chosen as a time frame for the analysis. It examines the predominant tones that were used in the articles towards three keywords “Putin”, “Russia” and “Russians”, as well as the sources that were chosen by the journalists. In line with previous researchers, the author of this study observed a certain tendency shared in two Swedish printed media to report negatively about the Russian president. At the same time tones towards the country in general and its citizens were more neutral than negative. The second part of the research focuses on qualitative interviews with journalists representing different media in Sweden (radio, TV channels and newspapers). During the interviews, journalists were invited to reflect how they see Russian society, what connection they have with Russian culture and what impacts their choice of topics. According to the findings, a journalist’s work is affected by their individual background, economical situation in media organisations and expectations from the audience.
6
Cakir, Sevil. "Russia." Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12608875/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis seeks to analyze Russia&rsquos responses to globalization under Vladimir Putin in the fields of energy and foreign policy. This thesis argues that Russia under Vladimir Putin has redefined its process of globalization through a nationalistic perspective as its policies in the field of energy and foreign policy demonstrate. The thesis has seven chapters including introduction and conclusion chapters. The concept of globalization is explored in Chapter 2. Chapter 3 examines Russia&rsquo
s globalization under Boris Yeltsin and his energy and foreign policies. In Chapter 4, responses of Russian communist, nationalist and liberal intellectuals, to the globalization of Russia under Boris Yeltsin are evaluated. Chapter 5 explores the energy policy of Vladimir Putin while Chapter 6 discusses foreign policy of Russia under Vladimir Putin.
7
Savli, Tulay. "Russia." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12614324/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this study is to analyze and discuss Russia&rsquos Asia-Pacific policy after the end of the Cold War by focusing on Moscow&rsquo
s bilateral relations with the major regional countries and its overall multilateral approach and policies towards the Asia-Pacific region. Contrary to the views of scholars who claim that Russia has already emerged as a major power in the Asia-Pacific, the thesis argues that Russia&rsquo
s strategy of becoming a great power in the Asia-Pacific Region has significant limitations stemming from its competitive and assertive policies that ignore the role of multilateralism and international cooperation. Although Russia has been actively engaged in the region at the bilateral level and through its participation in the regional organizations in the post-Cold war era, this region has its own particular dynamics which necessitate a greater level of regional economic integration and a liberal approach to multilateralism rather than a realist &ldquo
power politics&rdquo
approach. Russia&rsquo
s policy of aligning itself with China militarily in the region has counterproductive consequences as it intensifies geopolitical competition in the region, and marginalizes Moscow further. The thesis is composed of six chapters. After the introduction, the second chapter examines origins of Russia&rsquo
s presence in the Asia-Pacific Region. The following chapter discusses the sources of Russia&rsquo
s increasing interest in the Region. The fourth chapter is concerned with Russia&rsquo
s relations with main actors of the Asia-Pacific Region while the fifth chapter focuses on Russia&rsquo
s involvement in theregional organizations. The last chapter is the conclusion.
8
Potter, S. "Eighteenth-century Russian cartography : An aspect of Westernisation in Russia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.375998.
Full text
9
Yusupova, Marina. "Shifting masculine terrains : Russian men in Russia and the UK." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2017. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/shifting-masculine-terrains-russian-men-in-russia-and-the-uk(8415776e-60c9-43bd-9033-000d2c0cf632).html.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation examines the conception and performance of masculinities amongst two groups of Russian men, half of whom live in Russia and the other half in the United Kingdom. A total of forty in-depth biographical interviews were carried out, twenty in each country, with men of different ages and highly different social backgrounds. On the basis of these interviews, the thesis portrays contemporary Russian masculinities as a complex, socially and historically constructed phenomenon, situated within large-scale social and political processes. It explores the most prominent reference points and social hierarchies employed by the respondents in order to negotiate their individual gender projects, and shows how these are culture-specific, context-specific, and rooted both in individual life history and in the social, economical and political realities of different historical periods. While the respondents play an active role in defining and constructing their own masculinities, they do so within the macro-parameters laid down by the state, in accordance with broader socio-cultural and political factors. Shifts in the macro-parameters (such as the collapse of the Soviet Union or migration to another country) change the environment in which an individual lives and give rise to new resources for negotiating masculinity. Like the reference points and social hierarchies referred to above, these new resources are rooted in specific historical, cultural, political and personal events. Each resource belongs to a particular social topography that orients people towards the places, practices and discourses which they need to realise their masculinity. The main empirical findings in the thesis are ordered in accordance with the contexts, reference points and hierarchies for making masculinity which were referred to by the research participants themselves. The dissertation is structured around four contexts which emerged from the data: (i) the Soviet past; (ii) the first post-Soviet decade (the 1990s); (iii) the second post-Soviet decade (the 2000s); (iv) the immigration period. I explore different masculinity construction strategies and the reference points on which they rely as the site of a socio-cultural power struggle that offers a unique prism through which to understand how Russian masculinities and gender relations are validated and contested, and how they change.
10
Zakharova, Maria. "Analyse théorique et comparative du système juridique russe." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017BORD0695/document.
Full textAbstract:
Les représentants de la science juridique contemporaine ont maintes fois énoncé, depuis leurs chaires et dans les pages des publications scientifiques, le problème de la «quête par la Russie de sa nouvelle voie juridique » La cessation de l’existence de l’URSS en tant qu’État n’a fait que compliquer, à cet égard, le problème de l’identification collective du système juridique russe. Cependant, il convient de s’interroger sur la pertinence même de la question de l’étape initiale de la formation du système juridique de la Russie. N’aurait-on pas raison, à cet égard, de parler de son évolution plutôt que de son devenir ? Quel âge a ce système ? Des dizaines d’années ? Ou peut-être des centaines ? Que représente-t-il en soi à l’heure actuelle ? Et quels sont les paradigmes de son évolution au cours de la longue histoire de son existence ? Dans la thèse présenté, les réponses aux questions mentionnées seront données à travers le prisme d’une approche par l’auteur du problème de l’appréciation conceptuelle et formelle de la catégorie «système juridique »At their lecturing desk and in some scientific publications representatives of modern jurisprudence have repeatedly raised the issue of «Russia seeking its legal system » . When the USSR ceased to exist as a State, the problem of group identification of the Russian legal system has become even more complicated. However, it is worth considering whether the issue of the initial stage of the Russian legal system formation is in itself a right one ? Or should we focus on its development and less on its formation ? How old is this system ? Is it some decades old, or may be several hundred years old ? And what is it at the moment ? What are the paradigms of its evolution over the protracted historical period ? In the doctoral thesis below the answers to all these questions can be given through the prism of authentic approach of the author to the problems of conceptual and specific assessment of the legal system category
Books on the topic "Russia"
1
Marlène, Laruelle, ed. Russian nationalism in Putin's Russia. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2009.
Find full text
2
I͡A︡, Ėlʹi͡a︡nov A., ed. Russia today: A Russian view. [Jerusalem]: The Leonard Davis Institute for International Relations, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1994.
Find full text
3
Rutherfurd, Edward. Russka: The novel of Russia. New York: Ivy Books, 1992.
Find full text
4
Rutherfurd, Edward. Russka: The novel of Russia. New York: Crown Publishers, 1991.
Find full text
5
Moscow School of Political Studies., ed. Russia on Russia. Moscow: Centre for Global Studies, 2001.
Find full text
6
Sollohub, Edith. The Russian countess: Escaping revolutionary Russia. Exeter [England]: Impress Books, 2009.
Find full text
7
Kanet, Roger E., ed. Russia. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230590489.
Full text
8
Spengler, Kremena. Russia. Mankato, Minn: Capstone Press, 2005.
Find full text
9
Russell, Henry. Russia. Washington, D.C: National Geographic, 2008.
Find full text
10
Perrin, Penelope. Russia. New York: Crestwood House, 1994.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Russia"
1
Starodubtsev, Andrey. "Russia (Russian Federation)." In The Forum of Federations Handbook of Federal Countries 2020, 287–99. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-42088-8_21.
Full text
2
Weaver, John Michael. "Russian Federation (Russia)." In The U.S. Cybersecurity and Intelligence Analysis Challenges, 101–18. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-95841-1_9.
Full text
3
Rovnova, Olga. "Russian dialects outside Russia." In The Soft Power of the Russian Language, 200–209. New York, NY : Routledge, [2019] | Series: Studies in contemporary Russia: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429061110-17.
Full text
4
Zysk, Katarzyna. "High Hopes Amid Hard Realities: Defense AI in Russia." In Contributions to Security and Defence Studies, 353–74. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-58649-1_16.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractNotwithstanding the challenges on the battlefield in Ukraine, as well as economic and political struggles at the home front, Russia continues the pursuit of selected defense application of AI technologies. Traditionally, Russia has viewed advanced technology as crucial for achieving military effectiveness and strategic advantage. Seen from Moscow, gaining or losing ground in the ongoing contest for cutting-edge military technology and more effective weapon systems will have far-reaching consequences for warfare and for national security, and, consequently, also for Russia’s position in the international hierarchy of power. Indeed, Vladimir Putin has been personally invested in pushing the AI development forward, driven by several other key factors. These include the expectation that AI can help Russia to narrow the military capability gap with the West faster, as well as the concern that adversaries may exploit new vulnerabilities that defense AI is creating. Moreover, lessons Russia has learned in Ukraine to date appear to carry an unequivocal message: AI-enabled weapons systems and infrastructure provide a clear battlefield advantage. This chapter begins with an examination of the Russian understanding of AI and Moscow’s incentives for engaging in what is seen as a global technology race. Subsequently, it analyses the evolving Russian approach to defense AI as articulated in key strategic documents shaping Russia’s AI strategy and policy. Next, it delves into Russia’s methods for developing defense AI. With its traditional state-driven, top-down innovation model, Russia is an outlier among global AI contenders. Yet to incorporate advances achieved in the Russian civilian sector, the model has been modified, partly emulating the US and Chinese approaches to defense innovation. This chapter further explores Russia’s priorities for fielding and operating selected defense AI systems. Finally, it addresses long-standing systemic problems and practical constraints that hinder the defense innovation in Russia. Despite these impediments, Russia is expected to continue prioritizing AI development in selected defense applications.
5
Homberger, Eric, and John Biggart. "Russia." In John Reed and the Russian Revolution, 13–16. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21836-3_2.
Full text
6
Panchenko, Alexander. "Russia." In A Companion to Folklore, 426–41. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118379936.ch22.
Full text
7
Moltchanov, Victor. "Russia." In Contributions to Phenomenology, 614–19. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-5344-9_138.
Full text
8
Karakozov, Michael. "Russia." In Three Patients, 67–72. Boston, MA: Springer US, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4615-0939-4_10.
Full text
9
Edwards, Vincent, and Peter Lawrence. "Russia." In Management in Eastern Europe, 43–60. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-333-99397-2_4.
Full text
10
Tsytsarev, Sergei, and Yakov Gilinsky. "Russia." In Problem Gambling in Europe, 243–56. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-09486-1_16.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Russia"
1
Sümer, Kutluk Kağan. "The Economic Consequences of Sanctions against Russia after the Invasion of Russia in the Crimea." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01227.
Full textAbstract:
The US and EU have imposed economic sanctions on Russia over its annexation of Crimea from Ukraine. Russia's economy has been severely impacted not only by sanctions, which have isolated it from international business and trade, but from the falling oil price which has plummeted around 60 percent since June 2014, hurting its exports and revenues. As a consequence, Russia is expected to enter recession in 2015. The estimated impact of Russia’s ban on agro-food imports from the EU imposed in August 2014 is expected to be the highest in the Baltic's. These losses are undoubtedly painful, yet manageable (a trade decline bigger than 10% would obviously lead to greater losses). Economic conditions in Russia have deteriorated at a faster rate in recent months. Capital flight from Russia has accelerated, the ruble has depreciated by more than 50%, inflation has increased, and the Russian economy is projected to contract by 3.0% in 2015. The question is whether these losses are justifiable and will achieve the desired effects – to change Russia’s behavior in Ukraine, European Union, US, Turkey and beyond.
2
Kartal, Burak. "Examining the Turkish-Russian Trade Relations after Russia’s World Trade Organization Accession." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00817.
Full textAbstract:
Turkey and the Russian Federation (RF) have deep historical political and economic relations. The trade between the two countries have been growing since late 1980s when Turkey began to procure natural gas from Russia. The dissolution of USSR and the revival of Russian economy offered new opportunities for Turkish businessmen. During the last decade, Russia became one of the few major markets for Turkish construction and contractor companies whereas Turkey has been a favorable touristic destination for Russians. The agreements regarding Akkuyu nuclear power plant and natural gas pipelines have strengthened the ties between the two countries. In 2012, Russia became the 156th member of the WTO. Russia’s WTO accession, along with the country’s other economic cooperation and integration moves provide foreign companies interested in Russia with a better investment climate and business environment. Having competitive advantage in many goods and services categories needed by Russia, Turkish companies should benefit the new developments in RF and increase their business volumes in that country. This paper examines the current trade relations between RF and Turkey in detail considering the potential effects of RF’s WTO membership.
3
Bedaev, Aleksandr, Elena Mikhailova, and Valentina Tikhonova. "Russian diasporas of the Caspian region countries in the implementation of the "Russian world" project." In "The Caspian in the Digital Age" within the framework of the International Scientific Forum "Caspian 2021: Ways of Sustainable Development". Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcsebm.rsfe5616.
Full textAbstract:
A number of state and public organizations take part in pursuing cultural policy and protection of rights of compatriots in the countries of the Caspian region. Russian-speaking communities abroad are regarded as components of " the Russian World" - a civilizational community that unites them around Russia as a historical and cultural centre. The preservation of the Russian language in the post-Soviet states is focused on the studying of the language by the titular peoples of sovereign states as the language of interstate communication with Russia and to ensure favourable conditions for labour migration to Russia. In the Caspian states the status of the Russian-speaking community is constantly declining and decreasing, as well as its cultural role in the life of the independent national states. In a long run, this reduces the base of the functioning of the Russian language in the Caspian countries. The Russian World state project is officially presented as a project on preserving the Russian language in the countries where Russian communities exist. At the same time the analysis of documents and information portals, related to the Russian World program, demonstrates that the policy of the Russian Federation focused on the repatriation of ethnic Russians and Russian-speaking people to Russia lines up with their migration activity.
4
Бессмертный, Борис Алексеевич. "IMPACT OF THE PANDEMIC ON DOMESTIC TOURISM IN RUSSIA." In Научные исследования в современном мире. Теория и практика: сборник избранных статей Всероссийской (национальной) научно-практической конференции (Санкт-Петербург, Декабрь 2020). Crossref, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.37539/nitp312.2020.54.53.008.
Full textAbstract:
В статье рассматриваются основные проблемы низкой популярности российских курортов у россиян, проводится статистический анализ рынка внутреннего туризма в РФ, его оценка в условиях экономического кризиса и других причин. In article the main problems of low popularity of the Russian resorts at Russians are considered, statistical market research of internal tourism is carried out to the Russian Federation, its assessment in the conditions of an economic crisis and other reasons. The main directions of development of a tourist and recreational cluster of Russia are mentioned.
5
Pongratz, R., I. K. Kuvshinov, and K. E. Latkin. "Evolution of Hydraulic Fracturing in Russia (Russian)." In SPE Russian Oil and Gas Technical Conference and Exhibition. Society of Petroleum Engineers, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/114876-ru.
Full text
6
Logvinova, E. N. "GRAPE NURSERIES IN RUSSIA." In STATE AND DEVELOPMENT PROSPECTS OF AGRIBUSINESS. ООО «ДГТУ-Принт» Адрес полиграфического предприятия: 344003, г. Ростов-на-Дону, пл. Гагарина,1., 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.23947/interagro.2024.232-236.
Full textAbstract:
The article discusses the main grape nurseries in Russia and the services they provide, and raises the topic of providing the Russian Federation with high quality grape varieties. It also analyzes the problems faced by grape nurseries in Russia, such as lack of staff and high competition in the market.
7
Tsvetkova, Valentina A., Yakov L. Shrayberg, and Ivan I. Rodionov. "Information Infrastructure of Russia at the Present Stage: Experience and Development Trends." In The status and prospects for international state network of scientific and technical information : Proceedings of the international scientific and practical conference. Russian National Public Library for Science and Technology, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.33186/978-5-85638-272-2-2024-48-56.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this study is to show the main stages of the formation of the stages of the formation of Russia’s information service infrastructure, the current vectors of its development. The authors discuss the background and stages of the life cycle of the State System of Scientific and Technical Information (GSNTI) of the USSR, later of the Russian Federation. The authors argue that GSNTI has been gradually eroding since the beginning of the 21st century due to the loss of unified management and unified principles. The need for and priority of the national information system in modern Russia, its own information resources, and the competence to focus on foreign information resources have become more acute in the context of the sanctions announced against Russia. The authors specify the problems of Russia's information infrastructure, e.g. departmental disunity, lack of the single methodological center and involvement in the international information space. However, the country has retained a significant part of its own information resources that, however, cannot be developed efficiently without due government support. The authors substantiate the need for the state program of information infrastructure development in Russia, based on the experience of the State System of Sci-tech Information, which is seen as the first step toward the maintenance and development of the country’s information infrastructure.
8
Chernykh, Aleksandr. "Event-Driven Analysis of the Effectiveness of European Economic Sanctions Against Russia (2022–2024)." In 29th International Scientific Conference Strategic Management and Decision Support Systems in Strategic Management. University of Novi Sad, Faculty of Economics in Subotica, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.46541/978-86-7233-428-9_399.
Full textAbstract:
This paper examines the effectiveness of European economic sanctions against Russia from 2022 to 2023, with a focus on the impact of these measures on the Russian oil & gas sector. Prior to the implementation of large-scale sanctions, the European Union was Russia's principal trading partner. Against this backdrop, this study assesses the impact of European restrictions on Russia. Utilizing the event analysis method, renowned for its reliability in assessing the effects of anti-Iranian sanctions and previous sanctions against Russia during 2014-2021, this research analyzes data from the oil & gas sector of the Russian stock market on the Moscow Exchange. Despite significant attention to oil exports from the sanctions imposers, findings indicate a minimal impact on the oil and gas sector. The study aims to shed light on the economic ramifications of these recent sanctions and seeks to contribute to the broader discourse on the efficacy of economic sanctions as a tool of foreign policy.
9
Cepliša, Aija. "Russian Journalists in Latvia Impacted by the Russian Invasion of Ukraine." In International scientific conference of the University of Latvia. University of Latvia Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/ms23.02.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of the research is to analyse the experience of Russian journalists who moved to Latvia after 24 February 2022, when Russia started a full-scale armed invasion of Ukraine, and who have since been living and working in Latvia. The theoretical framework of the work is based on three chapters, which examine the aspects of media accountability and influence, freedom of the press, and the work of journalists in exile. The qualitative research has been carried out, using a narrative analysis. Data was obtained with the help of semi-structured interviews. The respondents were found with the snowball sampling method. In the period from 23 March to 20 April 2023, ten semi-structured interviews with Russian journalists who have moved to Latvia after 24 February 2022, when Russia started a full-scale armed invasion of Ukraine, were obtained. The interviews particularly explored their motivation to move to Latvia, their working and living conditions in Latvia, and their opinion about the future of Russia. The results show that Russian journalists could not stay in Russia due to security reasons, and all the journalists reveal that it was their individual decision to move. They evaluate their work in Latvia as safe, but at the same time challenging, because they are no longer able to access local information of their former country, thus gradually distancing them from Russia. Examining these difficulties, the narrative analysis reveals that Russian journalists are concerned about their future life in Latvia, because they have not been issued residence permits or work visas. One narrative condemns NEPLP (National Electronic Mass Media Council of Latvia) action in cancelling the license of the TV channel “Dozhd” (TV Rain). The journalists do not see a quick end to the war started by Russia in Ukraine and are pessimistic about Russia’s future development.
10
Kuzmina, Anastasiia Sergeevna. "Patent Situation in Russia." In All-Russian scientific and practical conference with international participation, chair Mariia Vadimovna Proniaeva. Publishing house Sreda, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31483/r-98830.
Full textReports on the topic "Russia"
1
Terzyan, Aram. Russia Amidst the War: Implications for Human Rights and Political Freedoms. Eurasia Institutes, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/earp-1-2022.
Full textAbstract:
This paper explores the state of human rights and political freedoms in Russia amid the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war has devastatingly affected the state of human rights and political freedoms across Russia. The vague and ill-defined laws introduced in Russia amid the war severely restrict the citizens’ fundamental rights and freedoms, leading to a massive crackdown on government critics. This has significantly undermined Russia’s international standing, while leading to the Kremlin’s further rejection of democratic norms. More worryingly, Russia’s restrictive policy has been further combined with its decision to withdraw from the Council of Europe which raises a series unanswered question regarding the future of its human rights commitments. This paper concludes that Russia is isolating itself from the greater international community and resembling a North Korean-style form a tyranny.
2
Valev, Radoslav. Resurgence of Expansionist Tsarism: Populist Autocracy in Russia. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), June 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0057.
Full textAbstract:
The thirteenth event in ECPS’s monthly Mapping Global Populism (MGP) panel series, titled “Resurgence of Expansionist Tsarism: Populist Autocracy in Russia,” convened online on May 30, 2024. This event delved into the evolving political landscape of Russia. Moderated by Dr. Maxine David, a respected lecturer in European Studies at Leiden University and a foreign policy analyst specializing in Russian and EU foreign policy, the panel featured a distinguished line-up of scholars who provided unique insights into Russia’s populist autocracy from diverse disciplinary perspectives.
3
Lossovskyi, Ihor. ECMI Minorities Blog. How Moscow ‘Eliminates’ Its National Minorities in the War with Ukraine. European Centre for Minority Issues, October 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/kgpe6877.
Full textAbstract:
As Russia is increasingly losing its military personnel in the war with Ukraine, the Kremlin is trying to make up for these losses in every possible way. Following a period of covert partial mobilization, since 21 September 2022 Russia has launched a partial mobilization; both involved disproportionately the male population from remote underdeveloped regions with concentrated populations of national minorities, particularly from the Far East, North Caucasus, Buryatia, Khakassia etc., as well as from the occupied areas of Georgia, Ukrainian Donbas, and Crimea. Conscription is much less common in Russia’s large economically and socially developed cities, where the majority of the population is ethnic Russian. The number of representatives of the poorest national minorities from remote regions of Russia who were injured or killed during the war disproportionately exceeds the respective share of ethnic Russians who have suffered the same fate. Beyond the economic reasons for the increased participation of minorities in the war, this disproportionality raises questions as to the intentions of Putin’s regime in sending these populations - rather than the Russian majority – to the frontlines.
4
Terzyan, Aram. The Rise of Nationalism and Xenophobia in Putin’s Russia: Implications for Immigrants from Central Asia and Caucasus. Eurasia Institutes, December 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/psprp-1-2019.
Full textAbstract:
This paper explores rising nationalism and xenophobia in Putin’s Russia, focusing on their implications for immigrants from Central Asia and Caucasus. There is a broad consensus among the students of the Russian politics, that Vladimir Putin’s presidency has led to new Russian national identity construction and rising nationalism. The major shift in Orthodox nationalism during Putin’s presidency has taken its toll on immigrants, particularly from Central Asia and Caucasus. While the Kremlin would consistently strive to style the Russian nationalism as “anti-fascist,” it has not done much to address mounting concerns over significant overlaps between nationalism and xenophobia. Rather, the nationalist rhetoric has well resonated with many Russians, who would take to the streets with slogans of “White Power” or "Russia for the Russians."
5
Hatipoglu, Emre, and Zlata Sergeeva. Country Horizon: Russia. King Abdullah Petroleum Studies and Research Center, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30573/ks--2021-rt02.
Full textAbstract:
This report provides an up-to-date overview of Russian domestic and foreign policy issues related to the oil and natural gas markets. We also discuss the potential role of hydrogen in Russia’s short-term energy strategy. We present a succinct overview of the domestic determinants of Russian energy policy and then describe Russia’s ongoing and planned energy infrastructure projects. In doing so, we particularly focus on Russia’s recent efforts to bring its new hydrocarbon resources to global markets. We also discuss recent developments related to Russia’s dialogue with its key energy partners.
6
Quak, Evert-jan. Russia’s Approach to Civilians in the Territories it Controls. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.041.
Full textAbstract:
This rapid review synthesises the literature from academic sources, knowledge institutions, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), and trusted independent media outlets on the approach used by the Russian government to provide any support or services to civilians in the territories it controls. The rapid review concludes that Russia provides economic, social, government, and military support to de facto states that it controls, such as Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Transnistria and the Donbas region. Russia covers large parts of the state’s budget of these separatist regions. This review uses the term aid referring to a wide range of support, such as humanitarian, social safety nets, basic services, infrastructure, state development, and security. Due to the lack of transparency on the Russian aid money that flows into the regions that are the subject of this review, it is impossible to show disaggregated data, but rather a broader overview of Russian aid to these regions. Russia used humanitarian aid and assistance to provide for civilians. During armed conflict it provided, to some extent, food, and medicines to the people. However, from the literature Russia has used humanitarian aid and assistance as an instrument to pursue broader policy goals that could not be defined as humanitarian in nature. Russia often relied on the language of humanitarianism to strengthen its credentials as a neutral and impartial actor and to justify its continued support for the residents and de facto authorities of Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Transnistria, to secure its aim to strengthen the political and social ties with these regions while weakening their allegiance to Georgia and Moldova. As the humanitarian activities to the Donbas region in eastern Ukraine demonstrate, the Russian state is not willing to allow scrutiny of their humanitarian aid by independent organisations. Mistrust, corruption, and the use of aid for propaganda, even smuggling arms into the separatist region, are commonly mentioned by trusted sources. After a conflict becomes more stabilised, Russia’s humanitarian aid becomes more of a long-term strategic “friendship”, often sealed in a treaty to integrate the region into the Russian sphere, such as the cases of South Ossetia, Abkhazia, and Transnistria clearly show. Although all these separatist regions rely on Russia (economically, politically, and through Russia’s military presence), this does not mean that they always do exactly what Russia wants, which is particularly the case for Abkhazia and Transnistria.
7
Spasojević, Dušan. Balancing on a pin: Serbian populists, the European Union and Russia. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0028.
Full textAbstract:
This report investigates the consequences of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on the Serbian party system. The Serbian case has two unique characteristics. The first is the final status of Kosovo, which Serbia has traditionally relied on Russian support over (as a member of the UN Security Council). However, Ukraine has also respected the territorial integrity of Serbia and did not recognize Kosovo. The second characteristic is Serbia’s ruling party, the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS). Unlike many other Eastern European populist parties, the SNS is formally pro-European Union. Since the beginning of the war, the ruling parties have been under international pressure to join sanctions against Russia; on the other side, the opposition splits between right-wing supporters of Russia and left-wing and liberal parties with weak support for international sanctions. This report aims to analyse the potential change in the ideological positions of Serbian parties — especially the populist ones — due to the significant changes in the international landscape occasioned by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.
8
Chokheli, Salome. Geneva International Discussions: Russian Occupation and Internally Displaced Persons in Georgia. Eurasia Institutes, April 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/eea-1-2023.
Full textAbstract:
Russia’s military intervention in Georgia in 2008 has forever changed the security environment for Tbilisi. Borderization, Russian military and semi-military bases on Georgian territory, and Moscow’s unofficial annexation policy in two regions of Georgia are among the issues Tbilisi faces due to the Kremlin’s five-day war against Georgia. Moreover, more than 200 000 thousand people remain Internally Displaced Persons in Georgia, waiting to exercise their right of dignified return to occupied regions currently remaining under illegal Russian control. This paper analysis ongoing Geneva International Discussions involving Georgia and Russia and the prospects of reaching a consensus on a dignified return of Internally Displaced Persons to their homes. The paper concludes that currently, the Georgian Government does not hold leverage against Russia to alter the course of the negotiations process. Official Tbilisi should concentrate on the long-term objective – building trust with the representatives of Georgia's occupied regions to consider coalition-building in negotiations in case favorable changes affect power asymmetry between Georgia and Russia and the opportunity window for Georgia to affect occupied regions' decisions without Russian interference appears.
9
Auers, Daunis. The Russia-Ukraine War and Right-Wing Populism in Latvia. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0023.
Full textAbstract:
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has profoundly impacted Latvia’s politics, economy and society. It also moved Latvia’s political centre to the right and mainstreamed many of the core policy positions of the dominant Radical Right National Alliance (NA), such as squeezing the Russian language from the public sphere, dismantling the publicly-funded Russian-language school system, and demolishing Soviet-era monuments. This policy shift has been made possible by the NA’s gradual political mainstreaming over the last decade (it has been in a governing coalition since 2011) and long-standing opposition to Putin’s regime, as well as existing contacts and support for Ukrainian nationalist groups. As a result, there is a public perception that the NA was “right” about Russia. As the NA has mainstreamed and abandoned its populist rhetoric, new populist parties have emerged in Latvia. Parliamentary elections in October 2022 saw new “Latvian” (the Latvia First Party, LPV) and “Russian” (Stability! or S!) populist parties elected to parliament. The LPV largely refused to engage with the war, focusing on domestic economic issues, while S! has capitalized on the “we are for peace” niche left open by other parties’ denunciation of Russia’s invasion.
10
Allan, Duncan, and Ian Bond. A new Russia policy for post-Brexit Britain. Royal Institute of International Affairs, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784132842.
Full textAbstract:
The UK’s 2021 Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy describes Russia as ‘the most acute direct threat to [the UK’s] security’ in the 2020s. Relations did not get this bad overnight: the trend has been negative for nearly two decades. The bilateral political relationship is now broken. Russian policymakers regard the UK as hostile, but also as weaker than Russia: a junior partner of the US and less important than Germany within Europe. The consensus among Russian observers is that Brexit has reduced the UK’s international influence, to Russia’s benefit. The history of UK–Russia relations offers four lessons. First, because the two lack shared values and interests, their relationship is fragile and volatile. Second, adversarial relations are the historical norm. Third, each party exaggerates its importance on the world stage. Fourth, external trends beyond the UK’s control regularly buffet the relationship. These wider trends include the weakening of the Western-centric international order; the rise of populism and opposition to economic globalization; and the global spread of authoritarian forms of governance. A coherent Russia strategy should focus on the protection of UK territory, citizens and institutions; security in the Euro-Atlantic space; international issues such as non-proliferation; economic relations; and people-to-people contacts. The UK should pursue its objectives with the tools of state power, through soft power instruments and through its international partnerships. Despite Brexit, the EU remains an essential security partner for the UK. In advancing its Russia-related interests, the UK should have four operational priorities: rebuilding domestic resilience; concentrating resources on the Euro-Atlantic space; being a trusted ally and partner; and augmenting its soft power. UK decision-makers should be guided by four propositions. In the first place, policy must be based on clear, hard-headed thinking about Russia. Secondly, an adversarial relationship is not in itself contrary to UK interests. Next, Brexit makes it harder for the UK and the EU to deal with Russia. And finally, an effective Russia policy demands a realistic assessment of UK power and influence. The UK is not a ‘pocket superpower’. It is an important but middling power in relative decline. After Brexit, it needs to repair its external reputation and maximize its utility to allies and partners, starting with its European neighbours.