Journal articles: 'Rural elite'

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LI, Yurui, Guijiang CHANG, Lizhe CAO, and Hualou LONG. "Rural elite and rural development." Progress in Geography 39, no. 10 (2020): 1632–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.18306/dlkxjz.2020.10.003.

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Aspinall, Edward, and Noor Rohman. "Village head elections in Java: Money politics and brokerage in the remaking of Indonesia's rural elite." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 48, no. 1 (January 26, 2017): 31–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463416000461.

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To explore how democratisation is transforming Indonesia's rural elite, we examine two village head elections in Central Java. Despite the competitiveness of these elections, the campaigning modes employed by candidates, especially vote buying, points to elite continuity, because only wealthy villagers can compete for office. Moreover, links with higher state officials remain important for village elites, allowing them to win political support by obtaining projects from local government. However, rather than being incorporated as subordinates in a bureaucratic hierarchy as during authoritarian rule, village elites are now true rural brokers, exercising considerable leverage in their relations with the state.

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Arnall, Alex, David S. G. Thomas, Chasca Twyman, and Diana Liverman. "NGOs, elite capture and community-driven development: perspectives in rural Mozambique." Journal of Modern African Studies 51, no. 2 (May 17, 2013): 305–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x13000037.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines the problems of elite capture in community-driven development (CDD). Drawing on two case studies of non-governmental organisation (NGO) intervention in rural Mozambique, the authors consider two important variables – (1) the diverse and complex contributions of local elites to CDD in different locations and (2) the roles that non-elites play in monitoring and controlling leader activities – to argue that donors should be cautious about automatically assuming the prevalence of malevolent patrimonialism and its ill-effects in their projects. This is because the ‘checks and balances’ on elite behaviour that exist within locally defined and historically rooted forms of community-based governance are likely to be more effective than those introduced by the external intervener.

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Gustafson, James M. "HOUSEHOLD NETWORKS AND RURAL INTEGRATION IN QAJAR KIRMAN." International Journal of Middle East Studies 46, no. 1 (February 2014): 51–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743813001281.

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AbstractThe governorships of Muhammad Ismaʿil Khan Vakil al-Mulk (1859–68) and Murtaza Quli Khan Vakil al-Mulk II (1868–78) in Qajar Kirman were highlighted by an extensive building campaign which initiated a period of significant social and economic change in the province. This article explores the activities of local elites in managing their family estates in the context of this project through a careful analysis of provincial geographical and historical writings, Persian-language travelogues, and commentary by European administrators and travelers. Kirmani elites began investing in land and commercial agriculture on an unprecedented scale, accelerating Kirman's absorption into global economic patterns as a producer of raw materials like cotton, wool, and opium. An integrated political economy developed regionally through the expanding networks of elite households and their estates, reinforced by families combining landownership with administrative functions in rural areas. This process demonstrates the extent to which Iranians were active participants in transforming their communities in the context of the advance of global capitalism, with longstanding patterns of elite household competition playing an important role in mediating social and political change locally.

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Herrera, Antonio, and John Markoff. "Rural Movements and the Transition to Democracy in Spain." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 16, no. 4 (December 1, 2011): 455–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.16.4.724173576j08vn36.

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Scholars of Spain's democratic transition vary considerably in the role they attribute to movements. Spanish democratization is widely known for its successful elite negotiations and some describe it as an instance of democratization from above. For others it is a case of social movement activism creating problems for those elites negotiating the democratization process. Among those social movements, the least studied took place in the Spanish countryside. Rural movements played a role well beyond the standard accounts in two important ways. First, they challenged significant obstacles to democratization that elite deals had left in place at the local level. And, second, the local arena had major implications for the national scene. We trace the history of four rural campaigns that were a pivotal component of Spanish democratization. We conclude with some general observations on the role of social movements in imparting a dynamic character to democracy.

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Pauli, Julia, and Francois Dawids. "The struggle for marriage: elite and non-elite weddings in rural Namibia." Anthropology Southern Africa 40, no. 1 (December 21, 2016): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23323256.2016.1237296.

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BREWSTER, KEITH. "Survival Strategies Among the Mexican Rural Elite." Bulletin of Latin American Research 27, no. 4 (October 2008): 534–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1470-9856.2008.00285.x.

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Odgaard, Ole. "Entrepreneurs and Elite Formation in Rural China." Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs 28 (July 1992): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2950056.

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Kongkirati, Prajak. "From Illiberal Democracy to Military Authoritarianism: Intra-Elite Struggle and Mass-Based Conflict in Deeply Polarized Thailand." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 681, no. 1 (December 20, 2018): 24–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716218806912.

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Thailand fits the pattern of pernicious polarized politics identified in this volume, where a previously excluded group successfully gains political power through the ballot box, governs unilaterally to pursue radical reforms, and produces a backlash from the traditional power elites. In Thailand, elite conflict has been a major part of the story, but this article argues that political polarization there cannot be merely understood as “elite-driven”: conflict among the elites and the masses, and the interaction between them, produced polarized and unstable politics. Violent struggle is caused by class structure and regional, urban-rural disparities; elite struggle activates the existing social cleavages; and ideological framing deepens the polarization. While the Yellow Shirts and traditional elites want to restore and uphold the “Thai-style democracy” with royal nationalism, the Red Shirts espouse the “populist democracy” of strong elected government with popular nationalism and egalitarian social order.

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Lyon, Stephen M. "Challenging the landed elite in contemporary Pakistani politics." Journal of Legal Anthropology 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 41–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jla.2019.030103.

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Since independence in 1947, highly politicised kinship practices have shaped the country from rural agricultural villages to the highest legislative and executive branches of government and the military. Ideal models of patrilineal affiliation have defined and guided patterns of factional loyalties. Although my earlier work has principally focused on village networks and politics, the same patterns of factional alliances can be seen at national levels to shed light on the activities of party politics. The mechanisms adopted by the traditional landed elite, far from being challenged, are integral to the strategic success of non-landed elites in securing the top, public, elected positions of power. So, rather than suggesting landed elites have become irrelevant, I argue the source of wealth is ultimately less relevant than the broader socio-economic shard class and familial interests of a minority elite bound together through marriage.

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Zweig, David. "Strategies of Policy Implementation: Policy “Winds” and Brigade Accounting in Rural China, 1968–1978." World Politics 37, no. 2 (January 1985): 267–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010145.

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In this paper, I examine two key relationships relevant to the comparative study of policy implementation. The first is the linkage between the structure of elites, techniques of mobilization, and local policy implementation. Although many studies of elites have emphasized the effects of integration on political stability, they have only recently addressed the question of how elite integration affects policy implementation. More specifically, how does the existence of elites that are deeply divided over policy issues affect the power capabilities and opportunities of those elites and, therefore, the methods they employ to mobilize support for their policies? And how do these techniques affect the pattern

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Batista, Francisco de Assis. "Nas trilhas da resistência cotidiana:." Raízes: Revista de Ciências Sociais e Econômicas 33, no. 2 (June 13, 2014): 123–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.37370/raizes.2013.v33.365.

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O Cariri da Paraíba, de acordo com os registros de doações de sesmarias, foi sendo ocupado, no início do século XVIII, por pessoas que tinham por objetivo estabelecer fazendas de gado e por grupos de famílias sem terras, escravos e ex-escravos, os quais para aquela área se dirigiram, em busca de terras que lhes possibilitassem a subsistência. Essas pessoas em constantes embates com a elite rural da região foram se estabelecendo e deram origem ao campesinato regional. Este artigo tem por objetivo analisar as práticas de resistência cotidiana, exercitadas por este campesinato, frente às práticas de dominação da elite rural, no Cariri Ocidental da Paraíba, no período de 1900 a 1950. Para realizar essa análise, utilizamos como fonte de pesquisa entrevistas e também publicações literárias de autores que trataram de relatar os conflitos que presenciaram na época, tanto entre membros da elite rural quanto entre essa elite e os camponeses. As análises realizadas nos permitiram concluir que os camponeses mesmo enfrentando as práticas de dominação da elite rural, desenvolveram, conforme as suas possibilidades de exercitar estratégias de resistência cotidiana.

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Piccin, Marcos Botton. "FAMÍLIAS DA ELITE RURAL ESTANCIEIRA DO RIO GRANDE DO SUL: MEIOS DE INTERAÇÃO SOCIAL E CULTURAL E ESTRATÉGIAS MATRIMONIAIS E SUCESSORAIS DE REPRODUÇÃO SOCIAL." Revista Pós Ciências Sociais 17, no. 33 (January 24, 2020): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2236-9473.v17n33p93-124.

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Este artigo analisa os principais meios de interação social e cultural e as estratégias matrimoniais e sucessorais de reprodução social da elite grande proprietária de terra criadora de gado extensivo no Rio Grande do Sul. Os meios de interação social e cultural, como clubes, associações culturais e esportivas são fundamentais para a reprodução de um habitus de elite e a constituição de estratégias matrimoniais marcadamente endogâmicas ao próprio grupo. A análise das estratégias sucessorais indica que o tamanho do patrimônio em terras herdado é diretamente dependente da taxa de fecundidade das famílias, assim como o patrimônio formado por ocasião do matrimônio é dependente da realização de um bom casamento. O foco da análise são duas gerações que nasceram no século XX, a primeira entre os anos de 1900 e 1930 e asegunda entre 1920 a 1960, em que seis linhagens de grandes proprietários são analisadas, perfazendo 99 matrimônios.Palavras-chave: Patronato rural. Elites. Estancieiros. Estratégiasmatrimoniais. Estratégias sucessorais. Reprodução social.FAMILIES FROM THE RURAL PATRONAGE ELITE IN RIO GRANDE DO SUL: MEANS OF SOCIAL AND CULTURAL INTERACTION, AND MARITAL AND SUCCESSION STRATEGIES OF SOCIAL REPRODUCTIONAbstractThis article analyzes the main means of social and cultural interaction and the marital and succession strategies of social reproduction of the elite which largely owns extensive-cattle-breeding land in Rio Grandedo Sul. The social and cultural means of interaction, such as clubs or cultural and sportive associations are fundamental for the reproduction of an elite habitus and the constitution of marital strategies markedlyendogamous to the group itself. The analysis of succession strategies indicates that the size of inherited land assets is directlydependent on the fertility rate of the families, as well as that the wealth formed on the occasion of the marriage is dependent on the accomplishment of a good marriage. The focus of the analysis are two generations that were born in the twentieth century, the first between the years of 1900 and 1930, and the second between 1920 to 1960, in which six lines of large proprietors are analyzed, making 99 marriages in total.Keywords: Rural patronage. Elites. Farmers. Marital strategies. Succession strategies. Social reproduction.

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BUYLAERT, FREDERIK, and ANDY RAMANDT. "The transformation of rural elites in late medieval Flanders: oligarchy, state formation and social change in the Liberty of Bruges (c. 1350–c. 1525)." Continuity and Change 30, no. 1 (May 2015): 39–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416015000119.

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AbstractProceeding from an in-depth analysis of the Liberty of Bruges, an important rural district in the late medieval Low Countries, this contribution frames rural elite formation by means of two debates which are seldom used in combination, namely, the debates on state building and on the commercialisation of rural society. We challenge the thesis, inspired by modernisation theory, that socio-economic transformation engendered political change in pre-modern Europe as newly emerging rural bourgeoisies are alleged to have become an important political factor, shifting their allegiances between lords and peasants as they saw fit. The evidence discussed shows instead a trend towards oligarchy from the fifteenth century onwards, in which an increasingly exclusive social network came to combine hitherto separated forms of political power, largely at the expense of the growing number of wealthy rural bourgeois. It is argued that this transformation of the rural political elites is closely tied to changes in the established relations between the central government and the regional elites of the Low Countries.

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GRABOWSKI, RICHARD. "The formation of growth coalitions: the role of the rural sector." Journal of Institutional Economics 9, no. 3 (May 7, 2013): 329–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137413000155.

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AbstractThe political elite require resources in order to survive politically. Given the conditions existing in most developing nations, this implies following an inward-oriented development strategy promoting a large-scale, capital-intensive industrial sector. This strategy impoverishes agriculture and implies that the leaders of the industrial sector will make up a critical component of the coalition providing political support to the political elite. Reform allowing for outward-oriented growth will be extremely difficult. Dramatically increasing agricultural productivity provides a means to provide political legitimacy for the ruling elite as well as the political leverage to bring about reform.

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Skinner, G. William. "Rural Marketing in China: Repression and Revival." China Quarterly 103 (September 1985): 393–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100003068x.

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Rural markets and peasant marketing did not fare well during the Maoist era, which extended from well before the consolidation of communist power in China to the triumphal return of Deng Xiaoping as the central political figure in 1977. Maoist radicals, who in broad perspective may be said to have held the political initiative throughout the era, can be fairly characterized as having an anti-market mentality. While this set of attitudes derives in part from Marxism, it is also rooted in the ideological preconceptions of late-imperial Confucian bureaucrats. The Maoist elite in the People's Republic and the traditional bureaucratic elite of the late empire were equally unhappy with market exchange, and both showed a preference for redistribution.

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Oi, Jean C. "Communism and Clientelism: Rural Politics in China." World Politics 37, no. 2 (January 1985): 238–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010144.

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Despite its widespread currency in political science, the concept of clientelism has rarely found its way into the literature on communist systems. Students of communist politics regularly note the importance of personal ties, and many recognize the significance of informal bonds in economic and political spheres atalllevels of society. Some even apply the term “clientelism” to the political behavior they describe. Yet these studies are generally limited to elite-level politics, to factionalism, career mobility, recruitment patterns, and attainment of office at the top- to middle-level echelons of the bureaucracy.2Few have considered clientelism as a type of elite-mass linkage through which the state and the party exercise control at the local level, and through which individuals participate in the political system.

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Qing, Liao. "Rural Undergraduates at Elite Universities: Learning Experience and Identity." Chinese Education & Society 50, no. 2 (March 4, 2017): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10611932.2017.1326775.

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Meng, Cheng, and Kang Yongjiu. "Rural Youths Admitted to Elite Universities: “Empathy” and Destiny." Chinese Education & Society 52, no. 5-6 (November 2, 2019): 363–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10611932.2019.1693813.

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Wegren, Stephen K. "Socioeconomic Transformation in Russia: Where is the Rural Elite?" Europe-Asia Studies 52, no. 2 (March 2000): 237–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668130050006781.

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Sakti, Luxy Pujo. "LOGIKA ELITE DESA DALAM PRAKTIK PEMBANGUNAN DESA WISATA PUJON KIDUL." Jurnal Pariwisata 8, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31294/par.v8i1.8943.

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ABSTRAK Pariwisata merupakan industri terbesar dan terkuat dalam pembiayaan ekonomi global pada saat ini. Pariwisata juga menjadi penyumbang devisa terbesar di Indonesia serta memberikan dampak yang baik dalam pembangunan pariwisata desa. Elite desa berperan penting dalam mensosialisasikan ide terhadap masyarakat. Peran penting bagi elite desa dalam melakukan pemberdayaan kepada masyarakat lokal dibutuhkan realisasi guna pengembangan desa. Logika dari desa Pujon Kidul, terhadap elite desa yang telah berhasil melakukan pembangunan wisata dengan produk lokal desa dengan melakukan pemberdayaan kepada masyarakat lokal perlu dikaji secara berlanjut. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui Logika Elite Desa Dalam Praktik Pembangunan Desa Wisata Pujon Kidul. penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dan dengan jenis penelitian deskriptif, melalui observasi lapangan, wawancara dan dokumentasi terhadap informan. Teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini yaitu teori dari Pierre Bourdieu mengenai praktik habitus. Tahun 2015 elite desa Pujon Kidul berhasil melakukan pembangunan kafe sawah, kampung wisata Tulungrejo, dan melakukan pengembangan di bidang wisata edukasi, hingga kini berhasil membangun Desa Wisata Pujon Kidul. Kata Kunci : Elite, Pembangunan Desa Wisata, dan Pemberdayaan Masyarakat. ABSTRACT Tourism is the largest and strongest industry in financing the global economy at this time. Tourism is also the largest contributor to foreign exchange in Indonesia and has a good impact on rural tourism development. Village elites play an important role in disseminating ideas to the community. The important role for village elites in empowering local communities requires realization for village development. The logic from Pujon Kidul village, towards village elites who have succeeded in developing tourism with village local products by empowering local communities needs to be studied continuously. This study aims to determine the Logic of Village Elite in Pujon Kidul Tourism Village Development Practices. This research uses a qualitative approach and descriptive research type, through field observations, interviews and documentation of informants. The theory used in this research is Pierre Bourdieu's theory of the practice of habitus. In 2015, the elite of Pujon Kidul village succeeded in building a rice field cafe, a tourist village in Tulungrejo, and developing in the field of educational tourism, until now they have succeeded in building the Pujon Kidul Tourism Village. Keywords: Elite, Tourism Village Development, and Community Empowerment.

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LOCKLEY, TIM. "RURAL POOR RELIEF IN COLONIAL SOUTH CAROLINA." Historical Journal 48, no. 4 (December 2005): 955–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05004875.

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This article explores the rural poor relief system of colonial South Carolina. It finds that poor relief was substantially more generous and more readily available in rural areas of South Carolina than elsewhere in British North America, or indeed in the entire Anglophone world. It suggests that this was because elite vestrymen had deep-seated concerns about the position of the white poor in a society that was dominated by African slavery. Generous relief of adult paupers was therefore a public demonstration of the privileges of race to which all whites were entitled. Elites in rural South Carolina also made considerable efforts to provide a free education for pauper children that would inculcate industry and usefulness among those who might become future public burdens. The serious attention paid to the situation of the white poor in colonial South Carolina was therefore part of an effort to ensure the unity of white society by overcoming the divisions of class.

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Kobayashi, Ami. "From state uniform to fashion: Japanese adoption of western clothing since the late nineteenth century." International Journal of Fashion Studies 6, no. 2 (October 1, 2019): 201–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/infs_00005_1.

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Since the late nineteenth century, yōfuku (a vague Japanese concept referring to all clothing originating from western countries) has spread predominantly from the upper to the lower class and from urban to rural space in Japan. In this process, the symbolic meaning attached to it has been transformed. Once a symbol of male elites, yōfuku has become ‘Japanese fashion’ and is now an expression of current Japanese (pop) culture. This article investigates the adoption process of yōfuku – especially the school uniform, which has reflected the contrasts between elite and non-elite, modernity and tradition, masculinity and femininity, and public duty and private life. Drawing on the case study of Japan, this article also sheds light on the complexity and variety that exist in modernization processes.

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Li, Hongbin, Prashant Loyalka, Scott Rozelle, Binzhen Wu, and Jieyu Xie. "Unequal Access to College in China: How Far Have Poor, Rural Students Been Left Behind?" China Quarterly 221 (March 2015): 185–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741015000314.

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AbstractIn the 1990s, rural youth from poor counties in China had limited access to college. After mass college expansion started in 1998, however, it was unclear whether rural youth from poor counties would gain greater access. The aim of this paper is to examine the gap in college and elite college access between rural youth from poor counties and other students after expansion. We estimate the gaps in access by using data on all students who took the college entrance exam in 2003. Our results show that gaps in access remained high even after expansion. Rural youth from poor counties were seven and 11 times less likely to access any college and elite Project 211 colleges than urban youth, respectively. Much larger gaps existed for disadvantaged subgroups (female or ethnic minority) of rural youth from poor counties. We also find that the gaps in college access were mainly driven by rural–urban differences rather than differences between poor and non-poor counties within rural or urban areas.

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Smith, Graeme. "Getting Ahead in Rural China: the elite–cadre divide and its implications for rural governance." Journal of Contemporary China 24, no. 94 (November 14, 2014): 594–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2014.975951.

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Zimmerman, Andrew. "Race against Revolution in Central and Eastern Europe." East Central Europe 43, no. 1-2 (September 16, 2016): 14–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04302004.

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Racism and racial “science” emerged in Europe as an elite response to a worldwide wave of rural insurgencies that began in the era of the French and Haitian Revolutions and continues, in its own way, to this day. In his dialectic of lord and bondsman, g.w.f. Hegel formulated political, economic, and biopolitical ideas from the uprisings occurring in his world, creating a now long-standing dialogue between dialectical theory, including Marxism, and rural insurgency. Racism was part of a biopolitical counterrevolution that sought to maintain the power of elites over insurgent populations. Here Prussia played a central role, as its struggle against the autonomy of migrant agricultural labors took the form of campaigns against the “Polonization” of Prussia. The social scientist Max Weber theorized this struggle in a series of essays on race and rural labor that produced a racism based on culture rather than biology. This cultural racism, like the insurgent discourses it opposes, persists in many forms in Central Europe and around the world.

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Caron, James. "Elite Pasts and Subaltern Potentialities." International Journal of Middle East Studies 45, no. 1 (February 2013): 138–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074381200133x.

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In narrating Afghanistan's 21st century, future historians might bracket the first decade with the two Bonn conferences of 2001 and 2011: great-power delegates and handpicked elite Afghans meeting to plot Afghanistan's transitional place in the international system. In contrast, Afghan popular and intellectual cultures alike have often voiced alternate histories. For example, Malang Kohistani, a contemporary working-class singer of Kabul's hinterland, sees top-down Afghan integrations into globality not as a fundamentally new construction of institutions that promise prosperity for a nation-state and its people but rather as one more intrusive disruption—in a chain of similar events beginning over 2,000 years ago with Alexander—in everyday people's continuous, bottom-up efforts to ensure their livelihoods, in part through developing horizontally organized trade networks. And indeed it is not only post-2001 statist intervention that has attracted such popular responses, but this is also a longstanding critique among both urban and rural Afghan intellectuals. In some ways Malang Kohistani echoes Malang Jan, the renowned 1950s sharecropper-poet of Jalalabad, as well as various more elite authors.

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Susilo, Anggun Trisnanto Hari. "INSTITUTIONAL SETTINGS IN POVERTY REDUCTION PROGRAM: A contribution to the raise of new elites in rural Java." Politika: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 9, no. 2 (October 4, 2018): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/politika.9.2.2018.6-19.

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Umumnya, kelompok elite diidentikkan dengan penguasaan sumber-sumber kekuasaan yang biasanya berupa materi (tanah, rumah, ternak) dan pekerjaan di instansi formal. Definisi seperti ini sudah jamak ditemukan di lingkup perdesaan di Jawa. Namun, dari pengalaman Program Nasional Pemberdayaan Masyarakat (PNPM) Perdesaan khususnya oleh kader program, artikel ini berargumen bahwa ada alternatif sumber kuasa yang lain selain materi dan posisi di pemerintahan yang kemudian menjadikan seorang yang biasa menjadi anggota kelompok elite. Sumber non-material ini adalah loyalitas, dedikasi dan kepercayaan. Diilhami oleh pendekatan Power Cube, artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa dalam proses PNPM terdapat transformasi kuasa dari individu biasa menjadi elite. Artikel ini berdasar pada metode studi kasus di dua desa di Kabupaten Malang, Jawa Timur yang mendapatkan program PNPM.

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Arifullah, M., A. Zahan, MM Rana, M. Adil, and Shamsunnaher Shamsunnaher. "Attitude of the Rural Elite Farmers towards Extension Activities Performed by Personnel of Department of Agricultural Extension." Agriculturists 12, no. 1 (July 19, 2014): 96–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/agric.v12i1.19586.

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The main purpose of the study was to ascertain the attitude of rural elite farmers towards extension activities performed by Upazilla Agricultural Extension personnel of DAE and to explore the relationship between the selected characteristics of the respondents and their extent of attitude towards those extension activities under reference. The study was conducted in two unions, namely Ratanpur and Rasullabad covering 5 villages of Nabinagar Upazilla under Brahmanbaria District. Data were collected from the rural elite farmers using a pre- tested interview schedule during 15th May 2009 to 10th June 2009. It was found that the highest proportion (43.14%) of the respondents had moderate favourable attitude compared to 33.33 percent having high favourable attitude and 23.53 percent less favourable attitude. Pearson Product Moment Correlation (r) test was used to ascertain the relationships between the concerned dependent and independent variables of the study. Findings revealed that education, farm size, time spent for farm work, organizational participation, extension contact and knowledge on agriculture of elite rural farmers showed positive significant relationship while age and annual family income did not show any such relationship with their attitude towards extension activities performed by Upazilla Agricultural Extension Personnel of DAE. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/agric.v12i1.19586 The Agriculturists 2014; 12(1) 96-102

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Azharghany, Rojabi, Hotman Siahaan, and Akh Muzakki. "Alliance of Ummah in Rural Areas: A New Perspective on Islamic Populism in Indonesia." Religious: Jurnal Studi Agama-Agama dan Lintas Budaya 4, no. 4 (December 31, 2020): 239–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/rjsalb.v4i4.10476.

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Islamic populism in Indonesia is perceived as an alliance of the people on behalf of the ummah in urban areas, against the ruling elites who enjoy the promises of peace and prosperity more than capitalism, modernism and democracy. This paper though intends to disclose the Islamic populism in rural areas through the power of capital and symbols as part of the cultural heterogenity between alliances in rural areas and large cities that simply focuses on political power. This research embraces the socio-cultural approach by applying the theory of generative structuralism penned by Pierre Bourdieu in order to analyze the resistance of cultural heterogenity by invigorating the cultural reproduction and symbols dominance to thwart the ummah alliance in urban areas. The results of this research show that the Islamic populism in rural areas upholds the belief in salvation, peace and unity, by reinforcing the cultural heterogenity among the congregations on various bases. In spite of domestication process in Islamic populism by the ruling elite, the ummah alliance in rural areas cannot be triggered due to their firm belief in salvation, which differs from the Islamic populism in large cities where a symbol of injustice of the bourgeoisie and the ruling elites prevails. The Islamic populism in rural areas has caused the failure of Islamic populism in large cities since their main discourse solely considers the middle class, in contrast to the Islamic populism in rural areas that might may welcome both the middle class and the lower class.

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Bellamy, Liz, K. D. M. Snell, and Tom Williamson. "Rural History and Popular Culture." Rural History 4, no. 1 (April 1993): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793300003447.

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This issue of Rural History has greater thematic coherence than previous numbers, with all the papers having some relation to the study of ‘popular culture’, while coming from a variety of disciplinary perspectives. Each of the articles develops a key area of analysis, but their juxtaposition helps to raise further questions – about the kinds of sources that can be used to redress the bias towards the elite that has tended to dominate the study of culture, and about the problems involved in the handling of such sources. How do concepts of class, sectional, or gender interest relate to the sense of place and local identity? How can we detect such ideas within the historical record? How should we proceed in attempting to reconstruct popular and regional consciousness?

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Laliwala, Sharik. "In the Hindutva Heartland: Bharatiya Janata Party’s Superficial Democratization in Gujarat." Studies in Indian Politics 8, no. 2 (November 1, 2020): 247–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023020963748.

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This article examines Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s hegemony in Gujarat by studying the changes inaugurated by the party in the caste profile of Gujarati political elites. I showcase the transition of BJP from a party of elite castes to a limited accommodation of a few Hindu backward castes, especially under Narendra Modi’s chief ministership. However, I argue that the recruitment of Hindu backward castes as ministers represents a case of superficial democratization as they were appointed in non-influential ministries or were co-opted only near election time. Indeed, Modi’s developmentalist regime solidified the dominance of upper castes and Patels from an urban background and a few Rajputs, and led to a rural backlash in the form of Patel agitation. In the final section, I analyse these still emerging trends in Gujarat’s polity, which became visible on a rural–urban continuum in the 2017 state election.

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Bulygina, Tamara, Evgeniy Tufanov, Sergei Yanush, Inna Kravchenko, and Valentine Ivashova. "Modeling the regional agro-elite’s social position in rural areas’ sustainable development system." E3S Web of Conferences 258 (2021): 05029. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202125805029.

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The article concretizes the social position of the regional agrarian elite in the system of sustainable development of rural areas on the basis of factor analysis carried out by the method of principal components. A survey of 73 leaders and chief specialists of successful agricultural organizations in the South of Russia, traditionally represented by rural areas, was carried out in October-November, 2020 using Google Forms. The data was processed in SPSS Statistics (version 21) and used the Sustainable Development Goals proclaimed by the UN in 2015 as the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Seventeen Sustainable Development Goals were assessed on a five-point scale of significance in terms of relevance for agricultural organizations in rural areas of southern Russia. The assessments show the social position of the regional agrarian elite regarding the goal-setting in the field of sustainable development, both in rural areas and agricultural organizations. Factor analysis was carried out by the method of separation of the main components with Varimax Rotation with Kaiser Normalization. We present the models of the regional agrarian elite’s social position in the system of sustainable development of territories.

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Anderson, Siwan, Patrick Francois, and Ashok Kotwal. "Clientelism in Indian Villages." American Economic Review 105, no. 6 (June 1, 2015): 1780–816. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.20130623.

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We study the operation of local governments (Panchayats) in rural Maharashtra, India, using a survey that we designed for this end. Elections are freely contested, fairly tallied, highly participatory, non-coerced, and lead to appointment of representative politicians. However, beneath this veneer of ideal democracy we find evidence of deeply ingrained clientelist vote-trading structures maintained through extra-political means. Elite minorities undermine policies that would redistribute income toward the majority poor. We explore the means by which elites use their dominance of land ownership and traditional social superiority to achieve political control in light of successful majoritarian institutional reforms. (JEL D72, H23, I38, J15, O15, O17, O18)

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Roy, Indrajit. "Class Politics and Social Protection: A Comparative Analysis of Local Governments in India." Journal of South Asian Development 14, no. 2 (July 2, 2019): 121–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973174119854606.

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Dramatic differences in the quality of human life are a prominent feature of today’s world. In response, many governments and international development agencies have begun to formulate and implement agendas for social protection. Nevertheless, the outcomes of such initiatives remain vastly varied.What explains such variations? In this article, I direct attention to the role of class politics in shaping the implementation of social protection by local governments that implement India’s Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA). Based on a synthesis of official data, interviews with beneficiaries of social protections and elites, and direct observations in two Indian States, the author illustrates the ways in which variations in class politics influence the supply of employment works.This article departs from existing analysis of factors that favour the implementation of social protections, namely commitment of bureaucrats and politicians, political party linkages and clientelism, and civil society activism. It also nuances extant class-focused analysis which tend to adopt a polarized model of class conflict between dominant classes and the laboring poor. This article, by contrast, appreciates the conflicts within dominant classes, and emphasizes the role of coalitions and competitions between elite fractions.Where elite fractions successfully co-opt or eliminate one another, they successfully sabotage the labour-friendly MGNREGA. On the other hand, where elite fractions conflict with one another, labour-friendly programs such as the MGNREGA have a chance of being implemented. However, the transformative aspect of the program’s intent, in terms of dissolving the relations of power that bolster poverty, appears to be more in evidence in localities where precarious elites align with the laboring poor to challenge the influence of the entrenched elites. As we examine alternative means of addressing the dramatic differences in the quality of life that continue to blight the contemporary world, the imperative to analyze class politics becomes greater than ever before.

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Figliulo-Rosswurm, Joseph. "Rural People and Public Justice in Fourteenth-Century Tuscany." Renaissance Quarterly 72, no. 2 (2019): 417–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rqx.2019.1.

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Accounts of public justice in the Italian communes emphasize mediation of urban conflicts, overlooking interactions between rural communities and civic tribunals. Foregrounding the countryside reveals how nonelites responded to public courts and procedures such as anonymous denunciation and ex officio inquisition. This article argues that a Florentine court's outcomes resulted from the intersection of institutional structures, local power relations, and rural inhabitants’ in-court behavior. It uses procedural records in conjunction with notarial cartularies and public documentation to explicate the local dynamics shaping testimony. Claiming ignorance was rural peoples’ tactical response to elite malefactors' enmeshment with the commune as rural proxies.

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Fitriantoro, Muchamad Imam. "Drivers of Conflict in Urban Infrastructure: Case Study of the New Yogyakarta Airport." Jurnal Politik 6, no. 1 (September 25, 2020): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.7454/jp.v6i1.214.

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The study discusses the drivers of conflict in the construction of Yogyakarta International Airport (YIA) in Temon, Kulon Progo, using a politico-economic framework. This research employs the theory of land-based elite domination of urban growth machines and theories that explain the drivers of conflicts caused by construction and development of infrastructure. The findings of this study show that the conflict was driven by disagreements on land resource that emerged from the government’s ambition to respond to the pressure to transform the rural lands in the region into an urban area under the concepts of aerotropolis and MICE. The pressure came from the interests of local and national elite groups, which complemented the extant problem of domination of land ownership by the local political elites of Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta. Thus, the conflict was related to not only the development of infrastructure but also a land conflict that arose from urban development policies. The other drivers of the conflict include poor governance of the project and social factors.

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Robertson,, Philip S. "The Rise of the Rural Network Politician: Will Thailand's New Elite Endure?" Asian Survey 36, no. 9 (September 1996): 924–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645539.

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Han, Huawei, and Qin Gao. "Community-based welfare targeting and political elite capture: Evidence from rural China." World Development 115 (March 2019): 145–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2018.11.010.

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Jr., Philip S. Robertson,. "The Rise of the Rural Network Politician: Will Thailand's New Elite Endure?" Asian Survey 36, no. 9 (September 1996): 924–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1996.36.9.01p0168x.

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Søholt, Susanne, Susanne Stenbacka, and Helle Nørgaard. "Conditioned receptiveness: Nordic rural elite perceptions of immigrant contributions to local resilience." Journal of Rural Studies 64 (November 2018): 220–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jrurstud.2018.05.004.

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Ansoms, A. "Re-Engineering Rural Society: The Visions and Ambitions of the Rwandan Elite." African Affairs 108, no. 431 (April 1, 2009): 289–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adp001.

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Li, He. "Rural students’ experiences in a Chinese elite university: capital, habitus and practices." British Journal of Sociology of Education 34, no. 5-6 (September 12, 2013): 829–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01425692.2013.821940.

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Stewart, Robert, Frank Bechhofer, David McCrone, and Richard Kiely. "Keepers of the land: Ideology and identities in the Scottish rural elite." Identities 8, no. 3 (September 2001): 381–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1070289x.2001.9962697.

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Kita, Stern Mwakalimi. "Barriers or enablers? Chiefs, elite capture, disasters, and resettlement in rural Malawi." Disasters 43, no. 1 (July 3, 2018): 135–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/disa.12295.

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Hur, Nam-lin. "Takeshi Moriyama.Crossing Boundaries in Tokugawa Society: Suzuki Bokushi, a Rural Elite Commoner." American Historical Review 120, no. 4 (October 2015): 1467.1–1467. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/120.4.1467.

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Niu, Sunny Xinchun, Yajun Zheng, and Fei Yang. "Students’ social origins, educational process and post-college outcomes: The case of an elite Chinese university." Chinese Journal of Sociology 6, no. 1 (November 4, 2019): 35–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057150x19876875.

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Scholars debate whether and how higher education and elite education experiences break or reinforce the link between social origins and status attainment in meritocratic societies. We contribute to these debates focusing on post-college outcomes of elite university students in contemporary China. Using a longitudinal survey of the 2014 freshmen cohort from an elite Chinese university and a sequential logit modeling technique, we find that meritocracy is seemingly at play between the trajectories of graduate study and employment. However, within each trajectory, students’ hukou (urban/rural registration status) and regional backgrounds significantly constrain their post-college options, partly through differential participation in high-impact educational practices. Furthermore, social origins leave marks on students’ motives for graduate study.

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Pereira, Hélcius Batista. "O caipira sob o olhar da elite paulistana das primeiras décadas do século XX." Língua e Literatura, no. 30 (April 28, 2012): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2594-5963.lilit.2012.97577.

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O presente texto tem por objetivo investigar como a elite paulistana do final do século xix até 1930 avaliava o “caipira”. Para tanto, trabalhamos com textos escritos por Valdomiro Silveira e Monteiro Lobato. Com base na diferença entre estas duas visões e em fatos da história social de São Paulo, identificamos uma certa ambiguidade em relação ao “caipira”, o que reflete o fato de a cidade de São Paulo e sua elite ainda estarem a meio caminho entre o rural e o urbano.

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URDANK, ALBION M. "The Rationalisation of Rural Sport: British Sheepdog Trials, 1873–1946." Rural History 17, no. 1 (March 16, 2006): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793305001603.

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The article analyses the evolution in both the forms and changing social content of British Sheepdog trials, from the first recorded event at Bala, Wales in 1873 to the advent of their revival following the Second World War (during which they had been suspended). Contrary to popular myth, early trials were gentry sponsored and therefore heavily freighted with elite values concerning the nature of the shepherds' craft. Early trials accented speed, agility and obedience in the dog, as well as sheer entertainment value, arising often from debacles that might ensue in any given run. The trials, too, remained adjuncts to elite, Kennel-club style dog-shows, with their focus on conformation and the physical beauty of the animal. As the social prominence of the aristocracy and gentry receded after 1880, so too did their role in defining the nature of the sheepdog trial. With the founding of the International Sheepdog Society in 1906 by shepherds and farmers, the rules for such trials became transformed, reflecting more the actual work of the shepherd, and indirectly the larger shift within agriculture toward more specialised sheep production. These new rules gave the trial a rigorous aspect at once more modern than earlier prototypes, yet rooted in the craft traditions of rural artisans. At the same time, the shepherds and farmers, who made practical use of sheepdogs, assumed direction of the sport. The founding of the ISDS thus coincided with the new self-assertiveness of labour occurring nationally, reflected in the founding of the Labour party the very same year. Elements of the elite show-ring, however, would linger residually in ISDS trials, reflecting a degree of continuity, but these would gradually atrophy. ISDS trials would accent both the independent work of the dog and its ability to function as a working partner to the shepherd. The article thus deconstructs the complicated social evolution in the nature of a rural sport, which reflected in turn changes in the larger socio-economic environment, through a detailed analysis of the changing patterns of the trials themselves.

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Seidl, Ernesto. "Uma elite pouco (re) conhecida: o episcopado brasileiro." Tempo Social 29, no. 3 (December 12, 2017): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/0103-2070.ts.2017.125886.

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O artigo aborda transformações conhecidas pelo espaço do episcopado brasileiro ao longo da segunda metade do século XX. O exame das condições de desenvolvimento da alta hierarquia católica aponta um processo de autonomização institucional e profissionalização do corpo religioso apoiado em dinâmica vigorosa de importação de mão de obra e de modelos de excelência religiosa. Os frutos desse processo são visíveis sobretudo em dois aspectos: uma elite dirigente marcada pelo predomínio de indivíduos do sul e do sudeste do Brasil, oriundos de grupos descendentes de imigrantes do mundo rural; e a valorização de um perfil religioso romanizado, incluindo circulação pelo exterior e o acúmulo de competências culturais e de gestão.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Rural elite'

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