Journal articles on the topic 'Runica Manuscripta'

Most surviving runic inscriptions from early medieval England were produced in an ecclesiastical context, and the influence of manuscript writing practices on the runic tradition can clearly be discerned. The manuscript record of runes or runica manuscripta that flourished particularly in the context of Anglo-Saxon missionary activity to the Continent has, however, usually been regarded as a late antiquarian development, largely detached from the epigraphical tradition. In this paper, I argue that not only did manuscript practice clearly influence epigraphy, but also that several uses of runes in manuscripts can be considered as extensions of the epigraphical tradition. Some runica manuscripta also seem to evoke pointedly the monumental tradition, including associations with permanence, public display, and memorialisation. Through the case studies of decorative uses of runes, scribal signatures, and textual interventions in runes, I argue that there is a relatively consistent association between the runic script and monumental epigraphy that can be transposed onto the manuscript page for particular effects, which rely on received knowledge of the epigraphical tradition long after the use of runes in monumental contexts had ended.

A runic text that has, as far as I know, attracted little attention lurks at the bottom right-hand corner of Tabella III of part 3 of Hickes's Thesaurus. It has thirteen graphs, labelled ' e Cod. Cottoniano, Otho C. 5.p. 41‘. The graphs are the Anglo-Saxon runes:Transliterated: ‗conslruieius‘, followed by what appears to be the bindrune ‘, that is, the late additional rune calc bound with ur. The sigel-Tune ‘s’ is a comparatively rare form found occasionally in manuscripts, on coins and in inscriptions. The other runes are common English types.

This paper offers a survey of the oldest runic inscriptions of the northern parts of Europe. Runic writing is attested from the second century onwards to the Middle Ages, and was in use in several parts of northern Europe during different periods. The language used is formulaic, making the impression that inscriptions in runes were for special occasions and not for daily use. Germanic society was a non-literate society until Christendom arrived and with it a literate culture. Runes are applied epigraphically; only in ecclesiastical contexts they are used in manuscripts, thus offering very useful secondary information about rune-names, for instance. Runes had names for mnemonical and symbolical purposes.

For more than 100 years, the Department of Manuscripts and Documents of the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts of the Russian Academy of Sciences (formerly the Asiatic Museum, the St. Petersburg branch of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences) has been collecting materials on linguistic monuments of Central Asia and Siberia (mainly Turkic). However, there was no description and cataloguing of these materials. Since January 2010, the author of the present article has carried out an inventory and identification of these materials. As a result of this work, it was found that the collection contains a large number of unique linguistic materials, mainly rubbings of Turkic runic inscriptions, which significantly expand the possibilities of linguistic and historical study of the written heritage of the ancient Turks. The rubbings are copies of texts of both well-known and unknown monuments, as well as inscriptions that were considered lost. In the course of work with the collection, materials stored in the State Hermitage Museum, the Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography (Kunstkamera), the Russian Museum of Ethnography, the St. Petersburg branch of the Archive of the Russian Academy of Sciences, and the Archives of the Orientalists of the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts of the RAS were involved. In parallel, work was carried out on the conservation of storage units. Some materials were included from other collections.

The presence of runic writing before the influx of Latinate literacy in Anglo-Saxon England is often neglected when investigating the transitional nature of orality and literacy in vernacular Anglo-Saxon writing. The presence of runes in Anglo-Saxon society and Old English manuscripts supports the theory that Old English poetry operated within a transitional period between orality and literacy (as argued by O'Keeffe (1990), Pasternack (1995), Amodio (2005)). However runic symbols problematize the definition of orality within Old English oral-formulaic studies because runic writing practices predate Latinate literacy in England. This article explores the possibility that the orality contained within Old English poetry is a form of secondary orality due to the pre-existence of runic writing in Anglo-Saxon England. This form of secondary orality occurs within the wider social cultural shift between primary orality and modern hyper-literate states as runes act as a literary representation of change within the construction of thought and literature in the English language. This article suggests that runes can be understood as a type of ‘transitional literacy’ between primary orality and Latinate derived literary practices. They act as a way of composing and recording thought as text while still maintaining elements strongly associated with the construction of a primary oral culture in how the texts are interpreted by a culture familiar with writing. Therefore clarification must be made when understanding Old English as a transitional poetic form, namely that the nature and degree of transition contained within Old English poetry builds upon runic inscriptions as it represents a transition between a Germanic and Latinate forms of textuality and literacy.

AbstractThis paper argues that the rise and the transmission of the runes is largely determined by sociolinguistic factors. First, the older fuþark is identified as a unique Germanic design, adapted from Latin or Greek sources by one or more well-born Germani to mark group identity and status. Hence it is rather unlikely that the search for an exact source alphabet of the older fuþark will make a major breakthrough in future research. Second, the present author argues that the extension of the fuþark in the Anglo-Frisian setting is due to high-scale contact with the Christian Church, including Latin manuscript culture and Classical grammatical schooling, whereas these factors were almost entirely absent in pre-Viking-Age Scandinavia. The clerical influence is shown not least by “Christian inscriptions” in Anglo-Saxon England such as the Ruthwell Cross. Learned Christians recycled the obsolete runes to reestablish the phonological type of perfect fit – a situation which is diametrically opposed to the Scandinavian scenario. Typologically, therefore, the First Grammatical Treatise in Iceland is directly in line with the Anglo-Frisian extension of the runic alphabet, whereas the Viking-Age fuþark represents a counter-development with no clear influence of the Christian Church until the early 900s.

The article analyzes the motive of «fate» taking into account its linguocultural specificity, reveals the components of the motive of fate in the Tatar traditional culture. The mythological roots of the folk idea of fate are revealed, the ethno-cultural contexts that influenced its formation are considered. The purpose of the study is to study the mental essence of the motive of fate in its projection in Tatar literature, folklore and traditional culture. In the ideas of the Tatar people about fate, mythological, pagan and Muslim values and traditions are intertwined. The image of the deity of Fate-« Ala atiyɣ jol tӓnri mӓn» is recorded in one of the early runic manuscripts of the ancient Turks «Yryk bitig» (VIIIIX or IX-X centuries). The earliest examples of folklore about fate are presented in the dictionary of Mahmud al-Kashgari «Divan lugat at-Turk» (XI century], the motif of fate is reflected in the Turkic literary monuments: «Kutadgu Bilig» («Blessed Knowledge») by Yusuf Balasaguni (XI century BC), in the medieval Tatar literature «Kyssa-i Yusuf» («The Legend of Yusuf») by Kul Gali (XIII century), «Tukhfai Mardan» («Gift to young men») by Muhammedyar (XVI century], etc. Yazmysh is the future, which is written by the Almighty to each person before birth, in folklore it is revealed as inevitability, predestination. The word «yazmysh» is derived from the word «yaz» (to write). In the poem «Tuhfai Mardan» by Muhammedyar, the image of scribes «betkuchelar» is created, who write down the predestinations of the Almighty. The main categories in the mental behavior of the Tatar people are «fate» («yazmysh», «kadar», «tәkdir», «өlesh», «yazu», «kүrәchak», «nasyp»), «patience» («sabyr»), «noble behavior» («adep»). The motive of fate, both in folklore and in ancient and medieval literature, is revealed in several aspects: the predestination of fate and the impotence of a person in front of it, and at the same time the desire to know and change fate with the help of various rituals and ceremonies.

In July 2019, I received information about the discovery of an estampage of an inscription made in Old Turkic Runic Writing in the fond “Documents. Photo documents” of the Kyakhta Museum of Local Lore of Academician V. A. Obruchev. Judging on several obtained photographs, it has been tentatively identified as To?uquq/Tonyuquq Inscription. It is an epigraphic text on a monument of the period of the so-called Second Eastern Turkic Qaghanate, great nomadic empire that existed in Inner Asia in 682–744 A. D. The monument was discovered in 1897 and has since been repeatedly studied, copied and translated. I could find no information on which of the copies could have been found in Kyakhta. The opportunity to get acquainted with the find in situ came only in December 2019, and it became apparent that this copy has been previously unknown to the academic community. The subsequent work followed two directions. Firstly, it was necessary to establish the origin of the copy, its authorship, dating, and circumstances surrounding its appearance in the collections of the Kyakhta Museum of Local Lore. Secondly, it was necessary to work directly with the discovered copy for the purpose of its comparison with others known copies and, if possible, of identifying differences in copying any of the text fragments. As a result, it has been understood that the copy was made by Chinese scientists and then somehow transferred to St. Petersburg, wherefrom W. Kotwicz sent it to Kyakhta in April 1913 as a supplement to W. Radloff’s “Atlas of Antiquities of Mongolia.” Incidentally, it has been discovered that at least one of the similar copies of the To?uquq/Tonyuquq Inscription, stored today in the fonds of the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts (IOM) of the Russian Academy of Sciences, must be contemporary to the one found in Kyakhta. A careful analysis of the copy itself — eight estampages corresponding to the eight sides of the To?uquq/Tonyuquq Inscription (four sides on two stelae) — has allowed us to conclude that individual fragments differ from the corresponding ones on earliest copies made in 1898 in the course of the Orkhon expedition work, as well as from those made in 1909 in the field research of G. J. Ramstedt. We have also made measurements and description of these estampages.

Purpose Through the Union for International Cancer Control and Pfizer Oncology SPARC MBC grant, Project PINK BLUE–Health & Psychological Trust Centre implemented the Breast Cancer Navigation and Palliative Program with strategic activities focused on metastatic breast cancer with the goal of “empower[ing] women at risk of, or living with advanced breast cancer and to reduce [the] incidence of stage III or IV breast cancer.” The project established Nigeria's first patient navigation program, which trained 138 health workers and social workers across the six area councils of Abuja and connected 116 breast health facilities, 58 in Abuja and another 58 across Nigeria—diagnostic centers and hospitals—in a Web-based navigation map application. The program was designed to train only 18 patient navigators for Abuja only; however, we trained 44 patient navigators from National Hospital Abuja, Enugu, and Kebbi states who are currently working on establishing Breast Cancer Navigation and Palliative Programs in their respective states. Trained oncology nurse navigators are providing optimum palliative care and navigation to patients across the mapped health facilities in Abuja. Whereas 72 institutions have been engaged through diverse partnerships, 27 resources were produced, including videos, documents, and a palliative/navigation book for health care workers. Ten ECHO palliative care trainings were organized for nurses and pain doctors, with an additional eight in-person workshops on palliative care and patient navigation and five patient support group meetings. Seventy-two news articles were published, including for TV, radio, and in interviews. Methods The program used training of nurses, cancer survivors and nurses to become patient navigators at National Hospital Abuja and across the six area councils of Abuja. Currently, navigators in Niger State and Enugu state have also received training on patient navigation, and more patients with cancer have been tracked and observed during their cancer journeys in Nigeria. Results The program has transited to lead national advocacy at Nigeria’s parliament for the establishment of the National Institute on Cancer Research and Treatment and has also establish such initiatives as Abuja’s first cancer support group and patient-led advocacy and campaign. Several patients with metastatic breast cancer were navigated through their journey with cancer. Conclusion Patients with metastatic breast cancer need more support to live a quality life; more than just pain medication. They need someone to listen to them and caregivers who show their care and love. Patient navigation is an emerging area of oncology and there is a need to support the patient navigators so that they may devote more time to its effects. AUTHOR’S DISCLOSURES OF POTENTIAL CONFLICTS OF INTEREST The following represents disclosure information provided by authors of this manuscript. All relationships are considered compensated. Relationships are self-held unless noted. I = Immediate Family Member, Inst = My Institution. Relationships may not relate to the subject matter of this manuscript. For more information about ASCO's conflict of interest policy, please refer to www.asco.org/rwc or ascopubs.org/jco/site/ifc . Runcie C.W. Chidebe Travel, Accommodations, Expenses: Jansen and Jansen Consulting or Advisory Role: Novartis Pharmaceuticals

Gustav Albeck 1906 - 1995By William MichelsenWilliam Michelsen writes an obituary of Gustav Albeck, Professor of Nordic Literature. In his commemorative words, William Michelsen quotes at some length from the commemorative speech, made by Bishop Henning Høirup, Doctor of Divinity, on the occasion of Gustav Albeck’s funeral in the Cathedral of Aarhus.In his commemorative speech Bishop Høirup describes Gustav Albeck’s close ties to Aarhus, where his father, Chief Consultant Viggo Albeck, was the prime mover behind the foundation of the University of Aarhus. Thus, Gustav Albeck’s first publication after his university graduation in 1932 was a pamphlet about the history of the establishment of the Jutland university. The paper is evidence of a fundamental feature of Gustav Albeck’s personality: his loyalty to the family, and to the heritage from previous generations. It is emphasized by Henning Høirup that Gustav Albeck’s research work covered a wide field from runic inscriptions to modem Danish 20th century literature, and that his personal commitment and sympathetic insight combined seriousness with humour, most often inextricably linked together. As an expert on Danish Golden Age literature Albeck was superb. Høirup describes Gustav Albeck’s inspiring work in the Grundtvig Society from its foundation, and his 43 years as editor of Grundtvig Studier, the high scholarly standards of which were of paramount importance for him. Finally Bishop Høirup tells about Gustav Albeck’s invaluable work to promote classical music in Aarhus, and he concludes his speech by remarking on the joy felt by Albeck over the gift to man received in baptism, and his love of Danish poetry.Subsequently William Michelsen draws an equally personal portrait of Gustav Albeck and his work in literary history, in Grundtvig scholarship and popular enlightenment. Gustav Albeck took his M.A. degree in Nordic philology in 1932, and became a Doctor of Philosophy with his thesis on the Nordic Kings’ sagas in 1946, and in 1959 he was appointed Professor at the University of Aarhus, after having been on the teaching staff for a number of years. As early as 1934 Grundtvig wrote his first study of Grundtvig’s early poetry, and through the 1940s he published a number of shorter books on Grundtvig’s writings. In 1948 he contributed to the first annual volume of Grundtvig Studier, and in 1951 he became the editor of the yearbook, a post he held until his death.William Michelsen suggests that Gustav Albeck’s Grundtvig research should be seen on the background of Grundtvig’s visions of a new Danish university, unhampered by rigid academic traditions - visions that found expression in Grundtvig’s folk high school thoughts and his ideas of a Scandinavian university in Gothenburg. Gustav Albeck regarded the University of Aarhus and the University Extension Institution as realizations of these ideas. He agreed with Grundtvig about the crucial importance of popular enlightenment, but always preserved an objective and matter-of-fact distance to the ideas in Grundtvig’s writings. What was important to Gustav Albeck in literary studies was to state what literature says, not to evaluate it or relate oneself personally to it. Thus, to him it was essential to emphasize that Grundtvig was a poet and a great poet - a visionary poet who remained critical towards his own time. Albeck’s philological approach to literary scholarship finds expression in his work on Grundtvig manuscripts, such as the publication of .Grundtvig’s diaries and extract collections. in 1979. Albeck’s most significant book as a Grundtvig scholar was published in 1955 in the series Acta Jutlandica, entitled .Around Grundtvig’s Poetry Collections.. This book deals with Grundtvig’s poetical works in the years 1808-1816, but also contains a large amount of material that throws light on Grundtvig’s development over these years.Fundamentally important to Grundtvig research is Gustav Albeck’s preparation of a model for the registration of Grundtvig’s posthumous works, used by the group of scholars who worked out the 30-volume register. Gustav Albeck’s greatest book is his last publication, .University and People., from 1984, with the modest subtitle .Contributions to the History of the University Extension Institution.. The book contains a wealth of information about how Grundtvig’s vision of a people’s university became a reality around the turn of the century. For 30 years Gustav Albeck was the president of the University Extension Institution in Aarhus.William Michelsen concludes his obituary of Gustav Albeck by pointing out that as Albeck saw him, Grundtvig was not so different from his own time as we tend to see him today. And Gustav Albeck could finish his chapter on Grundtvig in the Politiken Literary History by quoting Jørgen Elbek saying that Grundtvig, with his unshakable faith in the word, was a poet in a far more exclusive sense than any of his contemporaries.

Recent breakthroughs in Artificial Intelligence, Deep Learning and Document Image Analysis and Recognition have significantly eased the creation of digital libraries and the transcription of historical documents. However, for documents in rare scripts with few labelled training data available, current Handwritten Text Recognition (HTR) systems are too constraint. Moreover, research on HTR often focuses on technical aspects only, and rarely puts emphasis on implementing software tools for scholars in Humanities. In this article, we describe, compare and analyse different transcription methods for rare scripts. We evaluate their performance in a real use case of a medieval manuscript written in the runic script ( Codex Runicus ) and discuss advantages and disadvantages of each method from the user perspective. From this exhaustive analysis and comparison with a fully manual transcription, we raise conclusions and provide recommendations to scholars interested in using automatic transcription tools.

AbstractThe paper discusses a number of versified runic inscriptions, mainly from Scandinavia, and from ca. 400 to 1400 AD, to explore what they reveal about the forms and functions of early Scandinavian poetry outside the manuscript tradition. With a particular focus on ‘authors’ and ‘audiences’, as defined by Bredehoft in his work on Anglo-Saxon inscriptions, the paper elucidates the potential oral contexts of Scandinavian runic verse and concludes that, although runic writing is a form of literacy, the examples show that for most of its history it is associated with various kinds of oral context. Runic verse shows that inscriptions provide one of the best ways into understanding the Scandinavian oral tradition, not only before the arrival of manuscript literacy, but also during its infancy.

The paper is focused on the comparative study of Scandinavian everyday runic texts (inscribed on wooden rods, bones, and other cheap materials) dated back the end of 11–14th centuries (of which most were found in Bergen) and old Russian birch bark manuscripts dd. 11–15th centuries (originated mainly from Novgorod). The authors compare diverse types and varieties of documents as well as their share in both text corpuses. While they are rather similar in general, there are a number of essential differences, the major of which is the almost complete lack of business documents in the Scandinavian materials, abundantly available in Novgorod. The authors explain this fact in the context of both various origins of the everyday writing in Scandinavia and Rus’ (pre-Christian and “personal” origins of runic writing vs. the essential role of Christianity and princely power in the development of writing within Rus’) and diverse historical conditions in medieval Bergen and Novgorod (in Novgorod, in contrast to Bergen, communications with the extensive peripheral territories played a significant role).