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Journal articles on the topic 'Runes'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Heffernan, Thomas J., and R. I. Page. "Runes." Classical World 84, no. 5 (1991): 399. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350869.

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2

STANLEY, E. G. "RUNES." Notes and Queries 44, no. 4 (1997): 431—a—431. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/44.4.431-a.

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3

Boyd, Beverly. "Runes." English Journal 95, no. 5 (May 1, 2006): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/30046605.

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4

MacLeod, Mindy. "BIND-RUNES IN NUMEROLOGICAL RUNE-MAGIC." AMSTERDAMER BEITRÄGE ZUR ÄLTEREN GERMANISTIK 56, no. 1 (November 16, 2002): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18756719-056-01-90000005.

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5

Looijenga, Tineke. "Germanic: Runes." Palaeohispanica. Revista sobre lenguas y culturas de la Hispania Antigua, no. 20 (May 4, 2020): 819–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.36707/palaeohispanica.v0i20.371.

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This paper offers a survey of the oldest runic inscriptions of the northern parts of Europe. Runic writing is attested from the second century onwards to the Middle Ages, and was in use in several parts of northern Europe during different periods. The language used is formulaic, making the impression that inscriptions in runes were for special occasions and not for daily use. Germanic society was a non-literate society until Christendom arrived and with it a literate culture. Runes are applied epigraphically; only in ecclesiastical contexts they are used in manuscripts, thus offering very useful secondary information about rune-names, for instance. Runes had names for mnemonical and symbolical purposes.
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6

Stanley, E. "Memorabilia. Runes." Notes and Queries 44, no. 4 (December 1, 1997): 431. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/44.4.431.

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7

Antonsen, Elmer H., and Ralph W. V. Elliott. "Runes: An Introduction." German Studies Review 13, no. 2 (May 1990): 313. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1430717.

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8

Salomon, Corinna. "Raetic and Runes." NOWELE / North-Western European Language Evolution 73, no. 1 (April 29, 2020): 153–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/nowele.00038.sal.

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Abstract The paper investigates the potential role of the Raetic inscription corpus for the derivation of the Germanic futhark. It gives an overview of the North Italic corpora and the current state of research, focussing on the Raetic epigraphical evidence. A detailed comparison of the grapheme inventories of Raetic and Runic as well as their respective epigraphical characteristics shows that the Raetic alphabets do not serve as convincing models for the Runic script.
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9

Antonsen, Elmer H. "The Weser Runes." NOWELE Volume 21/22 (April 1993) 21-22 (April 1, 1993): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/nowele.21-22.02ant.

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10

McGregor, Richard. "Reading the Runes." Perspectives of New Music 38, no. 2 (2000): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/833657.

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11

Miller, Brenda. "Runes and Incantations." Missouri Review 29, no. 2 (2006): 117–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mis.2006.0114.

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12

Johnston, Stuart, and Susie Sanderson. "Casting the runes." British Dental Journal 213, no. 7 (October 2012): 329–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/sj.bdj.2012.893.

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13

Bennett, Lisa, and Kim Wilkins. "Viking tattoos of Instagram: Runes and contemporary identities." Convergence: The International Journal of Research into New Media Technologies 26, no. 5-6 (August 29, 2019): 1301–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354856519872413.

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In this essay, we explore how and why rune tattoos – that is, tattoos created out of single runes or longer runic inscriptions – become implicated in modern reimaginings of Viking identity. What is critically interesting here is not whether Vikings actually wore rune tattoos. Rather, we are interested in analysing the cultural processes by which certain contemporary subjects come to adapt and inscribe Viking runes as living artwork on their own bodies and to display images of these personal markings on Instagram. That is, we are not arguing from the perspective of trying to find a simple equivalence between the medieval and the modern. Instead, we are trying to understand what kind of cultural work the medieval (in the form of Viking runes) performs in shaping 21st-century identities in a cultural moment when self-perception and social relations have become increasingly embedded in social media.
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14

Meyvaert, Paul. "Necessity mother of invention: a fresh look at the rune verses on the Ruthwell Cross." Anglo-Saxon England 41 (December 2012): 407–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675113000021.

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If one is familiar with medieval inscriptions that, so to speak, frame images, what is most striking about the rune verses on the lower twelve-foot shaft of the Ruthwell Cross is their vertical orientation in the four long borders. In my earlier monastic days, while installing electricity in the church of Quarr abbey, I spent hours at the top of a tall ladder drilling holes through the brick courses. So, later, while studying the problems presented by the Ruthwell Cross I rather easily imagined myself up a ladder facing this tall Cross and chiselling runes. From such a ladder position, chiselling vertical letters/runes seemed the easiest way and most rational way to proceed, and given that such a disposition of the runes seemed unique to this monument I concluded, too hastily I now admit, that was how the Ruthwell rune cutter had worked. Such a view suggested there had been a time lag between the making of the monument, when all the chiselling work must have been done with it lying flat on the ground, and the insertion of the runic verses at a later date, made from a ladder, after the cross had been erected. I presented my argument on ‘The Date of the Runic Verses’ as an Appendix to ‘An Apocalypse Panel on the Ruthwell Cross’ – an article dating from 1978, but only published in 1982. Familiarity with Ray Page's work on runes led me to wonder how he would react to my theory, so I had written him in the winter of 1975. He was a recognized and respected authority on runes, and since he is no longer with us, the answer I received may be worth putting on record.
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15

Schwink, Frederick W. "The Velar Nasal in the Adaptation of the Runic Alphabet." American Journal of Germanic Linguistics and Literatures 12, no. 2 (2000): 235–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1040820700002705.

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In this paper evidence for the phonological status of the velar nasal in Older Germanic is reviewed with particular reference to the innovation in the runes of a character for the sound. It is demonstrated that none of this evidence presents an unambiguous solution to whether the velar nasal is phonemic or phonetic. However, by taking the mapping processes that occurred during the invention of the runes as one of “prototypically significant sound” to character, a sufficient reason for the innovation of this rune is proposed.*
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16

Schulte, Michael. "The Scandinavian dotted runes." Scandinavian Philology 17, no. 2 (2019): 264–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu21.2019.205.

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17

Wee, Lian-Hee. "Hong Kong Food Runes." World Literature Today 93, no. 2 (2019): 65–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wlt.2019.0107.

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18

Wee. "Hong Kong Food Runes." World Literature Today 93, no. 2 (2019): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.7588/worllitetoda.93.2.0065.

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19

Hagland, Jan Ragnar. "On Scalds and Runes." NOWELE Volume 46/47 (June 2005) 46-47 (June 1, 2005): 77–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/nowele.46-47.08hag.

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20

Malm, Mats. "Skalds, Runes, and Voice." Viking and Medieval Scandinavia 6 (January 2010): 135–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.vms.1.102139.

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21

Bradley, Daniel J. "The Old English Rune Poem: Elements of Mnemonics and Psychoneurological Beliefs." Perceptual and Motor Skills 69, no. 1 (August 1989): 3–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pms.1989.69.1.3.

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Some rune verses are, apparently, thematically derived from Chinese Radical sequences. The 33 runes are, like the Sanskrit letters, mnemonically valenced and formally associated with the nervous system.
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22

Borges, Jorge Luis, and Philip Lavender. "Las runas y Beowulf / Runes and Beowulf." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 139, no. 2 (March 2024): 283–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/s0030812924000208.

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23

Macháček, Jiří, and Robert Nedoma. "Die Runeninschrift auf dem Rinderknochen von Břeclav, Flur Lány (Südmähren, Tschechische Republik)." NOWELE / North-Western European Language Evolution 73, no. 1 (April 29, 2020): 116–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/nowele.00036.mac.

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Abstract During recent excavations at Břeclav-Lány (southern Moravia, Czech Republic), archaeologists have found a fragmented bovine rib with runes. The rib was unearthed in an early Slavic pit-house and is radiocarbon- dated to ca. 600. The inscription begins at the break line and reads xbemdo (probably tbemdo), representing six of the last eight runes of the older fuþark – it seems that the lost piece of the rib exhibited the preceding part of the rune row. There is reason to believe that the carver was a Langobard who did not join the migration into northern Italy in 568 (or, alternatively, a Slav who learned and used the Germanic script?).
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24

Ojha, Amitash, Charles Forceville, and Bipin Indurkhya. "An experimental study on the effect of emotion lines in comics." Semiotica 2021, no. 243 (October 7, 2021): 305–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sem-2019-0079.

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Abstract Both mainstream and art comics often use various flourishes surrounding characters’ heads. These so-called “pictorial runes” (also called “emanata”) help convey the emotional states of the characters. In this paper, using (manipulated) panels from Western and Indian comic albums as well as neutral emoticons and basic shapes in different colors, we focus on the following two issues: (a) whether runes increase the awareness in comics readers about the emotional state of the character; and (b) whether a correspondence can be found between the types of runes (twirls, spirals, droplets, and spikes) and specific emotions. Our results show that runes help communicate emotion. Although no one-to-one correspondence was found between the tested runes and specific emotions, it was found that droplets and spikes indicate generic emotions, spirals indicate negative emotions, and twirls indicate confusion and dizziness.
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25

Pons-Raga, Ferran, and Ismael Vaccaro. "Paisatges antropocènics, paisatges enrunats: expectatives de passat i de futur a les muntanyes catalanes." Digithum, no. 30 (December 20, 2023): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.7238/d.v0i30.417847.

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Resum Les runes perviuen en el temps i l’espai, com el temps i l’espai semblen perviure en les runes. No es tracta, però, d’una pervivència estàtica ni unívoca. La presència de runes sempre evoca transformacions paisatgístiques, percebudes, representades i valorades de manera canviant segons les vivències i els records que n’emanen. Centrant-se en les restes d’una infraestructura d’explotació forestal massiva de principis del segle XX (la Matussière, Pallars Sobirà), i en la construcció de grans pantans a Catalunya a mitjan segle passat i que ara amb prou feines s’omplen durant una part de l’any (pantà de Sau, Osona), aquest article posa en valor la capacitat heurística de les runes dins de l’Antropocè per a l’anàlisi del nou marc mental i econòmic de gestió capitalista dels boscos i de l’aigua. La visibilització i la invisibilització de les runes ens permet copsar allò que roman i esdevé visible en el paisatge, però també allò que s’esvaeix o emergeix, i que esdevé invisible o paulatinament visible. Les runes ens parlen, en definitiva, de les ressignificacions i dotacions de valor de les transformacions paisatgístiques, passades i futures, en el marc de l’explotació capitalista dels recursos naturals.
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26

Williams, Henrik. "THE ORIGIN OF THE RUNES." AMSTERDAMER BEITRÄGE ZUR ÄLTEREN GERMANISTIK 45, no. 1 (November 17, 1996): 211–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18756719-045-01-90000019.

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27

Quak, Arend. "An Introduction to English Runes." AMSTERDAMER BEITRÄGE ZUR ÄLTEREN GERMANISTIK 54, no. 1 (November 17, 2000): 210–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18756719-054-01-90000032.

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28

Pierce, Marc. "Runes and Germanic Linguistics (review)." Language 80, no. 3 (2004): 613. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2004.0142.

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29

Birkett, Tom. "The page as monument: epigraphical transposition in the runica manuscripta tradition of early Medieval England." Manuscript and Text Cultures (MTC) 1 (May 1, 2022): 205–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.56004/v1b205.

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Most surviving runic inscriptions from early medieval England were produced in an ecclesiastical context, and the influence of manuscript writing practices on the runic tradition can clearly be discerned. The manuscript record of runes or runica manuscripta that flourished particularly in the context of Anglo-Saxon missionary activity to the Continent has, however, usually been regarded as a late antiquarian development, largely detached from the epigraphical tradition. In this paper, I argue that not only did manuscript practice clearly influence epigraphy, but also that several uses of runes in manuscripts can be considered as extensions of the epigraphical tradition. Some runica manuscripta also seem to evoke pointedly the monumental tradition, including associations with permanence, public display, and memorialisation. Through the case studies of decorative uses of runes, scribal signatures, and textual interventions in runes, I argue that there is a relatively consistent association between the runic script and monumental epigraphy that can be transposed onto the manuscript page for particular effects, which rely on received knowledge of the epigraphical tradition long after the use of runes in monumental contexts had ended.
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30

Dahmer, Adam. "Pagans, Nazis, Gaels, and the Algiz Rune." Temenos - Nordic Journal of Comparative Religion 55, no. 1 (June 29, 2019): 137–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33356/temenos.83429.

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Although Beltaners – members of Edinburgh’s Beltane Fire Society (BFS) – can trace the immediate origins of their society’s festivals to the collaborative efforts of anarchist performance artists and folklorists reacting against the Thatcherite government policies of the late 1980s, the ritual celebrations they routinely re-enact in the present ultimately derive from much older traditions associated with Scotland’s highly minoritised Gaelic-speaking population, a cohort to which few modern Beltaners belong. Performers at today’s festivals often incorporate runes into their regalia – a practice which does not reflect Gaelic tradition, but which is not unknown among ideologues of the far right. This paper interrogates rune use at BFS festivals, asking whether the employment of Germanic cultural elements in Celtic festivals by non-Celtic-speakers represents a distortion of history and debasement of an embattled ethnic minority, and whether it is ethically acceptable for an explicitly anti-racist organisation to share a symbolic repertoire with representatives of known hate groups. Based on data derived from fieldwork consisting chiefly of participant observation and on the consultation of relevant academic literature, this paper evaluates the potentially problematic nature of BFS ritual performers’ rune use and related behaviours by analysing the intentions that underlie their actions, the consequences that have resulted from them, and the historical interaction of runes, ethnonationalism, and the occult that has shaped perceptions of runic meaning among those who use runes in modern times.
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31

Bondar, Igor. "The runic inscription of the new zoomorphic amulet of Scandinavian jewelry traditions of the early Middle Ages, originating from the Middle Dniester of Republic of Moldova." Scandinavian Philology 20, no. 1 (2022): 150–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu21.2022.110.

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The present study focuses on the decipherment and interpretation of the unique runic inscription carved on the zoomorphic pendant of Scandinavian jewelry traditions. The new Scandinavian zoomorphic pendant of 10th century, originating from the region of Middle Dniester, Republic of Moldova. The graffito and amulet have no direct analogies. In the research paper the runic inscription is interpreted as the protection magical spell. The runic inscription is based on the ideographic runes of the Elder and the Younger Futhark. The runic inscription of a similar nature with this combination of graphemes has not yet been known in runology, and is first encountered. The inscription made in Scandinavian runes is the first discovery of a runic inscription in Republic of Moldova and the same time is the first written evidence of the presence of the Vikings in the Dniester-Prut Region. The research methodology is based on a comparison of the runic formula of the zoomorphic amulet inscription with the known analogies of the runic formulas inscribed on various artifacts of ancient German material culture. As much as the inscription contains archaic runes of the Elder Futhark and runes of the Younger Futhark, the study used the approach of identifying the semantic load of the runes used as ideograms with the meaning of their own names. In the present research paper, the retrospective method is used in the most famous examples of Scandinavian runes of the Elder and Younger Futhark as ideograms in the described runic inscriptions of the amulet and incantation character. The comparative method is also applied between compare runes as ideograms of the present inscription and the same runes as ideograms in the other cases of use in the similar or analogical context. Comparative and retrospective methods are also applied in the search for analogies of the use of runes in the meaning of own names in mixed inscriptions made by means of a combinations of older and younger runes. The study widely involved a significant amount of scientific work in the field of methodology of reading and interpreting runic inscriptions of famous runologists of 20th and 21st centuries. In scientific work were used ancient German literary sources, such as: Old Norse, Old Icelandic and Anglo-Saxon runic poems, Old Icelandic sagas about the gods and heroes of the Elder Edda and materials from written sources of the 11th–13th centuries were examined in detail and compared in the context of “magic runes” and mythopoeic concepts in mithological considerations. The archaeological context of this research includes both a comprehensive description of the most unique amulet, and the general layer of the most significant finds of the Viking Age and traces of the Scandinavian cultural presence in the Slavic and Old Russian world of the early Middle Ages in the area of the Dniester-Prut interfluve of present-day territory of Moldova.
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32

Waxenberger, Gaby. "A New Runic Character on the Sedgeford Runic Handle/Ladle: Sound-Value Wanted." Anglia 135, no. 4 (November 10, 2017): 627–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ang-2017-0065.

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AbstractA new runic inscription was found in 2017. The object could be a handle of a ladle or spoon from Sedgeford, Norfolk. The tentative date of the object ranges from the 8th to the 10th century. The inscription consists of a cross and eight characters, seven of which are clearly runes, but the second character of the sequence is problematic. Although the inscription has no diagnostic rune identifying it as being written in the Old English fuþorc, there is no doubt that the language of the text is Old English. The inscription represents the Old English male personal name B[.]rnferþ. After an overview of the inscription and the runes, and a graph-typological description of character 2, I have attempted to analyze possible phoneme-grapheme relations of Graph 2, assigning the possible readings to certain dialect areas.
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33

RORTY, AMELIE OKSENBERG. "Runes and Ruins: teaching reading cultures." Journal of Philosophy of Education 29, no. 2 (July 1995): 217–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9752.1995.tb00355.x.

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34

Birkett, T. "Runes and revelatio: Cynewulf's Signatures Reconsidered." Review of English Studies 65, no. 272 (April 16, 2014): 771–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgu027.

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35

Pakis, Valentine A. "Michael P. Barnes. Runes: A Handbook." Anglia 131, no. 1 (April 2013): 163–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/anglia-2013-0012.

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36

Antonsen, Elmer H. "RUNES AND ROMANS ON THE RHINE." AMSTERDAMER BEITRÄGE ZUR ÄLTEREN GERMANISTIK 45, no. 1 (November 17, 1996): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18756719-045-01-90000004.

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37

Ross, Margaret Clunies. "Runes: an introduction (review)." Parergon 8, no. 2 (1990): 136–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.1990.0004.

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38

Kim, Mikyung. "A research on Odin, Creator of runes." Hesse-Forschung 44 (December 30, 2020): 163–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31133/hf.2020.12.44.163.

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39

Dillmann, François-Xavier. "La connaissance des runes dans l’Islande ancienne." Comptes-rendus des séances de l année - Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres 153, no. 1 (2009): 241–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/crai.2009.92463.

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40

Nedoma, R. "ANTONSEN, E. H.: Runes and Germanic Linguistics." Kratylos 51, no. 1 (2006): 167–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.29091/kratylos/2006/1/22.

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41

Simms, Douglas P. A. "Exeter BookRiddle 19: Its Runes and Transmission." Notes and Queries 63, no. 3 (September 2016): 351–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/notesj/gjw133.

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42

Crawford, Jackson. "Runes: A Handbook by Michael P. Barnes." Comitatus: A Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 44, no. 1 (2013): 231–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cjm.2013.0067.

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43

Nielsen, Hans Frede. "Elmer H. Antonsen, Runes and Germanic Linguistics." NOWELE Volume 42 (March 2003) 42 (March 1, 2003): 115–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/nowele.42.07nie.

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44

Schulte, Michael. "Review of Barnes (2012): Runes. A Handbook." NOWELE / North-Western European Language Evolution 67, no. 2 (July 21, 2014): 257–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/nowele.67.2.08sch.

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45

Page, Ray I. "ON THE BAFFLING NATURE OF FRISIAN RUNES." AMSTERDAMER BEITRÄGE ZUR ÄLTEREN GERMANISTIK 45, no. 1 (November 17, 1996): 131–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18756719-045-01-90000014.

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46

Forceville, Charles. "Pictorial runes in Tintin and the Picaros." Journal of Pragmatics 43, no. 3 (February 2011): 875–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pragma.2010.07.014.

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47

Antonsen, Elmer H. "Runes and their Secrets: Studies in Runology." Journal of English and Germanic Philology 107, no. 3 (July 1, 2008): 367–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20722639.

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48

Falck, Eirill Alvilde. "Runes on Stone, Wood, Metal, and Bone." Hopkins Review 17, no. 3 (June 2024): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/thr.2024.a933366.

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49

Fischer, Svante, Martin Hannes Graf, Carole Fossurier, Madeleine Châtelet, and Jean Soulat. "An Inscribed Silver Spoon from Ichtratzheim (Bas-Rhin)." Journal of Archaeology and Ancient History, no. 11 (February 13, 2023): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.33063/jaah.vi11.134.

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This article presents a Merovingian Period silver spoon that was recently discovered in an opulent female chamber grave in the “Niederfeld” row grave cemetery of Ichtratzheim (Bas-Rhin). The spoon has no less than three different inscriptions, one in seriffed Latin capitals and two in runes. The first contains a Latin male personal name, Matteus, the second a previously unattested runic lapela ‘spoon’, and the third a sequence abuda, presumably a female personal name. This makes it the second known example of an inscribed object with both runes and Latin from Merovingian Period Gaul. From a runological perspective, this is one of the most important discoveries in recent times because it contains the oldest known case of a linguistically meaningful runic inscription using the rare p-rune and some very archaic linguistic forms. From an archaeological perspective, this is one of the richest known Merovingian Period female burials in Alsace, and it is very likely that the buried woman may have been a leading member of the local elite.
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50

Schwink, Frederick W. "A typology of manuscript evidence for the runes." Mankind Quarterly 31, no. 3 (1991): 195–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.46469/mq.1991.31.3.1.

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