Journal articles on the topic 'Rugby football coaches'

Research has demonstrated the potential importance of transformational leadership and perceived effectiveness of sport coaches for athlete development. Further, coach/athlete gender and athlete sport experience may influence athletes’ perceptions of their coach’s effectiveness. Researchers to date have not investigated the potential impact of coach/athlete gender and athlete sport experience on athletes’ perceptions of their coach’s transformational leadership, or replicated the findings of Kavussanu et. al. (2008). Thus, this research explored the coaching efficacy model and transformational leadership theory as were the guiding frameworks. Male (n = 150) and female (n = 147) athletes from team (football [n = 49], hockey [n = 53], rugby [n = 51]) and individual (badminton [n = 50], swimming [n = 45], gymnastics [n = 49]) sports completed the coaching effectiveness scale and the differentiated transformational leadership inventory. Multiple regression analyses revealed (a) athlete sport experience did not predict athletes’ perceptions of coach effectiveness or transformational leadership, (b) female athletes perceived their coaches to be more effective on all dimensions of coach effectiveness and higher on all dimensions of transformational leadership than male athletes, and (c) coaches were perceived more effective in motivation effectiveness and higher on all dimensions of transformational leadership when they were of the opposite gender to athletes than when gender matched between coach and athlete. In conclusion, coach and athlete gender may have important implications for athletes’ perceptions of transformational leadership and coach effectiveness in team and individual sports.

Using a cross-sectional survey concussion knowledge was evaluated among forty university-level athletes (n = 20, rugby union players; n = 20, Gaelic football players) and eight experienced team coaches (n = 2, rugby union; n = 2, Gaelic football; n = 1, soccer; n = 1, hockey; n = 1, netball; n = 1, basketball). Levels of knowledge of concussion were high across all participants. Coaches had higher knowledge scores for almost all areas; however, there was evidence of important gaps even in this group. Knowledge was not sufficient in identifying concussion, and when it is safe to return to play following a concussion. Impaired knowledge of how to recognise a concussion, and misunderstanding the need for rest and rehabilitation before return to play presents a hazard to health from second impact and more catastrophic brain injury. We discuss reasons for these guideline misconceptions, and suggest that attitude issues on the significance of concussion may underlie a willingness to want to play with a concussion. This suggests the current education on sport-related concussion needs to be expanded for the appropriate management of university-level contact sports.

This study sought to analyse the lived experiences of so-called “fast-tracked” coaches from men’s association football and rugby union by seeking to understand how these individuals prepared for and then transitioned into a post-athletic coaching career. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 13 male coaches. All participants were former elite athletes and had followed a fast-tracked pathway into their current post-athletic coaching roles. Participants were based in England and had retired from an athletic career within 12 months of being interviewed. Two general categories of “active” and “passive” coach pathways were identified for the career trajectory. Active coaches purposefully prepared for a coaching career during their athletic careers, whereas passive coaches did not. Passive coaches’ decisions to become a coach were often reactive and made after retiring from a competitive athletic career. Results indicate that only the career trajectory of passive coaches reflects a fast-track pathway. None of the active or passive coaches negotiated any formalised recruitment processes into their first post-athletic coaching roles. The suggestion is that prejudicial recruitment practices are enacted by senior club management which creates a homogenous coaching workforce. This furthers the need for greater governance of high-performance coach recruitment within England for these sports.

Athlete leadership groups (ALGs) are a widely used yet under researched approach to leadership in professional sports teams. Athlete Leadership Groups (ALGs) represent a shared athlete leadership model whereby a small group of players are selected as athlete leaders and appointed to a formal ‘leadership group’ (i.e., an ALG) that shares team leadership responsibilities with the coach. Although athlete leadership has been linked to improved team outcomes, inadequately trained athlete leaders can have a detrimental effect on team functioning and performance. The aim of this study was to provide coach and athlete leader’s perceptions of the development opportunities that have been afforded to players to prepare them for their role in an ALG. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 16 head coaches and 14 players from leadership groups drawn from 17 teams across four professional football leagues (i.e., Super Rugby, National Rugby League, A League and Australian Football League) in Australia and New Zealand. Results illustrate that athlete leaders benefit from developing enhanced understanding of leadership as a multidimensional relational process, recognising various leadership styles, preferences, and how to leverage their influence with teammates. However, it is evident this theoretical knowledge alone is insufficient to equip players for a professional team ALG role. Players need opportunities to practice their developing leadership skills in authentic and appropriately challenging situations with support and facilitation. Findings point to the importance of systematic, individually tailored leadership development that includes scaffolded, structured experiential learning and meaningful interactions with other successful high-performance leaders. Further, this study reinforces the value of guided reflective practice in leadership development and how this process can enhance learning and transfer from leadership development initiatives. Finally, this study adds weight to calls from other researchers for coaches to be consistently intentional in employing leadership development strategies.

This article is in view of the special trainer which depends on the technology of Scrum rugby movement. It makes training quantified and combines training and monitoring. In close coordination with the coaches, it successfully develops rugby Scrum special strength training of test equipment by combing movement biology mechanics, mechanical design and manufacturing, computer technology, human body engineering and other professional technology. By Real-time observation of athletes technical action of various forces when doing Scrum, it can achieve real-time monitoring, diagnosis, and correction of Scrum training action, in order to achieve Scrum techniques of quantitative and refined training, and to improve football Scrum a better effect. The developed Scrum special training can be used not only in training and scientific research, but can be used in normal training and rehabilitation training.

Abstract This paper presents the study about technological involvement in game coaching. Attending multiple players with their performance and accuracy level checking is not feasible for coaches every time. Self-paced training sessions or self-learning methods are invented by different researchers & identify multiple games or the gaming apparatuses for different level automation. Methods used for analysis purpose & described the smart cricket ball & its circuit diagram. Tracking technology that are used in cricket, tennis, Gaelic football, badminton, hurling, rugby union, association football & volleyball, to visually track the trajectory of the ball, Centre of Percussion (COP) in cricket, Accelerometer & Swing angle model. Provides a systematic literature review of smart sport & various methods i.e, SVM, CART, ML, AI, CNN, SVM, ORB, SIFT & SURF. Lastly, future directions of research are proposed in the emerging field of SST.

Social, cultural, and historical constraints can influence attitudes towards learning, developing, and performing in sport. A recent conceptualization of these environmental constraints in athlete development pathways is a form of life, which describes the values, beliefs, traditions, customs, and behaviors that contribute to an athlete’s development. Although a form of life can have a powerful influence on athlete development, research exploring this relationship is limited. In this article we explore the form of life in British rugby league football player development contexts to clarify how social, cultural, and historical constraints influence the development of rugby league players in the United Kingdom. Twenty-four coaches were interviewed through individual semi-structured interviews to collect the data. Findings show how forms of life in rugby league player development pathways are established and maintained by the complex interactions between the microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, and macrosystem that shape and guide the development of players. We recommend that player development pathways in sport underpin practice with a theoretical framework of the learning process to protect athletes from social, cultural, and historical constraints that are not conducive to their development.

The frequency and nature of sports injuries depend primarily on the specific sport that an individual play. In this article we review systematic reviews to identify and highlight the most prevalent injuries in basketball, football, volleyball, ice hockey, rugby, and handball. We collected data on the prevalence rates of the most common injuries across these sports, revealing that the most common injuries are lateral ankle sprains, concussions, hamstring strains, quadriceps strains, and various internal knee derangements. Notably, the majority of these injuries affect the lower extremities, which are under the most stress during athletic activities. We also provide insights into preventive measures for the three most common injuries. This compilation of data from different sports will prove valuable to kinesiologists, coaches, and sports professionals, helping them to develop comprehensive training programs aimed at preventing injury and improving overall athletic performance.

Abstract No industry has influenced the transformation of the Australian Football League (AFL) into a professional, commercial business more than the media. Today, the AFL players are paid more than ever and are used as marketing tools to promote and sell the game, often to new fans in new markets of Australia - namely New South Wales and Queensland - who haven’t traditionally played Australian Football, preferring the rugby codes instead. But perhaps the biggest change in the AFL is that the play element is now used as function of business. Put simply, winning leads to more money. As such, the play element is now manipulated more than ever. The game has more coaches implementing more tactics, strategies, game plans and set plays than ever before. These changes can be linked back to the media’s influence on the game. This paper utilises the combined observations and theories of Johan Huizinga and Pierre Bourdieu to create a theoretical lens through which we can understand the media’s growing influence in sport and its impact on play’s transformation. The theory will then be expounded through an extensive analysis of the media’s influence in the AFL, particularly its play element. This analysis will be supported with insights and views from AFL fans, members, commentators and theorists.

Background: Rugby is a popular team sport and due to its contactnature carries a relatively high potential for injury, includingconcussion. Moreover, it is estimated that as much as 50% ofconcussions are not reported due to a variety of reasons, includingnot considering the injury to be sufficiently serious or not wantingto miss game time.Objectives: The aim of this brief review was to investigate andsummarise current best practice for on-field identification andon-field management of concussion in amateur rugby.Methods: PubMed and ClinicalKey were searched betweenSeptember and December 2014 for articles in the five yearspreceding the search dates. The latest versions of the ConsensusStatement for Concussion in Sports and World Rugby’s concussionguidelines were also consulted.Results: Based on this search strategy, eight systematic reviews,one physician information article and four patient guidelineswere investigated. Four reviews specifically described an “actionplan” for on-field evaluation and management. Education of keystakeholders could reduce the number of unreported concussions.Once identified or suspected, concussions should be managedaccording to best practice procedures, which include removingthe player from play immediately and consulting a medical doctor.If a medical doctor is not immediately available on the field toolssuch as the BokSmart on-field pocket “Concussion Guide”, andWorld Rugby’s “Pocket Concussion Recognition Tool”, are freelyavailable online.Conclusion: Stakeholder education (including players, parents,teachers, coaches, referees, spouses) on both the on-fieldidentification and management of concussions could reduceunder-reporting and improve the overall management ofconcussed rugby players.Keywords: injury prevention, injury management, head injury,football

Children aged 5 – 14 years Fitness level profile in Jakarta Timur, this research aims to determine the extent to which fitness level children age range 5 till 14 years old in Jakarta Timur. This research using a test and non test techniques with the survey method. A collection for the sample using a proportionate stratified random sampling techniques. As many as 121 children as sample. Tested using a MFT (Multistage Fitness Test) The multi-stage fitness test, also known as the bleep test, beep test, pacer test, Leger-test or 20-m shuttle run test, is a series of stages that have different tasks sometimes used by sports coaches and trainers to estimate an athlete’s VO2 max(maximum oxygen uptake). The pacer test is “progressive aerobic cardiovascular endurance test”. The test is especially useful for players of sports such as rugby, football, Australian rules football, Gaelic football, hurling, hockey, netball, handball,tennis, squash, and fitness testing in schools and colleges plus many other sports; employed by many international sporting teams as an accurate test of cardiovascular fitness, one of the more important components of Fitness. The existing data then processed and analyzed with a statistic deskriptif techniques. From measurements made it can be concluded that in general a children fitness level has a high point category, the district who has a high fitness level points in sub-district Makasar with ratio 31.98 points, and a lowest fitness level points located in sub-district Duren Sawit with 22.42 level points ratio. The survey result revealed is physical fitness related to a good activity perform and it will to conduce a better fitness level. Level of fitness predispose a learning achievement and all of activities who nature playing and requires a lot of energy because a children growth aged 5 – 14 years is phase of motor development and when directed with a better programe it will be a good potension in future.

Abstract Objective Our previous research indicated that athletes scoring high in competitiveness were less likely to report sports-related concussion symptoms and withdraw from the game. The present study examined whether athletes’ desire to succeed (competitiveness motive), win (win orientation), and achieve personal goals (goal orientation) were related to the age of players. Method Participants included 161 athletes, ages 14–32 (M = 17.6 years; 33.2% female), recruited from a mid-sized Canadian city participating in low (rowing), moderate (soccer) and high (hockey, rugby, football) contact sports. Confirmatory factor analysis was first used to evaluate the structure of the Sports Orientation Questionnaire. Then, using SEM, athletes’ competitiveness, goal orientation, and win orientation were predicted by age. Results High internal consistency was obtained within each factor (.84–.93). The model demonstrated suboptimal fit for this sample (CFI = .84; χ2f/df ratio = 2.02; RMSEA = .087; 90% CI: .077–.097). All factors were significantly related to age, indicating that athletes’ desire to succeed (competitiveness motive; β = .18, p = .009), achieve personal goals (goal orientation; β = .26, p = .007), and win (win orientation; β = .30, p = .000) increases with age. Conclusion The small positive association between age and competitiveness, win, and goal orientation indicates that older athletes are more competitive than younger athletes. Given that competitiveness predicts athletes’ intention to report a concussion, clinicians and coaches should pay particular attention to senior athletes who demonstrate high levels of general competitiveness and who are driven by the desire to win and achieve personal goals. Therefore, interventions targeting the barriers to reporting concussions should evaluate subco.

The island of Ireland is quite unique in its dynamic due, in part, to the geographical and political separation between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. Historically, the Island of Ireland had one governing body for association football. Currently, the Irish Football Association (IFA) governs Northern Ireland while the Football Association of Ireland (FAI) governs the Republic of Ireland in the south. Interestingly, not all sports (e.g., Irish Rugby Football Union) on the Island of Ireland have separate Governing Bodies. This paper provides a brief historical overview of this separation between the FAI and IFA. Following this, we explore the history of coach education in the FAI and an overview of the FAI Player Development Plan. Then, we explore how coach education was, and is currently, structured with particular focus on recent improvements in terms of how coach education courses are delivered and assessed. The final section provides a brief overview of the future of coach education within the FAI.

AbstractBackground/aims Athletes who choose to engage in contact sports do so with the knowledge that participation will bring pain in the form of contact with others, injury, and from exertion. Whilst athletes who play contact sports have been shown to have higher pain tolerance than those who do not, it is unclear whether this is a result of habituation over time, or as a result of individual differences at the outset. The aim was to compare pain responses over an athletic season in athletes who participated in contact sport and those who disengaged from it.Methods One hundred and two new contact athletes completed measures of cold and ischaemic pain tolerance, perceived pain intensity, pain bothersomeness, pain coping styles and attendance at the start, middle (4 months) and end (8 months) of their season. The athletes were drawn from martial arts, rugby and American football. Cluster analysis placed 47 athletes into a participating category and 55 into a non-participating cluster.ResultsParticipating athletes had higher ischaemic pain tolerance at the start (r = 0.27, p = 0.05), middle (r = 0.41, p < 0.0001) and end of the season (r = 0.57, p < 0.0001) compared to non-participating athletes. In addition participating athletes were more tolerant to cold pain at the end of the season (r = 0.39, p < 0.0001), compared to non-participating athletes. Participating athletes also exhibited higher direct coping, catastrophized less about injury pain and also found contact pain to be less bothersome physically and psychologically compared to non-participating athletes. Participating athletes were more tolerant of ischaemic pain at the end of the season compared to the start (r = 0.28, p = 0.04). Conversely nonparticipating athletes became significantly less tolerant to both pain stimuli by the end of the season (cold pressor; r = 0.54, p < 0.0001; ischaemia; r = 0.43, p = 0.006). Pain intensity as measured by a visual analogue scale did not change over the season for both groups.Conclusions Those who cease participation in contact sports become less pain tolerant of experimental pain, possibly a result of catastrophizing. The results suggest that athletes who commit to contact sports find pain less bothersome over time, possibly as a result of experience and learning to cope with pain. Athletes who continue to participate in contact sports have a higher pain tolerance, report less bothersomeness and have higher direct coping than those who drop out. In addition, tolerance to ischaemic pain increased over the season for participating athletes.ImplicationsHaving a low pain tolerance should not prevent athletes from taking part in contact sports, as pain becomes less bothersome in athletes who adhere to such activities. Participating in contact sports may result in maintained cold pain tolerance, increased ischaemic pain tolerance, reduced catastrophizing and better coping skills. Coaches can therefore work with athletes to develop pain coping strategies to aid adherence to contact sports.

The paper focuses on the comparative analysis of the methods of linguistic representation of the dominant constituent “Participants” which is a part of a sporting event cognitive model. The fragments of the English discourse covering football, tennis and rugby matches in the form of match reviews were analyzed. The authors applied the methods of critical discourse analysis, semantic and quantitative analysis as well as the classification method in the framework of content analysis. In order to prove the dominant character of the analyzed situation component the notion of nominative density (the variation in linguistic representation) was used. The conducted research demonstrates the dominant character of the constituent “Participants”; different methods of the representation of a sports event participants are singled out, including the use of the full name of the team, its reduced version and team`s nickname, references to coach`s or manager`s name in a possessive case, the use of lexical units with generalizing meaning such as team, pack and words with the connotation “locals-strangers” (homeside, visitors, etc.), the mention of individual players` names, their function in the team and some additional characteristics (for instance, experience, achievements, age, nationality). Each of the representation methods listed is illustrated with the relevant examples. The comparative analysis demonstrated that discoursive fragments taken from the sphere of football and rugby possess a large number of common features in the representation of the analyzed constituent of a cognitive model, which mostly emphasize the team`s essence as a whole, while in the discoursive fragments related to tennis the sportsperson`s personality with all their characteristics gains greater significance.

Background: Previous research has described general injury patterns in community-level rugby union, but specific information on time-loss head injuries has not been reported. Purpose: To establish the incidence and nature of significant time-loss head injuries in English community rugby match play, and to identify the injury risk for specific contact events. Study Design: Descriptive epidemiology study. Methods: Over 6 seasons, injury information was collected from 46 (2009-2010), 67 (2010-2011), 76 (2011-2012), 50 (2012-2013), 67 (2013-2014), and 58 (2014-2015) English community rugby clubs (Rugby Football Union levels 3-9) over a total of 175,940 hours of player match exposure. Club injury management staff reported information for all head injuries sustained during match play whereby the player was absent for 8 days or greater. Clubs were subdivided into semiprofessional (mean player age, 24.6 ± 4.7 years), amateur (24.9 ± 5.1 years), and recreational (25.6 ± 6.1 years) playing levels. Contact events from a sample of 30 matches filmed over seasons 2009-2010, 2010-2011, and 2011-2012 provided mean values for the frequency of contact events. Results: The overall incidence for time-loss head injuries was 2.43 injuries per 1000 player match hours, with a higher incidence for the amateur (2.78; 95% CI, 2.37-3.20) compared with recreational (2.20; 95% CI, 1.86-2.53) ( P = .032) playing level but not different to the semiprofessional (2.31; 95% CI, 1.83-2.79) playing level. Concussion was the most common time-loss head injury, with 1.46 per 1000 player match hours. The tackle event was associated with 64% of all head injuries and 74% of all concussions. There was also a higher risk of injuries per tackle (0.33 per 1000 events; 95% CI, 0.30-0.37) compared with all other contact events. Conclusion: Concussion was the most common head injury diagnosis, although it is likely that this injury was underreported. Continuing education programs for medical staff and players are essential for the improved identification and management of these injuries. With the majority of head injuries occurring during a tackle, an improved technique in this contact event through coach and player education may be effective in reducing these injuries.

In this paper, we present an improvement non-parametric background modeling and foreground segmentation. This method is important; it gives the hand to check many states kept by each background pixel. In other words, generates the historic for each pixel, indeed on certain computer vision applications the background can be dynamic; several intensities were projected on the same pixel. This paper describe a novel approach which integrate both Singular Value Decomposition (SVD) of each image to increase the compactness density distribution and hybrid color space suitable to this case constituted by the three relevant chromatics levels deduced by histogram analysis. In fact the proposed technique presents the efficiency of SVD and color information to subtract background pixels corresponding to shadows pixels. This method has been applied on colour images issued from soccer video. In the other hand to achieve some statistics information about players ongoing of the match (football, handball, volley ball, Rugby...) as well as to refine their strategy coach and leaders need to have a maximum of technical-tactics information. For this reason it is prominent to elaborate an algorithm detecting automatically interests color regions (players) and solve the confusion problem between background and foreground every moment from images sequence.

EFFECT OF PENALTY MINUTE RULE CHANGE ON INJURIES AND GAME DISQUALIFICATION PENALTIES IN HIGH SCHOOL ICE HOCKEY Background: Ice hockey has experienced a 44% increase in participation among 6 to 17-year-old players from 2009-2014 in the United States. Body checking remains legal among male youths at bantam through junior levels and in high school (HS) hockey. In the U.S., nearly 45,000 players (35,210 boys and 9,599 girls) participate in HS ice hockey, with ˜12,000 players 19 years and younger seeking care in emergency departments (ED) for ice hockey-related injuries annually. Recent efforts have focused on reducing dangerous hits and fighting at all levels of ice hockey. Rule changes such as Fair Play have proven successful in reducing injury risk, but have not been widely implemented at state, regional, or national levels. The purpose of our study was to determine the effect of a penalty minute (PIM) rule change in HS boys’ ice hockey on injuries and game disqualification penalties. Methods: Retrospective cohort study. Injury data were collected from 2 hospital systems in Rhode Island (RI), and game/penalty data were collected through the RI Hockey Coaches Association website. Participants included HS boys’ hockey varsity players ages 13-19 years presenting to 5 RI hospital emergency departments (ED) for hockey-related injuries during 6 seasons (December 2012 to April 2018). Rule change for 2015-16 season implemented varying suspensions for players accumulating = 50 PIM and = 70 PIM during regular season and playoffs. Injuries were classified as body checking-related or non-body checking related, and injury rates pre- vs. post-rule change were compared using the Cochran-Mantel-Haenszel Chi-square test. Multivariable logistic regression was used to derive odds ratios. A sample of 18,000 emergency department visits prior to the rule change and 18,000 emergency department visits after the rule change provides over 90% power to detect a 15% reduction in the odds of sustaining body checking injury requiring ED visit, assuming a body checking ED injury rate of 5% prior to the rule change, a correlation between study period ED visit rates of 0.5, and a two-sided alpha level of 0.05. Power analyses were performed in nQuery Advisor version 8.2.0 (Statistical Solutions Ltd., Cork, Ireland). Results: During the study period, a total of 1,762 boys’ HS varsity hockey games were played. Of 134 HS varsity game-related injuries presenting to the ED, 82 (61.2%) were attributable to body checking. Most (67.2%) injured players presented to Level I trauma centers, while 17.2% received transport by Emergency Medical Services. Regarding injury severity, 97.8% of injuries were non-catastrophic, while 2.2% were categorized as catastrophic serious (1 type 3 C2 dens fracture, non-displaced; 2 splenic lacerations, 1 requiring splenectomy). Three catastrophic serious injuries occurred, two of which occurred post-rule change (both splenic lacerations). The penalty minute rule change was associated with a significant reduction in all injuries (OR 0.55; 95% CI, 0.35-0.86; P = 0.008), concussion/closed head injury (OR 0.44; 95% CI, 0.23-0.85; P = 0.012), and concussion/closed head injury and upper body injury combined (OR 0.50; 95% CI, 0.31-0.80: P = 0.003). Game disqualification penalties per season were not significantly reduced following the rule change, occurring in 5.2% of games before and 4.4% of games after the rule change (OR 0.84; 95% CI, 0.54 – 1.31; P = 0.440). Conclusion/Significance: Implementation of a statewide PIM restriction rule change effectively reduced the mean number of game-related injuries per season in HS boys’ hockey varsity players. To our knowledge, this is the first study to demonstrate a statistically significant reduction in concussion/closed head injury following implementation of a Fair Play rule change at any level of ice hockey. Despite implementation of strategies to reduce intent-to-harm hits in recent years, the potential for serious head, neck, and spinal injury remains in high school boys’ ice hockey as body checking remains legal. Current opinion among sports medicine experts remains that rule changes designed to reduce injury risk are among the most effective ways to decrease traumatic injuries such as concussion. Rule changes in collision sports can effectively mitigate injury risk without fundamentally changing the sport. Implementation of PIM rule change in HS boys’ ice hockey in other states/provinces would allow assessment of significance of rule mandate as it relates to injury reduction. Future research utilizing prospective, longitudinal study designs and data collection by certified athletic trainers can provide state high school associations and other governing bodies of sport essential data to develop policy changes targeting injury reduction. Our study design could be extrapolated to other high school collision sports such as football, lacrosse, and rugby to determine the effects of rule change on collision sport injury rates. [Table: see text][Table: see text][Table: see text][Table: see text][Figure: see text]

IntroductionImproving physical activity (PA) and healthy eating is critical for primary and secondary prevention of cardiovascular disease (CVD). Behaviour change programmes delivered in sporting clubs can engage men in health behaviour change, but are rarely sustained or scaled-up post trial. Following the success of pilot studies of the Australian Fans in Training (Aussie-FIT) programme, a hybrid effectiveness–implementation trial protocol was developed. This protocol outlines methods to: (1) establish if Aussie-FIT is effective at supporting men with or at risk of CVD to sustain improvements in moderate-to-vigorous PA (primary outcome), diet and physical and psychological health and (2) examine the feasibility and utility of implementation strategies to support programme adoption, implementation and sustainment.Methods and analysisA pragmatic multistate/territory hybrid type 2 effectiveness–implementation parallel group randomised controlled trial with a 6-month wait list control arm in Australia. 320 men aged 35–75 years with or at risk of CVD will be recruited. Aussie-FIT involves 12 weekly face-to-face sessions including coach-led interactive education workshops and PA delivered in Australian Football League (Western Australia, Northern Territory) and rugby (Queensland) sports club settings. Follow-up measures will be at 3 and 6 months (both groups) and at 12 months to assess maintenance (intervention group only). Implementation outcomes will be reported using the Reach, Effectiveness, Adoption, Implementation, Maintenance framework.Ethics and disseminationThis multisite study has been approved by the lead ethics committees in the lead site’s jurisdiction, the South Metropolitan Health Service Human Research Ethics Committee (Reference RGS4254) and the West Australian Aboriginal Health Ethics Committee (HREC1221). Findings will be disseminated at academic conferences, peer-reviewed journals and via presentations and reports to stakeholders, including consumers. Findings will inform a blueprint to support the sustainment and scale-up of Aussie-FIT across diverse Australian settings and populations to benefit men’s health.Trial registration numberThis trial is registered with the Australian New Zealand Clinical Trials Registry (ACTRN12623000437662).

The coach–athlete dyad is complex where both parties can often have contrasting perceptions of each other. The purpose of this research was to examine coaching behaviors and perceptions of the coach–athlete relationship across different age grades of rugby football union. Coaches (n = 5) and athletes (n = 78) from three separate rugby union teams (Child, Adolescent, and Adult) had their training sessions (n = 3) analyzed using the Coach Analysis and Intervention System. Athlete perceptions of their coaches’ behaviors were measured via the Coaching Behavior Scale for Sport, while coach perceptions of their relationship with their athletes were measured using the Coach–Athlete Relationship Questionnaire. Prescriptive coaching styles were observed in all coaches as Coach Analysis and Intervention System results showed high levels of explicit behaviors: “instruction,” “direct management,” and “feedback.” All coaches utilized similar time proportions within sessions for Coach Analysis and Intervention System “Practice,” “Playing,” and “Management” states, respectively. Questionnaire results revealed positive perceptions between coaches and athletes for all teams. Despite positive bidirectional relationships, the prescriptive coaching style displayed by all coaches may not align to best coaching practice. Development of a coach’s behaviors, training content, and perceptions through coach education has the potential to enhance their athletes’ sporting experience, athletic development, and sport-specific competencies.

The aim of this study was to explore the perspectives of elite professional football coaches when their team has experienced a “losing streak” of at least three consecutive matches. Semistructured interviews were conducted with 12 elite coaches from the National Rugby League, Australian Football League, and Super Rugby or international-level Rugby Union. Reflexive thematic analysis resulted in the development of six themes, which were organized under a practical three-phase framework. The “pre” phase included (a) team environment; the “during” phase included (b) context of the streak influences strategy, (c) coach approach with the team, (d) disruption in the team dynamic, (e) the coaches’ personal response; and the “post” phase included (f) poststreak reflection. These coaches encountered complex multifactorial contextual situations, which required them to accurately assess the underlying issues that were causing failure and decide on a leadership approach that would reverse underperformance. Overall, these findings contribute to a deeper understanding of the temporal dimension of coaches’ approaches to losing streaks and highlight the critical process involved in establishing a team environment capable of responding with positive individual and collective cognitive and behavioral responses following successive losses.

The purpose of this research was to evaluate the implementation of the novel Irish Rugby Football Union Coach Education Framework (CEF) on coach–athlete interactions and perceptions. Participants were coaches (n = 4) and athletes (n = 54) from two rugby union teams. Coaches were observed pre-intervention and post-intervention of an education workshop based on the CEF and had nine training sessions video-recorded and analysed using the Coach Analysis and Intervention System (CAIS). Their perceptions of their relationship with their athletes were measured using the Coach–Athlete Relationship Questionnaire (CART-Q). Athlete perceptions of their coaches’ behaviours were measured using the Coaching Behaviour Scale for Sport (CBS-S). CAIS results revealed coaches increased the use of ‘Management’ and ‘Feedback’ behaviours ( p < 0.05) post-CEF, without altering prominent high-volume behaviours (e.g. ‘Instruction’). Coaches utilised similar time proportions for CAIS ‘Practice’, ‘Playing’ and ‘Management’ states, respectively, with no significant change post-CEF. CART-Q and CBS-S results revealed predominantly positive perceptions between coaches and athletes for both pre-CEF and post-CEF. Coach education is a non-linear learning process requiring consistent application over long periods of time, however, the alteration in coach behaviours post-CEF, coupled with the largely positive perceptions of both agents of the coach–athlete dyad, is an encouraging step forward for the further implementation of the CEF.

Tactical Periodisation is a training methodology, originally developed for soccer, that focuses primarily on the systems of play that a team intends to use in competition. It has been popularised by successful European coaches and subsequently has been proposed as a model to follow for other sports such as rugby union and tennis in more recent times. Gaelic football is an amateur sport that has similarities to soccer and rugby union. To date no training periodisation model has been proposed for Gaelic football. The aim of this article was to present a Tactical Periodisation model for Gaelic football, taking the sport’s game structure, physical and technical demands and amateur status into account.

Purpose: Speed training is an essential and important part of rugby. Usually in confrontational events, strength will have a powerful effect, but good speed will be more than that plus works. Rugby speed drills can be complex or simple things that coaches choose. To the best of the speed required depends on the position, but every player on the field can be trained to get faster. Methods: Through the literature method, logic analysis and other related analysis of sports biomechanics of speed training in football, in order to provide some theoretical basis and reasonable suggestions for speed training, to improve the efficiency of speed training in football to make a contribution. Result: One of the most common scenes in football is when players speed up and slow down over and over again. Acceleration on the field can take many forms. Acceleration relies more on the quads and running at top speed relies more on the hamstrings and hip flexors. Acceleration depends on the strength of the buttocks, quadriceps, calves, and upper body (especially the anterior deltoid tract). Absolute strength, relative strength and running technique are also important. The process of deceleration is accomplished through centrifugal contraction of the legs, which creates the muscle elasticity to counter and mitigate impact and is a key element in the ability of athletes to perform rapid deceleration. To cushion such an impact, explosive force is absolutely essential, and the knee and hip joints also require a certain amount of flexion to effectively cushion the impact, a movement similar to the landing technique. But in actual speed training situations, a different scenario can occur, and many coaches directly relate disadvantage factors. Conclusion: First, speed training programs must be designed to meet the bioenergetic and biomechanical requirements encountered by athletes during competition and practice. Each position on the field needs to differentiate the composition of the training load to meet the different requirements that these players must meet during the game. Secondly, we should closely monitor the amount and time of speed training according to the actual situation and focus on the recovery of the body. Coaches should avoid the urge to rush, as athletes may practice incorrect sports biomechanics when they are tired. Finally, the coach should analyze the limiting factors of the disadvantageous elements, train the limiting factors of plasticity, and finally achieve the goal of improving the disadvantageous elements.

The rugby-specific Activate injury prevention exercise programme was deemed efficacious in a randomised controlled trial and subsequently disseminated nationwide by the Rugby Football Union (English rugby union governing body) in 2017. However, no assessment has been made of the factors influencing Activate implementation in an applied setting. Consequently, this study sought to assess the barriers and facilitators to coaches implementing Activate in English schoolboy rugby. This qualitative study adopted a framework approach, using four a-priori themes influencing injury prevention implementation: awareness, motivational determinants, volitional determinants and socio-environmental factors. A purposive sample of schoolboy rugby coaches were recruited from schools nationwide, participating in semi-structured, one-on-one interviews (n = 10). Transcripts were thematically coded. Participants had positive perceptions towards Activate, although only six adopted the programme. Participants reported that players were generally unaware of the programme, with some suggesting this was not an issue as coaches made the decision to adopt Activate. Participants focused heavily upon the use of resources to develop coaches’ awareness, knowledge and confidence. No participant implemented Activate as initially designed, influenced by time and engagement, instead incorporating it within training drills rather than as a block at the beginning of the session. Participants adapted the programme to make it suitable for multiple sports. Some participants reported asking players to deliver Activate, despite their lack of awareness, raising concerns around implementation. Participants heavily adapted Activate delivery to suit their contexts. How this affects the effectiveness of Activate to reduce injury risk is unknown and should be investigated. Player-specific dissemination strategies should be considered if these individuals act as delivery-agents.

AbstractWith increasing resources in sports organisations being allocated to the development and preparation of individual athletes and sub-groups with specialist performance roles, the work of coaches, specialist (role) coaches and support staff needs to be functionally and coherently integrated. This integration of sport science support and coaching can be administered by staff in a Department of Methodology (DoM). Particularly, in this paper, we propose how specialist coaching can be situated in a DoM, presenting a model advocating effective functioning in high-performance team sports organisations. Using principles of ecological dynamics, we provide a rationale for a functional methodology for the design of practice tasks in a DoM that views learners as wayfinders, self-regulating their way through competitive performance environments. This rationale for athlete self-regulation in practice could improve athlete performance by enhancing problem solving, engagement with constraints of learning designs and supporting better attunement to contextual information abundant in a competitive environment. Finally, by introducing this unified and multidisciplinary DoM, specialist coaches, team coaches and sport science support staff, within the organisational structure, can collaboratively debate and co-design individualised athlete training programmes to enrich skill adaptability and performance functionality. To underline these contentions, three high-performance sport case studies from Australian Football: goalkeeping in Association Football and Rugby League are presented.

ObjectiveTo systematically map the coach education (CE) component of injury prevention programmes (IPPs) for youth field sports by identifying and synthesising the design, content and facilitation strategies used to address competency drivers and behaviour change.DesignScoping review.Data sourcesPubMed, PsycInfo, EMBASE, CINAHL, SportDiscus and Google Scholar electronic databases were searched using keywords related to IPPs and youth field sports.Eligibility criteria for selecting studiesStudies of IPPs in youth field sports, that provided ‘train-the-trainer’ education to coaches as designated delivery agents.Results20 studies from two field sports (soccer/football; n=17, Rugby Union; n=3) fulfilled the eligibility criteria. Eleven CE interventions occurred in the preseason and 18 occurred at one time-point (single day). Five studies cited use of a behavioural change theory or model in the design of their CE, most frequently the Health Action Process Approach model (n=5); and use of behavioural change techniques varied. Twelve of twenty studies (60%) reported some form of ongoing support to coaches following the CE primary intervention concurrent with IPP implementation.ConclusionCE that occurs on 1 day (one time-point) is most popular for preparing coaches as delivery agents of IPPs in youth field sports. While recognising pragmatic barriers, more expansive in-service training, support and feedback may enhance the effective implementation of IPPs.Trial registration numberhttps://doi.org/10.17605/OSF.IO/FMHGD

Long-term athlete development is a primary focus for the England Rugby Football Union (RFU). The purpose of this study was to explore the anthropometric, physical, and relative age characteristics of rugby union academy players based on age group and playing position. Seventy-eight participants were examined for height, body mass, 10 and 20 m sprint, countermovement jump, reactive strength index, aerobic capacity, isometric hip extension, dominant handgrip strength, and birth quartile (BQ) across three age categories (i.e., under-16, under-18, and under-21) and two positions (forwards and backs). ANOVA and Kruskall–Wallis analysis were used to examine differences across each age category and position. TukeyHSD and Dunn’s test with Bonferroni correction was used for further post-hoc analysis. BQ distributions were compared against national norms using chi-square analysis. Results revealed that both older forwards (P=0.005) and backs (P=0.002) had significantly greater body mass, maximal aerobic capacity, and power compared to younger players. However, older forwards had slower 10 m sprint times compared to younger forwards. Moreover, relatively older players were significantly overrepresented across all age groups when compared to relatively younger players. Findings suggest that: (a) players should aim to develop greater parameters of body mass and aerobic capacity; (b) forwards should aim to develop acceleration and strength; (c) backs should aim to develop power and quickness; (d) players need to develop anthropometric and physical qualities and differences are apparent by age and position; and, (e) coaches should consider relative age when recruiting and developing young players. Key words: Talent identification; Talent development; Expertise; Physical development; Physiological profile; Rugby football

Objective This study aimed to investigate the influence of using different precooling measures on the capacity of competition and the exercise performance in hot and humidity environment. The most effectual means of precooling will be recommended to help coaches and athletes to improve the ability and performance in training and matches Methods Ten male football (Rugby) players who came from the rugby team totally completed four experimental conditions in hot/humid conditions (38℃, 50% humidity). Initially, a 30-min precooling period consisting of either nothing to control (CONT, C); wearing cooling vest (4℃, V); ingesting of ice beverage (2.3 ml /kg of 4℃, I); or the mix method of combination of V and I (V+I, M). Following this, sub-maximal exercise (80% VO2max) of treadmill test occurred, until athletes exhausted Results The running distance of M and V and I have a significant increase (P≤0.05) than CONT. The peak oxygen uptake of exhaustion was no significant difference between each other. After exercise, the change rate of heart rate ratio of M compared with CONT has a very significant decrease (P≤0.01). The core temperature of M and CONT has a significant increase (P≤0.05) in comparison. The surface temperature of I and M and V comparison with CONT has a very significant increase (P≤0.01). When participants exhaust, the RPE of M in comparison with CONT had significantly lower (P≤0.05). The RPB and the rating of thermal sensation of each condition were no significant difference. After exercise, the blood lactic concentration of each ones was no significant difference Conclusions In hot and humidity condition, precooling has a promoting effect on the sub-maximal exercise. Precooling measures could improve the exercise performance and maintain the stability of functional status and physiology, especially the mix method.

Coaching behaviours often derive from sporting traditions, instinct and previous experiences. Practitioners tend to follow traditional, inherited methods rather than adopt new evidence-based approaches associated with athlete development. This article reviews literature relating to theoretical constructs of a novel coach education framework (CEF) developed by the Irish Rugby Football Union. The three constructs included are: self-determination theory (SDT), explicit learning theories (ELT) and implicit learning theories (ILT). A total of 82 publications met the inclusion criteria (SDT: n = 18, ELT: n = 28, ILT: n = 36). This review supports the efficacy of these constructs in isolation for promoting effective coaching practices and provides a justification for future implementation of the framework and its evaluation. This framework may have the potential to address a shortfall in current coach education formats, which have traditionally focused on What content should be used for athlete development as opposed to How practitioners can coach more effectively.

Background. The aim of the present study was to give voice to elite athletes exploring their perceptions of cheating in sport.Methods. Utilizing a purposeful sampling technique, 11 athletes were interviewed – one woman and 10 men from football (F, n = 6), rugby league (R, n = 2), and three from athletics (A). Athletes’ perceptions related to cheating in sport were explored by individual semi-structured interviews. Interpretive thematic data analysis was conducted in several stages, beginning with the exploration of the recorded materials. Credibility of the results was established by member checking. For data transferability and repeatability, we described the process of data collection, processing and analysis in detail.Results. Analysis of interview data allows to distinguish the following broad themes: the perceived forms of cheating in sport, causes of cheating, initiators of cheating, and ath-letes’ views on the evaluation of cheating, and as a separate theme – athletes’ insights on cheating in children’s sport.Conclusions. The findings offer insights of adult athletes on cheating in sport. Athletes are aware of the prevalence of cheating in all sports, emphasizing that it is an illegal phenomenon and associate it with the potential financial benefits, corruption, match fixing, and the use of doing. The study highlights financial insecurity of athletes as a reason for cheating. When evaluating cheating, athletes are not categorical or tend to cheat themselves, but they would justify it more if it helped a team. As to cheating in children’s sport, adult athletes noted the role of a coach and especially the parents in cheating in order to gain an advantage for their child. Also, the focus on the protective factor of children against cheating was emphasized. Keywords: cheating, athletes’ perceptions, adult sport, children sport.

Photograph by Gonzalo Echeverria (2010)“Beyond reasonable doubt” is the standard of proof for criminal cases in a court of law. However, what happens when doubt, reasonable or otherwise, is embedded in the media reporting of criminal cases, even before charges have been laid? This paper will analyse newspaper reports of recent rape cases involving Australian footballers, and identify narrative figures that are used to locate blame solely with the alleged victims, protecting the footballers from blame. I uncover several stock female “characters” which evoke doubt in the women’s claims: the Predatory Woman, who hunts down footballers for sex and is always sexually available to any and all footballers; the Woman Scorned, who makes a false rape complaint out of revenge; and the Gold Digger, who makes a false complaint for money. I will argue that the news media thus effectively provide footballers with a criminal defence, before the cases can even reach court. Rape and Football in Australia The issue of football and rape first came to mass public attention in February 2004, when six players from National Rugby League (NRL) team the Canterbury Bulldogs allegedly raped a woman while at a New South Wales resort. Two weeks later, two players from the St Kilda Australian Football League (AFL) team allegedly raped a woman following their pre-season cup victory. These two football codes are the nation’s most popular, with rugby league dominating the north-eastern states, with the southern, eastern and western the domain of Australian Rules. In neither case were charges laid, and although at least twenty distinct cases have been reported in the Australian media, involving more than fifty-six footballers and officials, only one–NRL star Brett Stewart–has yet been tried. Stewart was acquitted in September 2010. Former AFL footballer Andrew Lovett has also been ordered to stand trial in July 2011 for allegedly raping a woman on Christmas Eve, 2009. Nevertheless, the majority of cases never reach court. In criminal cases, the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) ultimately decides whether to pursue charges through the courts, and, as most cases will be decided by a jury drawn from the general public, the DPP must decide whether the general public would accept the prosecution’s evidence as proof of guilt “beyond reasonable doubt.” This means that if a jury retains any doubt that the accused person is guilty, as long as that doubt is reasonable, they must return a verdict of “not guilty.” Public opinion in high-profile cases is therefore extremely important. If the DPP perceives a high level of public scepticism about a particular case, this indicates that the likelihood of the general public accepting the prosecution’s evidence is low, and they will often decide not to pursue the case. My analysis will show that media reports of the cases, which were published before any decision about laying criminal charges was made, can in fact work to create doubt, taking popular, victim-blaming stories to cast doubt on the complainants’ testimonies. Thus “reasonable doubt,” or a doubt that seems reasonable to many or most readers, is created before the case can even reach court. Predatory Women, Gold Diggers and Women Scorned When debate began in 2004 and explanations were sought for the high numbers of cases, stories abounded in which women have consensual sex with footballers, and then make a false rape complaint. I identify the principal characters of these stories as the Predatory Woman, Gold Digger and Woman Scorned. These stories were particularly prevalent amongst football representatives, blog contributors and talkback radio callers. Some media commentators provided alternative explanations (Magnay, for example), and others were explicitly critical of such stories (Pinkney, Wilson, for example); however, other journalists in fact evoked these same stereotypes. All of these characters have “common currency” (Smart 39), and have been used by defence lawyers in criminal trials for centuries, which means they are likely to be believed. These commentators therefore (indirectly) portray the complainants as liars, and reinforce the pervasive victim-blaming discourses in the wider public. The Predatory Woman The Predatory Woman character can be traced back at least as far as the early nineteenth century, when so-called “fallen” women were frequently “scorned as predatory creatures who lured young men into sin” (Clark 59). In her study of newspaper articles on football and sexual assault, gender theorist Kim Toffoletti identified the “predatory female” as a recurrent figure who is used to portray footballers as victims of “deviant” female sexuality (432-3). Toffoletti argues that the assumption underlying the use of the predatory female is that “incidents of sexual assault can occur when women deviate from the ‘conventions’ of heterosexual relations that expect them to be passive and sexually available, and men to exude sexual virility” (433). However, I argue that commentators’ usage often carries this further, and rather than using the story to claim that a victim of rape “deserved” it, the Predatory Woman actually serves as a replacement for the Raped Woman, therefore implicitly claiming that the complainant was lying. The Predatory Woman is the aggressor in all sexual encounters with footballers, a “sexual predator” (McCabe 31) who is said to “target” players and “hunt in packs” (Lyon 1). In a 2004 interview, one footballer described the phenomenon as “frightening” (McCabe 31), and another in 2009 claimed that footballers are “given temptations,” and “some of them [women] are downright predators” (Cunningham 30). The hunting animal metaphor clearly represents women as sexual aggressors, virtually suggesting that they are committing violent acts–moving in on unsuspecting footballers for the “kill” (sex). Thus portraying a complainant as one who seeks out sex with footballers implies that she victimised the players. As a woman cannot be both sexual aggressor and rape victim, the character of the Predatory Woman replaces that of the Raped Woman, therefore invalidating a complainant’s testimony and creating doubt. The Woman Scorned The Woman Scorned, another popular character in footballer sexual assault narratives, has also been evoked by the defence in criminal rape trials for centuries (Sanday; Benedict 2, 39-40, 83; Larcombe 100, 104-106, 111; Lees 78). The prevalence of footballers’ beliefs in the Woman Scorned story when NRL player Simon Williams commented about the prevalence of group sex/rape incidents involving NRL players on the 2009 Four Corners “Code of Silence” episode: It’s not during the act, it’s the way you treat them after it. Most of them could have been avoided, if they [players] had put them [women] in a cab and said thanks or that sort of thing not just kicked her out and called her a dirty whatever. It’s how you treat them afterwards that can cover a lot of that stuff up. Williams’ implicit claim here is that no woman would make a rape complaint as long as footballers always “said thanks” after sex. He thus implies that “most” of the complaints have been about revenge from women who felt mistreated after consensual sex: Women Scorned. The Gold Digger The Gold Digger is also an established character in both football rape stories and criminal rape trials; Peggy Sanday identifies her in cases dating from the eighteenth century. In rape cases, the Gold Digger can be evoked when a prominent and/or wealthy man–such as a noble in the eighteenth century, or a footballer in the present context–is accused of rape, whether or not the alleged victim seeks or receives a financial settlement. Many football fans evoked the Gold Digger on Internet blog sites, even when there were no observable characteristics corresponding to the Gold Digger in any of the media narratives. One declared: “My mum said she was probably being a slut, then after they ‘did’ her, she decided 2 say summin coz she thought she could get money or summin out of it [sic]” (in Baird 41). The Gold Digger stereotype invalidates a rape complaint, as a woman who alleges rape for financial gain must be lying, and was therefore not raped. Her claims are to be doubted. Narrative Immunity From 2009 onward, although traces of these characters remained, the focus of the debate shifted, from the possibility of sexual assault to players’ alcohol intake and the prevalence of “group sex.” Nina Philadelphoff-Puren identifies implicit claims that the complainants were lying in the statements of football representatives (37, 41-43), which imply that they must be Predatory Women, Women Scorned or Gold Diggers. In order to show clearly how journalists mobilised these characters more directly to evoke doubt, I conducted a search of the “Newsbank” newspaper database, for opinion pieces that sought to explain why the allegations were made, using varying combinations of the search terms “AFL,” “NRL,” “football,” “sexual assault,” “rape,” “rugby,” “sexual violence,” “sex” and “women.” Articles were sought in broadsheet newspapers The Age (Melbourne) and The Sydney Morning Herald, and tabloids The Herald Sun (Melbourne) and Daily Telegraph (Sydney), the most widely read newspapers in the cities where the alleged incidents occurred. The time-frame selected was 27 February 2004 to 1 May 2004, which covered the period from when the Canterbury Bulldogs case was first reported, until debate died down after the announcement that no charges would be laid against St Kilda footballers Steven Milne and Leigh Montagna. Twenty articles were collected for analysis: two from the Daily Telegraph, eight from the Herald Sun, seven from the Age, and three from the Sydney Morning Herald. Of these, half (ten) overtly blamed the alleged victims, with seven of those explicitly evoking Predatory Woman, Woman Scorned and/or Gold Digger stereotypes, and one strongly implying them. Although it might be expected that tabloid newspapers would be much more likely to (re-)produce popular stereotypes than broadsheets, the same numbers were found in each type of newspaper. The “common currency” (Smart 39) these stories have means that they are more likely to be considered credible than other stories. Their use by respected media commentators–particularly broadsheet journalists, whose publications lay claim to an educated readership and more progressive attitudes–is of even greater significance. In this paper, I will analyse three broadsheet articles in detail, in order to illustrate the various strategies used to evoke the stereotyped characters for an educated readership. The articles selected are by writers from very different backgrounds–a former footballer, a feminist and a “life-skills” coach to AFL footballers–and although it might seem that they would provide markedly different perspectives on the issue, I will show that all three evoke stereotypes that cast doubt on the complainants’ claims. The Story of the “Insider” Former AFL footballer Tim Watson’s “AFL Players and the Trouble Zone” was published shortly after the allegations against the St Kilda AFL players were made public in 2004. The article features a number of Predatory Women, who make “victims” of footballers; however, while Watson does not provide direct narrative accounts of the alleged rapes, he instead recounts narratives of other interactions between footballers and women. Predatory Women therefore come to replace Raped Women as characters and invalidate the alleged victims’ claims; as Watson represents these women as the sole agents, full responsibility for these incidents is attributed to women. The bulk of Watson’s article relates two stories unconnected with any (known) sexual assault cases, about AFL teams travelling to the country for training and being harassed by women. Placing the narratives immediately after warnings about “trouble zones,” when the article is clearly responding to the sexual assault allegations, suggests that his narratives explain what “potential trouble” and “trouble zones” are. He therefore implies that his narratives illustrate what “really” happened with the St Kilda (and Canterbury) players. The only instances where players are given grammatical agency in this narrative is when they “mingled with the locals” and “left the function as a group”; all the narrative action is attributed to women. Mingling has no sexual connotation, and “the locals” is a gender neutral term, implying that the players’ only action at the function was to interact with men and women in a non-sexual way. The characters of “a couple of girls” are introduced, and according to Watson these “girls” made it clear to everyone that they were keen to attract the attention of a couple of the players. One girl was so convinced of her intentions that she sidled up to the coach to explain to him what she planned to do later in the night to one of his players. The team left the function as a group and went back to the hotel without the adoring fans. In order to portray the women more clearly as the sole sexual aggressors–Predatory Women–Watson leaves out any events where players actively participate, events which are highly likely to have occurred. For example, in Watson’s narrative there is no two-way flirtation, and the players do not seek out, encourage or even respond in any (positive) way to the female attention they receive, although anecdotal evidence suggests this is extremely unlikely to have happened (Mewett and Toffoletti 170, 172-73). The women are only grammatical agents with intentions–their agency relates to what they plan to do–however, emphasising the fact that the team left as a group suggests that it was only this defensive action which prevented the women from carrying out their intentions and instigating sexual activity. Using “sidled” rather than “went” or “approached” characterises the woman as sly and manipulative, casting her in a negative light and adding to the sense that she was solely responsible. The second story is described as “almost identical” to the first, but Watson takes even greater pains to emphasise the players’ passivity, again portraying them as victims of Predatory Women. Watson attaches only the passive voice to the players: he says that they were “woken in their hotel rooms” and “subject to determined, but unwanted, advances.” The women are entirely absent from these statements. They appear only as shadows presumed responsible for waking the players and making the unwanted advances. This erasure of the female agent only emphasises the players’ passivity in the face of female seduction and general resistance to overwhelming female sexual aggression. As in the first story, the only action attributed to a footballer is defensive: a senior player convincing the women to leave. This reinforces the idea that male footballers are the victims when it comes to casual sexual relations, and casts doubt on any claims of rape. The Story of the “Insider-Outsider” The second article, “When an Elite Footballer Has Sex with a Girl…,” is by “life skills” coach to AFL players Damien Foster, who calls himself “a classic insider-outsider” to football (SBS). As a partial outsider, Foster would therefore presumably have less vested interest in protecting footballers than Watson; however, his narrative also denies the complaints’ credibility, clearly evoking a victim-blaming character: the Woman Scorned. Foster obliquely claims that the St Kilda and Canterbury cases arose simply because women and men view sex differently and therefore “a footballer may land himself in trouble because it just doesn’t occur to him to develop tactful, diplomatic methods of saying goodbye”. He continues, “When the girl [sic] realises the total indifference with which she is being treated after intimacy, bitterness sets in and it lingers. There are many girls in Australia now in this situation.” While Foster does not directly say that the “girls” who made rape complaints against the Bulldogs and St Kilda are Women Scorned, the fact that this story is used to explain why the allegations were made says it for him. According to Foster’s logic, if footballers learnt to say “thanks, love, that was great” after sex, then no rape complaints would ever be made. A “Feminist” Story? Controversial feminist Germaine Greer would seem even more likely to avoid victim-blame than men involved with football clubs, and she does not follow Watson’s portrayal of utterly passive, squeaky-clean footballers, or Foster’s narrative of undiplomatic players. In “Ugly Sex Has Just Got a Lot Louder,” she does acknowledge that some harm may have been done; however, Greer nevertheless portrays the complainants as Predatory Women, Women Scorned and Gold Diggers. Greer elects to tell a “history” of male footballer-female interactions, establishing male athletes’ disrespect for and mistreatment of women as a given. However, she goes on to evoke the Predatory Woman, portraying her as utterly desperate and willing to go to any lengths to have contact with players. Greer laments, good family men have been known to succumb to the groupies’ onslaught, believing that as long as they don’t kiss these desperate creatures, as long as they make no move that could be interpreted as a sign of affection, they haven’t been genuinely unfaithful to their wives and sweethearts. Indeed, the more brutal the treatment of the women they have casual sex with, the less they have to reproach themselves for. Pack rape in such circumstances can come to seem guiltless, a condign punishment for being a stupid slag, even. This explanation of footballers’ behaviour contains several grammatical patterns which represent the players as passive and not responsible for anything that takes place. In the first sentence, the only things these footballers actually do are succumbing and believing, both passive verbs; the rest of the sentence is devoted to what they do not do: “as long as they don’t kiss… as long as they make no move.” Thus it would seem that the players do not actively participate in the sexual activity instigated by these women, that they simply lie back and allow the women to do as they will. That the women are labelled “desperate creatures” who launch an “onslaught” to which footballers “succumb” confirms their sexual aggression. Although the second and third sentences depict violence and rape, these actions are not directly attributed to the players. The brutal treatment of the women the players have casual sex with has no grammatical agent–“the more brutal the treatment of the women they have casual sex with”–dissociating them from the brutality and subtly implying that “someone else” is responsible for it. Similarly, “pack rape” has no agent: no player commits or is involved in it, and it appears to happen independently of them. As Susan Ehrlich demonstrates, this denial of agency is a common tactic for accused rapists to use, in order to deny that they were responsible for their actions (36-61). Thus Greer uses the same grammatical patterns which deflect blame away from footballers, even when the behaviour involved is violent rape. This continual emphasis on the players’ passivity reinforces the portrayal of the women as sexually aggressive Predatory Women. Greer also introduces the figures of the Woman Scorned and Gold Digger. She claims that the only difference between the “old days” and the present scenarios is that now women are “not embarrassed to say that they agreed to sex with one man they’d only just met, or even with two, but they hadn’t agreed to being brutalised, insulted or humiliated, and they want redress.” This paragraph appears almost directly after the one where Greer mentions pack rape and violence, and it may seem therefore that the redress these women seek is for rape. However, since Greer claims that at least some of the women who “want redress” want it because they have been “insulted or humiliated,” rather than raped, this evokes the Woman Scorned. Greer continues by introducing the Gold Digger as a further (and complementary) explanation for these insulted and humiliated women to seek “redress.” Greer writes that women now “also seem quite interested in another factor in sex with footballers – namely, indecent amounts of money.” With this statement, she implies that some women have sex with footballers just so that they can make a rape complaint afterwards and obtain a large payment. She concedes that the women who make allegations against footballers may have been “abused,” but she trivialises them by claiming that they “scream and holler,” portraying them as hysterical. She thus discredits them and casts doubt on their claims. Greer ignores the fact that only one woman has either sought or obtained a financial settlement from footballers for a case of rape, and this woman only applied for it after charges against the players responsible were dropped. Whilst this argument is clearly unfounded, the strength of the Gold Digger story, along with the Woman Scorned and Predatory Woman, is likely to give the impression that the rape complaints made against the footballers were unfounded. Conclusion: The Benefit of the Doubt The fact that a significant number of media commentators employed tactics similar to those defence lawyers use in rape trials suggests that a de facto “trial” took place; one in which stories that discredit the complainants were prominent. These stories were enough to evoke “(un)reasonable doubt” in the women’s claims, and the accused footballers were therefore “acquitted.” That doubt can be evoked so easily in such high-profile cases is particularly problematic as rape cases in general are those least likely to be believed (Jordan 64-83). Further, many victims state that the fear of disbelief is one of the most important factors in deciding not to pursue criminal charges (Warshaw 50). Even if one leaves aside the likelihood that the prevalence of doubt in the media and the “blogosphere” contributed to the DPP’s decision not to pursue charges, the media “acquittal” is likely to have two further effects: it may deter future complainants from coming forward, if they assume that their claims will similarly be doubted; and it contributes to more generalised beliefs that women habitually lie about rape, particularly those who accuse footballers. While of course any accused person must be held innocent until proven guilty, it is equally important to give an alleged victim the benefit of the doubt, and not presume that all rape complainants are liars unless proven otherwise. References “Code of Silence.” Four Corners. ABC, 11 May. 2009. Television. Baird, Julia. “All Together, Boys, for a Weekend Roast.” Sydney Morning Herald 28 February. 2004: 41. Benedict, Jeff. Athletes and Acquaintance Rape. Thousand Oaks: SAGE Publications, 1998. Clark, Anna. Women’s Silence, Men’s Violence: Sexual Assault in England 1770-1845. New York: Pandora Press, 1987. Cunningham, Ryan. “A Footballer’s Life: Confusion, Temptation and Guilt by Association.” Sydney Morning Herald 19 Jun. 2009: 30. Ehrlich, Susan. Representing Rape: Language and Sexual Consent. London: Routledge, 2001. Foster, Damien. “When an Elite Footballer Has Sex with a Girl...” Age 23 Mar. 2004: 13. “Foul Play.” Insight. SBS, 16 Apr. 2004. Television. Greer, Germaine. “Ugly Sex Has Just Got a Lot Louder.” Age 23 Mar. 2004: 1, 17. Jordan, Jan. The Word of a Woman?: Police, Rape and Belief. Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004. Larcombe, Wendy. Compelling Engagements: Feminism, Rape Law and Romance Fiction. Sydney: Federation Press, 2005. Lees, Sue. Ruling Passions. Buckingham: Open UP, 1997. Lyon, Karen. “They Love Their Footy, But Can They Keep the Faith?” Age 20 Mar. 2004: 1. Magnay, Jacquelin. “What Dogs Do.” Sydney Morning Herald 28 Feb. 2004: 31 McCabe, Helen. “Perilous Games of Sport and Sex.” Daily Telegraph 1 May. 2004: 31. Mewett, Peter, and Kim Toffoletti. “Rogue Men and Predatory Women: Female Fans’ Perceptions of Australian Footballers’ Sexual Conduct.” International Review for the Sociology of Sport 43.2 (2008): 165-80. Pinkney, Matthew. “Don’t Make Their Excuses.” Herald Sun 22 March. 2004: 18. Philadelphoff-Puren, Nina. “Dereliction: Women, Rape and Football.” Australian Feminist Law Journal 17. (2004): 35-51. Sanday, Peggy Reeves. A Woman Scorned: Acquaintance Rape on Trial. Berkeley: U of California P, 1996. Smart, Carol. Feminism and the Power of Law. London: Routledge, 1989. Toffoletti, Kim. “How Is Gender-Based Violence Covered in the Sporting News? An Account of the Australian Football League Sex Scandal.” Women’s Studies International Forum 30 (2007): 427-38. Warshaw, Robin. I Never Called It Rape: The Ms. Report on Recognizing, Fighting, and Surviving Date and Acquaintance Rape. New York: HarperPerennial, 1994. Watson, Tim. “AFL Players and the Trouble Zone.” Age 18 Mar. 2004: 16. Wilson, Caroline. “All the Dirty Linen Must — and Will — Be Aired.” Age, 21 Mar. 2004: 4.

There is a consensus in the literature that women continue to be under-represented in leadership positions, and that a patriarchal language and gender stereotypes and desired professional profile still persist in our society, which pose practical and emotional challenges to women seeking positions of leadership in sport (Evans & Pfister, 2020). The research aimed to obtain an overview of the leadership positions held by women in technical committees and in the management of Brazilian Sports Confederations of Olympic collective modalities. The research has a mixed approach, using the document analysis method. Publications of calls for technical commissions and election minutes available online on the websites of the sports Confederations of collective Olympic modalities were analyzed, in addition to consulting the website of the Olympic Committee of Brazil. The data collected regarding the occupation of positions were organized in an Excel spreadsheet, descriptive statistical analysis was performed, in order to describe and summarize the set of data obtained, and content analysis (enumeration technique), for data related to the type of position held by women. 110 positions were identified in the technical committees of all sports analyzed (female and male teams), of which 23 are occupied by women (20%). The modalities of Basketball, Football, Handball, Water Polo, Rugby, Volleyball and Beach Volleyball add up to 43 positions on the technical committees in the women's teams, 13 of which are occupied by women (30%). The same modalities, in their men's teams add up to 47 positions, and of these 4 are occupied by women (8.5%), indicating that while men have space in the technical committees of women's teams, the opposite does not occur. Of all the modalities analyzed, it was possible to verify that few women occupy positions of greater leadership, such as coach/technician, in general, a panorama similar to that found by Ferreira et al. (2013), with the position of physiotherapist being the most occupied by women professionals. When analyzing the distribution of management positions, the panorama confirms the “glass ceiling” concept, which assumes that women rise to leadership positions to some extent. As for operational positions, 121 positions were identified, 40 of which are occupied by women (33%). As for statutory positions, of the 76 positions identified, only 7 of them are occupied by women (9.2%). It was possible to draw an overview of female participation in leadership in sport administration entities and Olympic collective sports modalities, highlighting the under-representation in leadership positions.

Introduction: Bubbles and Sport The ephemeral materiality of bubbles – beautiful, spectacular, and distracting but ultimately fragile – when applied to protect or conserve in the interests of sport-media profit, creates conditions that exacerbate existing inequalities in sport and society. Bubbles are usually something to watch, admire, and chase after in their brief yet shiny lives. There is supposed to be, technically, nothing inside them other than one or more gasses, and yet we constantly refer to people and objects being inside bubbles. The metaphor of the bubble has been used to describe the life of celebrities, politicians in purpose-built capital cities like Canberra, and even leftist, environmentally activist urban dwellers. The metaphorical and material qualities of bubbles are aligned—they cannot be easily captured and are liable to change at any time. In this article we address the metaphorical sporting bubble, which is often evoked in describing life in professional sport. This is a vernacular term used to capture and condemn the conditions of life of elite sportspeople (usually men), most commonly after there has been a sport-related scandal, especially of a sexual nature (Rowe). It is frequently paired with connotatively loaded adjectives like pampered and indulged. The sporting bubble is rarely interrogated in academic literature, the concept largely being left to the media and moral entrepreneurs. It is represented as involving a highly privileged but also pressurised life for those who live inside it. A sporting bubble is a world constructed for its most prized inhabitants that enables them to be protected from insurgents and to set the terms of their encounters with others, especially sport fans and disciplinary agents of the state. The Covid-19 pandemic both reinforced and reconfigured the operational concept of the bubble, re-arranging tensions between safety (protecting athletes) and fragility (short careers, risks of injury, etc.) for those within, while safeguarding those without from bubble contagion. Privilege and Precarity Bubble-induced social isolation, critics argue, encourages a loss of perspective among those under its protection, an entitled disconnection from the usual rules and responsibilities of everyday life. For this reason, the denizens of the sporting bubble are seen as being at risk to themselves and, more troublingly, to those allowed temporarily to penetrate it, especially young women who are first exploited by and then ejected from it (Benedict). There are many well-documented cases of professional male athletes “behaving badly” and trying to rely on institutional status and various versions of the sporting bubble for shelter (Flood and Dyson; Reel and Crouch; Wade). In the age of mobile and social media, it is increasingly difficult to keep misbehaviour in-house, resulting in a slew of media stories about, for example, drunkenness and sexual misconduct, such as when then-Sydney Roosters co-captain Mitchell Pearce was suspended and fined in 2016 after being filmed trying to force an unwanted kiss on a woman and then simulating a lewd act with her dog while drunk. There is contestation between those who condemn such behaviour as aberrant and those who regard it as the conventional expression of youthful masculinity as part of the familiar “boys will be boys” dictum. The latter naturalise an inequitable gender order, frequently treating sportsmen as victims of predatory women, and ignoring asymmetries of power between men and women, especially in homosocial environments (Toffoletti). For those in the sporting bubble (predominantly elite sportsmen and highly paid executives, also mostly men, with an array of service staff of both sexes moving in and out of it), life is reflected for those being protected via an array of screens (small screens in homes and indoor places of entertainment, and even smaller screens on theirs and others’ phones, as well as huge screens at sport events). These male sport stars are paid handsomely to use their skill and strength to perform for the sporting codes, their every facial expression and bodily action watched by the media and relayed to audiences. This is often a precarious existence, the usually brief career of an athlete worker being dependent on health, luck, age, successful competition with rivals, networks, and club and coach preferences. There is a large, aspirational reserve army of athletes vying to play at the elite level, despite risks of injury and invasive, life-changing medical interventions. Responsibility for avoiding performance and image enhancing drugs (PIEDs) also weighs heavily on their shoulders (Connor). Professional sportspeople, in their more reflective moments, know that their time in the limelight will soon be up, meaning that getting a ticket to the sporting bubble, even for a short time, can make all the difference to their post-sport lives and those of their families. The most vulnerable of the small minority of participants in sport who make a good, short-term living from it are those for whom, in the absence of quality education and prior social status, it is their sole likely means of upward social mobility (Spaaij). Elite sport performers are surrounded by minders, doctors, fitness instructors, therapists, coaches, advisors and other service personnel, all supporting athletes to stay focussed on and maximise performance quality to satisfy co-present crowds, broadcasters, sponsors, sports bodies and mass media audiences. The shield offered by the sporting bubble supports the teleological win-at-all-costs mentality of professional sport. The stakes are high, with athlete and executive salaries, sponsorships and broadcasting deals entangled in a complex web of investments in keeping the “talent” pivotal to the “attention economy” (Davenport and Beck)—the players that provide the content for sale—in top form. Yet, the bubble cannot be entirely secured and poor behaviour or performance can have devastating effects, including permanent injury or disability, mental illness and loss of reputation (Rowe, “Scandals and Sport”). Given this fragile materiality of the sporting bubble, it is striking that, in response to the sudden shutdown following the economic and health crisis caused by the 2020 global pandemic, the leaders of professional sport decided to create more of them and seek to seal the metaphorical and material space with unprecedented efficiency. The outcome was a multi-sided tale of mobility, confinement, capital, labour, and the gendering of sport and society. The Covid-19 Gilded Cage Sociologists such as Zygmunt Bauman and John Urry have analysed the socio-politics of mobilities, whereby some people in the world, such as tourists, can traverse the globe at their leisure, while others remain fixed in geographical space because they lack the means to be mobile or, in contrast, are involuntarily displaced by war, so-called “ethnic cleansing”, famine, poverty or environmental degradation. The Covid-19 global pandemic re-framed these matters of mobilities (Rowe, “Subjecting Pandemic Sport”), with conventional moving around—between houses, businesses, cities, regions and countries—suddenly subjected to the imperative to be static and, in perniciously unreflective technocratic discourse, “socially distanced” (when what was actually meant was to be “physically distanced”). The late-twentieth century analysis of the “risk society” by Ulrich Beck, in which the mysterious consequences of humans’ predation on their environment are visited upon them with terrifying force, was dramatically realised with the coming of Covid-19. In another iteration of the metaphor, it burst the bubble of twenty-first century global sport. What we today call sport was formed through the process of sportisation (Maguire), whereby hyper-local, folk physical play was reconfigured as multi-spatial industrialised sport in modernity, becoming increasingly reliant on individual athletes and teams travelling across the landscape and well over the horizon. Co-present crowds were, in turn, overshadowed in the sport economy when sport events were taken to much larger, dispersed audiences via the media, especially in broadcast mode (Nicholson, Kerr, and Sherwood). This lucrative mediation of professional sport, though, came with an unforgiving obligation to generate an uninterrupted supply of spectacular live sport content. The pandemic closed down most sports events and those that did take place lacked the crucial participation of the co-present crowd to provide the requisite event atmosphere demanded by those viewers accustomed to a sense of occasion. Instead, they received a strange spectacle of sport performers operating in empty “cathedrals”, often with a “faked” crowd presence. The mediated sport spectacle under the pandemic involved cardboard cut-out and sex doll spectators, Zoom images of fans on large screens, and sampled sounds of the crowd recycled from sport video games. Confected co-presence produced simulacra of the “real” as Baudrillardian visions came to life. The sporting bubble had become even more remote. For elite sportspeople routinely isolated from the “common people”, the live sport encounter offered some sensory experience of the social – the sounds, sights and even smells of the crowd. Now the sporting bubble closed in on an already insulated and insular existence. It exposed the irony of the bubble as a sign of both privileged mobility and incarcerated athlete work, both refuge and prison. Its logic of contagion also turned a structure intended to protect those inside from those outside into, as already observed, a mechanism to manage the threat of insiders to outsiders. In Australia, as in many other countries, the populace was enjoined by governments and health authorities to help prevent the spread of Covid-19 through isolation and immobility. There were various exceptions, principally those classified as essential workers, a heterogeneous cohort ranging from supermarket shelf stackers to pharmacists. People in the cultural, leisure and sports industries, including musicians, actors, and athletes, were not counted among this crucial labour force. Indeed, the performing arts (including dance, theatre and music) were put on ice with quite devastating effects on the livelihoods and wellbeing of those involved. So, with all major sports shut down (the exception being horse racing, which received the benefit both of government subsidies and expanding online gambling revenue), sport organisations began to represent themselves as essential services that could help sustain collective mental and even spiritual wellbeing. This case was made most aggressively by Australian Rugby League Commission Chairman, Peter V’landys, in contending that “an Australia without rugby league is not Australia”. In similar vein, prominent sport and media figure Phil Gould insisted, when describing rugby league fans in Western Sydney’s Penrith, “they’re lost, because the football’s not on … . It holds their families together. People don’t understand that … . Their life begins in the second week of March, and it ends in October”. Despite misgivings about public safety and equality before the pandemic regime, sporting bubbles were allowed to form, re-form and circulate. The indefinite shutdown of the National Rugby League (NRL) on 23 March 2020 was followed after negotiation between multiple entities by its reopening on 28 May 2020. The competition included a team from another nation-state (the Warriors from Aotearoa/New Zealand) in creating an international sporting bubble on the Central Coast of New South Wales, separating them from their families and friends across the Tasman Sea. Appeals to the mental health of fans and the importance of the NRL to myths of “Australianness” notwithstanding, the league had not prudently maintained a financial reserve and so could not afford to shut down for long. Significant gambling revenue for leagues like the NRL and Australian Football League (AFL) also influenced the push to return to sport business as usual. Sport contests were needed in order to exploit the gambling opportunities – especially online and mobile – stimulated by home “confinement”. During the coronavirus lockdowns, Australians’ weekly spending on gambling went up by 142 per cent, and the NRL earned significantly more than usual from gambling revenue—potentially $10 million above forecasts for 2020. Despite the clear financial imperative at play, including heavy reliance on gambling, sporting bubble-making involved special licence. The state of Queensland, which had pursued a hard-line approach by closing its borders for most of those wishing to cross them for biographical landmark events like family funerals and even for medical treatment in border communities, became “the nation's sporting hub”. Queensland became the home of most teams of the men’s AFL (notably the women’s AFLW season having been cancelled) following a large Covid-19 second wave in Melbourne. The women’s National Netball League was based exclusively in Queensland. This state, which for the first time hosted the AFL Grand Final, deployed sport as a tool in both national sports tourism marketing and internal pre-election politics, sponsoring a documentary, The Sporting Bubble 2020, via its Tourism and Events arm. While Queensland became the larger bubble incorporating many other sporting bubbles, both the AFL and the NRL had versions of the “fly in, fly out” labour rhythms conventionally associated with the mining industry in remote and regional areas. In this instance, though, the bubble experience did not involve long stays in miners’ camps or even the one-night hotel stopovers familiar to the popular music and sport industries. Here, the bubble moved, usually by plane, to fulfil the requirements of a live sport “gig”, whereupon it was immediately returned to its more solid bubble hub or to domestic self-isolation. In the space created between disciplined expectation and deplored non-compliance, the sporting bubble inevitably became the scrutinised object and subject of scandal. Sporting Bubble Scandals While people with a very low risk of spreading Covid-19 (coming from areas with no active cases) were denied entry to Queensland for even the most serious of reasons (for example, the death of a child), images of AFL players and their families socialising and enjoying swimming at the Royal Pines Resort sporting bubble crossed our screens. Yet, despite their (players’, officials’ and families’) relative privilege and freedom of movement under the AFL Covid-Safe Plan, some players and others inside the bubble were involved in “scandals”. Most notable was the case of a drunken brawl outside a Gold Coast strip club which led to two Richmond players being “banished”, suspended for 10 matches, and the club fined $100,000. But it was not only players who breached Covid-19 bubble protocols: Collingwood coaches Nathan Buckley and Brenton Sanderson paid the $50,000 fine imposed on the club for playing tennis in Perth outside their bubble, while Richmond was fined $45,000 after Brooke Cotchin, wife of team captain Trent, posted an image to Instagram of a Gold Coast day spa that she had visited outside the “hub” (the institutionally preferred term for bubble). She was subsequently distressed after being trolled. Also of concern was the lack of physical distancing, and the range of people allowed into the sporting bubble, including babysitters, grandparents, and swimming coaches (for children). There were other cases of players being caught leaving the bubble to attend parties and sharing videos of their “antics” on social media. Biosecurity breaches of bubbles by players occurred relatively frequently, with stern words from both the AFL and NRL leaders (and their clubs) and fines accumulating in the thousands of dollars. Some people were also caught sneaking into bubbles, with Lekahni Pearce, the girlfriend of Swans player Elijah Taylor, stating that it was easy in Perth, “no security, I didn’t see a security guard” (in Barron, Stevens, and Zaczek) (a month later, outside the bubble, they had broken up and he pled guilty to unlawfully assaulting her; Ramsey). Flouting the rules, despite stern threats from government, did not lead to any bubble being popped. The sport-media machine powering sporting bubbles continued to run, the attendant emotional or health risks accepted in the name of national cultural therapy, while sponsorship, advertising and gambling revenue continued to accumulate mostly for the benefit of men. Gendering Sporting Bubbles Designed as biosecurity structures to maintain the supply of media-sport content, keep players and other vital cogs of the machine running smoothly, and to exclude Covid-19, sporting bubbles were, in their most advanced form, exclusive luxury camps that illuminated the elevated socio-cultural status of sportsmen. The ongoing inequalities between men’s and women’s sport in Australia and around the world were clearly in evidence, as well as the politics of gender whereby women are obliged to “care” and men are enabled to be “careless” – or at least to manage carefully their “duty of care”. In Australia, the only sport for women that continued during the height of the Covid-19 lockdown was netball, which operated in a bubble that was one of sacrifice rather than privilege. With minimum salaries of only $30,000 – significantly less than the lowest-paid “rookies” in the AFL – and some being mothers of small children and/or with professional jobs juggled alongside their netball careers, these elite sportswomen wanted to continue to play despite the personal inconvenience or cost (Pavlidis). Not one breach of the netballers out of the bubble was reported, indicating that they took their responsibilities with appropriate seriousness and, perhaps, were subjected to less scrutiny than the sportsmen accustomed to attracting front-page headlines. National Netball League (also known after its Queensland-based naming rights sponsor as Suncorp Super Netball) players could be regarded as fortunate to have the opportunity to be in a bubble and to participate in their competition. The NRL Women’s (NRLW) Premiership season was also completed, but only involved four teams subject to fly in, fly out and bubble arrangements, and being played in so-called curtain-raiser games for the NRL. As noted earlier, the AFLW season was truncated, despite all the prior training and sacrifice required of its players. Similarly, because of their resource advantages, the UK men’s and boy’s top six tiers of association football were allowed to continue during lockdown, compared to only two for women and girls. In the United States, inequalities between men’s and women’s sports were clearly demonstrated by the conditions afforded to those elite sportswomen inside the Women’s National Basketball Association (WNBA) sport bubble in the IMG Academy in Florida. Players shared photos of rodent traps in their rooms, insect traps under their mattresses, inedible food and blocked plumbing in their bubble accommodation. These conditions were a far cry from the luxury usually afforded elite sportsmen, including in Florida’s Walt Disney World for the men’s NBA, and is just one of the many instances of how gendered inequality was both reproduced and exacerbated by Covid-19. Bursting the Bubble As we have seen, governments and corporate leaders in sport were able to create material and metaphorical bubbles during the Covid-19 lockdown in order to transmit stadium sport contests into home spaces. The rationale was the importance of sport to national identity, belonging and the routines and rhythms of life. But for whom? Many women, who still carry the major responsibilities of “care”, found that Covid-19 intensified the affective relations and gendered inequities of “home” as a leisure site (Fullagar and Pavlidis). Rates of domestic violence surged, and many women experienced significant anxiety and depression related to the stress of home confinement and home schooling. During the pandemic, women were also more likely to experience the stress and trauma of being first responders, witnessing virus-related sickness and death as the majority of nurses and care workers. They also bore the brunt of much of the economic and employment loss during this time. Also, as noted above, livelihoods in the arts and cultural sector did not receive the benefits of the “bubble”, despite having a comparable claim to sport in contributing significantly to societal wellbeing. This sector’s workforce is substantially female, although men dominate its senior roles. Despite these inequalities, after the late March to May hiatus, many elite male sportsmen – and some sportswomen - operated in a bubble. Moving in and out of them was not easy. Life inside could be mentally stressful (especially in long stays of up to 150 days in sports like cricket), and tabloid and social media troll punishment awaited those who were caught going “over the fence”. But, life in the sporting bubble was generally preferable to the daily realities of those afflicted by the trauma arising from forced home confinement, and for whom watching moving sports images was scant compensation for compulsory immobility. The ethical foundation of the sparkly, ephemeral fantasy of the sporting bubble is questionable when it is placed in the service of a voracious “media sports cultural complex” (Rowe, Global Media Sport) that consumes sport labour power and rolls back progress in gender relations as a default response to a global pandemic. Covid-19 dramatically highlighted social inequalities in many areas of life, including medical care, work, and sport. For the small minority of people involved in sport who are elite professionals, the only thing worse than being in a sporting bubble during the pandemic was not being in one, as being outside precluded their participation. Being inside the bubble was a privilege, albeit a dubious one. But, as in wider society, not all sporting bubbles are created equal. Some are more opulent than others, and the experiences of the supporting and the supported can be very different. The surface of the sporting bubble may be impermanent, but when its interior is opened up to scrutiny, it reveals some very durable structures of inequality. Bubbles are made to burst. They are, by nature, temporary, translucent structures created as spectacles. As a form of luminosity, bubbles “allow a thing or object to exist only as a flash, sparkle or shimmer” (Deleuze, 52). In echoing Deleuze, Angela McRobbie (54) argues that luminosity “softens and disguises the regulative dynamics of neoliberal society”. The sporting bubble was designed to discharge that function for those millions rendered immobile by home confinement legislation in Australia and around the world, who were having to deal with the associated trauma, risk and disadvantage. 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