Journal articles on the topic 'Rudd Government'
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1
McKnight, David. "The Rudd Labor government and the limitations of spin." Media International Australia 159, no. 1 (March 27, 2016): 108–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x16634870.
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This article explores the news management practices of the first Rudd government (2007–2010) and the extent to which they were responsible for both the government’s initial success and its later decline and the subsequent replacement as Prime Minister of Kevin Rudd. Based on confidential interviews with 15 media advisers who worked for ministers in the first Rudd government, the article draws conclusions about the nature of the ‘permanent campaign’ and the double-edged nature of spin.
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Pert, Alison. "The Good International Citizenship of the Rudd Government." Australian Year Book of International Law Online 30, no. 1 (2012): 93–145. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26660229-030-01-900000005.
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Soldatic, Karen, and Barbara Pini. "Continuity or Change? Disability Policy and the Rudd Government." Social Policy and Society 11, no. 2 (February 10, 2012): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746411000510.
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This article reports on shifts and continuities in policy relating to disabled people and the administrative apparatus of federal disability policy under the Rudd government (2007–10). It begins with a brief historical overview of disability policy in Australia. It then gives particular attention to highlighting the contentious and dramatic changes to disability policy which were instigated by the Howard government (1996–2007). Following this, attention is focused on the major developments in disability policy and administration with the election of the Rudd Labor government in 2007. Through this discussion, we demonstrate the ways the altered vocabularies, practices and instruments of the state have manifested in relation to disability policy in Australia, ultimately shaping opportunities for either inclusion or exclusion at the national level among disabled people.
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Edwards, Lindy. "Ideology and Effective Government: Lessons from Rudd-Gillard Labor." Australian Journal of Public Administration 77, no. 4 (March 26, 2018): 744–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8500.12315.
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Cooper, Rae. "Forward with Fairness? Industrial Relations under Labor in 2008." Journal of Industrial Relations 51, no. 3 (May 20, 2009): 285–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185609104298.
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The Rudd government was elected in late 2007 after a national election campaign centred squarely on industrial relations. In 2008, with a massive mandate, the government presented key pieces of legislation to the Australian parliament, aimed at moving away from the Howard government's Work Choices and toward implementing the `Forward with Fairness' election policy. The government's substantive industrial relations legislation — the Fair Work Bill — was introduced late in 2008 to widespread, though not universal, approval from trade unionists and, at first, muted acceptance and, later, and in the face of deteriorating economic circumstances, sharper criticism from employer groups.
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Grewcock, Mike. "Systems of Exclusion: The Rudd Government and the ‘End’ of the Pacific Solution." Current Issues in Criminal Justice 19, no. 3 (March 2008): 363–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10345329.2008.12036439.
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Smith, Rodney. "How Would Jesus Vote? The Churches and the Election of the Rudd Government." Australian Journal of Political Science 44, no. 4 (December 2009): 613–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140903296545.
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Oliver, Damian. "Australian Unions in 2007." Journal of Industrial Relations 50, no. 3 (June 2008): 447–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185608089999.
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Australian unions will remember 2007 as the year that their `Your Rights at Work' campaign contributed to the defeat of the Coalition Government. Industrial relations dominated the election campaign and remained at the centre of public policy and media debates throughout the year. Employers used the Howard government's Work Choices legislation to refuse to bargain with unions and to prevent lawful industrial action. Union officials and members were prosecuted for unlawful industrial action. In response, unions conducted a highly resourced and professional campaign aimed at changing the government and repealing Work Choices. However, the Australian Labor Party under new leader Kevin Rudd announced it would keep certain contentious aspects of Work Choices. Notwithstanding the defeat of the Coalition, barriers remain to unions' future growth and strength.
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Cunningham, Stuart. "Under Great Pressure, a Diamond is Being Formed: The SBS over Time." Media International Australia 133, no. 1 (November 2009): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0913300104.
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This article observes a paradox in the recent history of the Special Broadcasting Service. It is argued that, in contrast to the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, the role and general direction of SBS were not extensively debated as part of the ‘culture wars’ that occurred during the years of the Howard government. While that made SBS a less fraught space during that period, it may now be a factor in the comparative lack of support being given by the Rudd Labor government to SBS in comparison with the ABC, as some of the ‘special’ status of SBS has been blunted by its drift towards more mainstream programming and a mixed economy of commercial advertising, as well as government funding.
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Fenna, Alan. "The Return of Keynesianism in Australia: The Rudd Government and the Lessons of Recessions Past." Australian Journal of Political Science 45, no. 3 (August 17, 2010): 353–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2010.499863.
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Buultjens, Jeremy, and Grant Cairncross. "The Australian Hospitality Industry's Response to Formalised Enterprise and Individual Bargaining Prior to the Rudd Government." Journal of Hospitality and Tourism Management 16, no. 1 (January 2009): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/jhtm.16.1.45.
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Mackinnon, Bruce Hearn. "Employer Matters in 2007." Journal of Industrial Relations 50, no. 3 (June 2008): 463–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185608090000.
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The year 2007 may well be remembered as one being short on major industrial disputation, yet one where industrial relations itself dominated public discussion and political life of the country like no other time in Australia's history. It was a year dominated by the electoral cycle, with both organized labour as well as major employers playing their cards very carefully, lest they provide political ammunition to their political and industrial opponents. Thanks largely to the effectiveness of the union movement's anti Work Choices campaign, major employer groups and their political allies the Howard government found themselves fighting a rearguard, and ultimately losing, battle, valiantly trying to defend the Work Choices regime. At year's end, the Liberal government had lost office, Prime Minister John Howard had lost his own seat in Parliament, and the Rudd Labor Government had been swept to power with a clear mandate to dismantle the Work Choices regime. Yet despite this conclusion to a year dominated by debate over industrial relations, it seems that employers had nevertheless lobbied Labor party leaders successfully enough to secure the continuation of many key components of the former Howard government's industrial relations regime.
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Sutherland, Carolyn. "Industrial Legislation in 2008." Journal of Industrial Relations 51, no. 3 (May 20, 2009): 297–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185609104299.
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In March 2008, the Rudd Government started to dismantle Work Choices. The Workplace Relations Amendment (Transition to Forward with Fairness) Act 2008 (Cth) reintroduced agreement-making safeguards, and removed the option of making Australian Workplace Agreements. The legislation also provided the legal framework for the creation of `modern awards', paving the way for the more far-reaching reforms that are outlined in the Fair Work Bill 2008 (Cth). The first section of the article examines these transitional measures. The second section briefly considers the key features of the Fair Work Bill, concluding that its content and relative simplicity are broadly consistent with the promises made by the Government in its pre-election Forward with Fairness policy. Finally, the article highlights some of the legislative developments at the State level in 2008.
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Cooper, Rae. "Industrial Relations in 2010: ‘Dead, Buried and Cremated’?" Journal of Industrial Relations 53, no. 3 (June 2011): 277–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185611401999.
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The process of embedding the Fair Work system was interrupted briefly in 2010 by high political drama. The Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd, was successfully challenged by his Deputy, the Minister for Employment and Workplace Relations, Julia Gillard. With its first female leader, the Australian Labor Party attempted to run a campaign echoing the anti-Work Choices theme of 2007. This was stymied by the new leader of the opposition Tony Abbott’s insistence that Work Choices was ‘dead, buried and cremated’. Subsequently, a minority Labor government was formed. This article provides an overview of industrial relations in 2010, with an emphasis on politics.
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Monteiro Penteado, Ana Elisa. "The law of the land: intangible ad tangible rights in Aboriginal Australia." Revista de Direito Econômico e Socioambiental 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.7213/rev.dir.econ.socioambienta.03.001.ao08.
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This article deals with the Convention on Biological Diversity, article 8 (j) in connection tothe national and local legislation to be enacted prior to article 8 (j) enforcement. It showsthat for legal protection of Indigenous Peoples’s intangible rights, land rights are to be resolvedby government and organisms devoted to land right claimed by Aboriginal Peoples.The experience of Australia through its recent colonization, decolonization and reviewof social values presented by Rudd Administration secured Indigenous Peoples rights. In conclusion, this article proposes a multi-action from historical, political, legal and jurisprudentialsources for article 8 (j) to be operative.
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Guthrie, Robert, and Kevin Purse. "Business Regulation and Workers’ Compensation: A National Framework for Workers’ Compensation in Australia?" International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 25, Issue 4 (December 1, 2009): 395–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2009026.
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Labour law in Australia is undergoing an unprecedented transformation. Fuelled by demands from big business and a dramatically changing constitutional landscape, the locus of regulation is shifting from the states and territories to the federal government. The most conspicuous illustration to date has been in the mainstream industrial relations arena as epitomized by the Howard Conservative Coalition Government’s Work Choices legislation. More recently, the Rudd Labour Government has championed a national approach to occupational health and safety law based on its ‘cooperative federalism’ agenda. Though less pronounced, workers’ compensation for injury at work has also been the subject of growing business demands for greater national regulation. In examining this issue, this paper will first of all outline previous attempts to develop a national workers’ compensation framework before turning to a consideration of more recent policy and legal developments, which have contributed to the emerging regulatory realignment of workers’ compensation laws and policy. The paper will also identify the major constraints on the drive for a national regulatory framework.
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Vranken, Martin. "Employee Protection: An Outmoded Notion in Australian Labour Law?" International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 26, Issue 2 (June 1, 2010): 231–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2010014.
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This article examines the Australian approach to flexicurity. The focus is on an analysis of the Fair Work Act 2009 (Cth), in force since 1 July 2009. This article demonstrates how the legislature seeks to walk a fine line between economic flexibility for business and social protection for employees. It is argued that, on balance, the incoming Labour government of Prime Minister Kevin Rudd has chosen to err on the side of caution by favouring flexibility for the sake of protecting an export-driven national economy. In the result, the raison d’être of labour law as employee protection law risks being compromised. It would seem that the demands of a globalized economy and the associated need for national economies to be internationally competitive affect the shape of labour law reform in Australia regardless of the political party in office.
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Brigden, Cathy. "Unions and Collective Bargaining in 2009." Journal of Industrial Relations 52, no. 3 (June 2010): 321–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185610365634.
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With the global financial crisis posing an ongoing threat to job security, more positive experiences of trade unions were often overshadowed in 2009. The passage and commencement of the Fair Work Act finally brought Work Choices to an end, or so it seemed until leadership change in the federal Liberal Party revived debate over individual contracts at the end of the year. The still difficult relationship between the unions and the Rudd federal government was in evidence throughout the year, and was underlined at the ACTU Congress. The return of Telstra and the major banks to the bargaining table with unions demonstrated a significant shift in the collective bargaining and industrial relations landscape in 2009. Occupational health and safety issues confronting unions included further developments concerning James Hardie and asbestos, workplace fatalities in the Pilbara and harmonization of occupational health and safety laws.
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van Barneveld, Kristin. "Australian Workplace Agreements in Universities." Journal of Industrial Relations 51, no. 1 (February 2009): 59–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185608099665.
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This article details the use of Australian Workplace Agreements (AWAs) in universities after the Higher Education Workplace Relations Requirements (HEWRRs) mandated that all university staff be offered an AWA by the end of August 2006. It is clear from the evidence that, despite this requirement, at most universities there was little take-up of this form of individual employment arrangement. Of the few who did sign an AWA, one group stood out more than others — senior general staff. However at most universities, these workers have traditionally been employed on individual, common law contracts and moving them from one form of individualized employment arrangement to another did little to increase the overall pool of those on individual employment arrangements in higher education. Once these senior general staff were excluded from the equation, the take-up rate was very low indeed. The research demonstrates that the Howard government's approach to increasing the take-up rate of AWAs in universities failed. With the election of the Rudd Labor Government in November 2007, the very low take-up of AWAs has meant that the university sector has a relatively small task in moving staff back to collective employment arrangements.
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Nevile, John, and Peter Kriesler. "Minimum Wages, Unions, the Economy and Society." Economic and Labour Relations Review 19, no. 1 (November 2008): 25–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530460801900103.
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One of the characteristics of the WorkChoices legislation introduced by the Howard government was the anti-union bias that permeated it. Some argue that this is appropriate because unions increase minimum wages, and economic theory shows that this will decrease employment and hence output. The Rudd government has signalled that it intends changing this anti-union bias, while at the same time restoring the role and coverage of minimum wages. This paper examines the arguments around these issues and concludes that neither side of the economic theory debate has delivered a knockout blow. The theoretical analysis is followed by a section looking at empirical evidence on the effects of deregulating labour markets. Again there is not complete consensus among the economics profession. However, both sides of the debate on the effects of labour market deregulation agree that strong minimum wage legislation does significantly reduce earnings inequality by increasing earnings at the bottom end of the distribution. The paper concludes that the increase in inequality consequent on labour market deregulation has adverse effects on the economy in the short run and disturbing longer run effects on society.
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F. Recher, Harry. "2020 Hindsight: An Ecologically Sustainable Australia." Pacific Conservation Biology 14, no. 2 (2008): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/pc080078.
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It is manifestly unfair to comment on the outcome of a national conference when the final report will not be released until May 30th, ten days after I write this editorial. However, the importance of the 2020 Summit held in Canberra the weekend of April 19?20 should not be underestimated. The Summit was an initiative of Australia?s Prime Minister, the Honourable Kevin Rudd, and intended to generate ?ideas and ambitions? to ?help us shape a long term strategy for the nation?s future ? in relation to the economy, . . ., our environment,. . .[etc.] and ensure nobody is left out of Australia?s future.? (www.australia2020.gov.au/index.cfm). The Summit generated an Initial Report, on which this editorial is based, plus numerous press accounts and analyses, and more than 8500 submissions from the public clearly indicating how seriously Australians took the Summit and its potential for actually influencing long term government policy.
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Latimer, Paul, and A. J. Brown. "In Whose Interest? The Need for Consistency in to Whom, and about Whom, Australian Public Interest Whistleblowers can make Protected Disclosures." Deakin Law Review 12, no. 2 (January 1, 2007): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.21153/dlr2007vol12no2art216.
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<p>Since the 1990s Australia’s nine jurisdictions have passed (or, in the case of the Northern Territory, proposed to pass) public sector whistleblower legislation. The legislation, which reflects different political origins and legislative aims, is not consistent in many respects and there are few common tests across the jurisdictions. This article analyses two issues - who the Australian whistleblower<br />can disclose to, and who the whistleblower can make protected disclosures about. The examination of these issues indicates inconsistencies in the public law whistleblower laws enacted since the 1990s. This inconsistency is not sensible in Australia’s national economy, where an employee in one State can make a protected disclosure, but an employee in another cannot make the same disclosure. This article supports the election commitment of the Rudd federal government in 2007 to introduce best practice federal whistleblowing legislation which will hopefully overcome shortcomings analysed in this article.</p>
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Carne, Greg. "Hasten Slowly: Urgency, Discretion and Review - a Counter-Terrorism Legislative Agenda and Legacy." Deakin Law Review 13, no. 2 (December 1, 2008): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21153/dlr2008vol13no2art160.
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<p>This article examines the practice by the Howard government from 2003 of invoking a paradigm of urgency in the introduction and enactment of multiple examples of counter terrorism legislation, with claims that review and remediation of that legislation best occur after rapid enactment. Speedy<br />legislative passage was frequently accompanied by few amendments, a discounting of parliamentary and other review recommendations and a contrasting unwillingness or neglect to subsequently review and amend enacted legislation to strengthen safeguards and increase accountability. By<br />examining selected major examples of counter-terrorism legislation, a comprehensive understanding of the applications of urgency as a legislative mechanism in counter-terrorism law reform from the Howard years can be<br />obtained. These applications range between the obtaining of immediate political advantage and an ongoing concentration of executive power. Several serious and distinctive features adversely impacting upon representative democracy were also generated by this urgency paradigm in counter-terrorism legislative enactments. The Rudd government has inherited the considerable legacy of this urgency bound legislative agenda. Questions now arise as to whether proper review of that legislation will occur and whether the culture of urgency will persist in a different government’s legislative responses to terrorism.</p>
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Gale, Peter. "Rights, responsibilities, and resistance: Legal discourse and intervention legislation in the Northern Territory in Australia." Semiotica 2016, no. 209 (March 1, 2016): 167–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sem-2016-0010.
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AbstractIn the shadow of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, adopted and endorsed by 143 nations on 17th September 2007, the then Howard Government suspended the Racial Discrimination Act in Australia to implement the Northern Territory Emergency Response Bill, commonly referred to as the Northern Territory intervention. This legislation included the compulsory acquisition of townships; the suspension of the permit system to access Aboriginal communities; the removal of customary law or cultural practices in any legal considerations in sentencing; the abolition of the Community Development Employment Projects; and the quarantining of a proportion of welfare benefits for all recipients in designated communities. While Australia was one of only four nations who did not endorse the Declaration in 2007, the UN Declaration was subsequently adopted and endorsed in April 2009 by the then Rudd Labor Government. The ratification of the UN Declaration may appear to reflect a change of policy, yet amidst significant Indigenous opposition and criticism of the United Nations, the Gillard Labor Government continued the central tenants of the NT Intervention for a further ten years in the form of the Stronger Futures legislation in 2012. This essay explores some of the tensions and contradictions inherent within legal and political discourse in the recognition of rights between the rights of the child on the one hand, and Indigenous rights and citizenship rights within the Northern Territory Intervention legislation and policy of Stronger Futures in the Northern Territory.
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Yarmo-Roberts, Deborah. "Editorial." Australian Health Review 33, no. 4 (2009): 558. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah090558.
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The AHR Models of Care section aims to provide a diverse number of articles that canvas many areas of health care. In this issue, we look at transition care and mutidisciplinary case conferencing in aged care services, and a psychosocial model of care in breast cancer services. The first article by Giles et al is entitled ?The distribution of health services for older people in Australia: where does transition care fit??. The second article is ?Perceptions of multidisciplinary case conferencing in residential aged care facilities? by Halcomb et al. A case study write up of a quality assurance project is also presented ? ?The Breast Service Psychosocial Model of Care Project? by Williams and Mann. As this year draws to a close, there are multiple health care reforms occurring in Australia and abroad. One of the more dominant reforms occurring is the United States health care reform considering universal coverage of its population (among other relevant reforms). The last issue of AHR included in its Models of Care section an article highlighting some of the possible ways forward for health insurance coverage of its population. Before this time and since then, there has been ample debate and discussion around draft bills of legislation and the possible frameworks and principles that any eventual reform policy would incorporate. Likewise, in Australia, there is much occurring in health reform. The Rudd government commissioned a National Health and Hospitals Reform Commission in 2008 who provided their final report A healthier future for all Australians in June 2009.1 It has outlined 123 recommendations for long-term health care reform in Australia. The report is being dissected and discussed among the government, industry and to a lesser extent the public at large. The Rudd government?s decision to wait at least 6 months to digest the report and call for particular actions is both deliberate and strategic. Other federal government reports which have received considerable attention are Australia: the healthiest country by 2020 ? National Preventative Health Strategy,2 and a discussion paper around a future National Primary Health Care Strategy.3 The former was completed in June 2009 and released to the public in September 2009 and the discussion paper entitled Towards a National Primary Health Care Strategy was released in 2008. As of the time this Editorial is being written, a final draft National Primary Health Care Strategy has yet to be released to the public. I urge all readers of AHR to look at these documents to get a taste for the priority of reforms being discussed in the federal government. There are similarities and differences among the issues canvassed in both the US and Australian government health reform bills, policy discussion papers and reports. As in the topics of articles offered in AHR issues, areas of discussion include financing and governance, quality and safety, inequalities, health information, public versus private health, health service utilisation, workforce and many other areas concerning health care. As a key difference, Australia is not debating the universal coverage component. This is already valued among the majority of citizens in this country and has no intention of being changed. Yet, the financial structures and governance of health care in Australia are being hotly debated. A similarity among reforms in both countries is that they are largely battling with broader (and deeper) issues of ?values? and ?ideology?. It is important to distinguish this from the particulars of any report or bill of legislation and acknowledge that both countries are at important crossroads. Watch this space.
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Marsh, Ian. "The Rudd Government: Australian Commonwealth Administration 2007-2010 edited byChris Aulich and Mark EvansJulia 2010: The Caretaker Election edited byMarian Simms and John Wanna." Australian Journal of Public Administration 71, no. 3 (September 2012): 366–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8500.2012.00776_2.x.
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Althofer, Jayson. "BrisBAMN!? Bringing the Streets into the Museum." Queensland Review 14, no. 01 (January 2007): 129–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600006280.
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I had been under the impression that there was only one Brisbane. — Steele Rudd In 1921, Jack Lindsay wrote from Brisbane of Nietzsche's assertion ‘that the academic virtue is sleep, i.e., narcotisation’. A common academic and non-academic indulgence in remembering Brisbane is the narcotic of Queensland's extreme difference: a state of exceptional boredom and brutality. It is widely assumed that, for most of its history, Queensland was a sleepy backwater; its capital the country town described by a late nineteenth century visitor: ‘Brisbane is quite a pretty town, to be sure, but it bores you to death.’ Dismissive characterisations of Queensland coarsened as a result of Bjelke-Petersen's ascendency. If you were not bored to death by its cultural wastelands, you could be beaten close to it in the boorish badlands patrolled by his pigs. The crazed Dane fed the chooks while watching cranes rise over this animal farm, apparently untouchable in his Elsinore: The rest of the country often thought [Queenslanders] a bit peculiar: a maverick state, populated by politically backward ‘banana benders’ who chose a crank … to rule them. These rather offensive stereotypes helped in turn to sustain a political myth that the government was somehow unique in its reactionary politics — even ‘fascist’ — making Petersen impossible to defeat or dislodge.
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Jackson, Keith. "Book Review: G. A. Wood and Chris Rudd, The Politics and Government of New Zealand: robust, innovative and challenged (Dunedin: Otago University Press, 2004), pp. 260, paper $49.95." Political Science 57, no. 1 (June 2005): 96–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231870505700113.
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McPhail, Ken, Robert Ochoki Nyamori, and Savitri Taylor. "Escaping accountability: a case of Australia’s asylum seeker policy." Accounting, Auditing & Accountability Journal 29, no. 6 (August 15, 2016): 947–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aaaj-03-2014-1639.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to address two questions: first, what contracts, instruments and accounting activities constitute Australia’s offshore asylum seeker processing policy in practice? Second, how are notions of legitimacy and accountability mediated through the network constituted by this policy? Design/methodology/approach – The paper is located in the critical interpretivist approach to accounting research. It is based on an exhaustive documentary analysis. Policy documents, contract documents, records of parliamentary inquiries (Hansard) and legislation were analysed drawing on a network policy perspective. Findings – The paper finds that the Australian Government has sought to escape its accountability obligations by employing a range of approaches. The first of these approaches is the construction of a network involving foreign states, private corporations and non-government organizations. The second is through a watered down accountability regime and refusal to be accountable for the day-to-day life of asylum seekers in offshore processing centres through a play with the meaning of “effective control”. Yet while the policy network seems designed to create accountability gaps, the requirement within the network to remain financially accountable undermines the governments claims not to be responsible for the conditions in the detention camps. Research limitations/implications – The paper focuses largely on the period starting from when Kevin Rudd became Prime Minister to the death in Papua New Guinea of asylum seeker Reza Barati on 17 February 2014. Earlier periods are beyond the scope of this paper. Practical implications – The paper will result in the identification of deficiencies inhuman rights accountability for extra-territorialized and privatised immigration detention and may contribute towards the formulation of effective policy recommendations to overcome such deficiencies. The paper also provides empirical data on, and academic understanding of, immigration detention outsourcing and offshoring. Social implications – The paper will inform debate regarding treatment of unauthorized maritime arrivals and asylum seekers generally. Originality/value – The paper provides the first detailed and full understanding of the way Australia’s offshore asylum seeker processing policy is practiced. The paper also provides an empirical analysis of the way national policy and its associated accountability mechanisms emerge in response to the competing legitimacy claims of the international community and national electorate.
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Van Der Weyden, Martin B. "The Rudd government's health reform 2010." Medical Journal of Australia 192, no. 9 (May 2010): 507. http://dx.doi.org/10.5694/j.1326-5377.2010.tb03608.x.
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Bonias, Dimitra, Sandra G. Leggat, and Timothy Bartram. "Encouraging participation in health system reform: is clinical engagement a useful concept for policy and management?" Australian Health Review 36, no. 4 (2012): 378. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah11095.
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Objective. Recent health system enquiries and commissions, including the National Health and Hospital Reform Commission, have promoted clinical engagement as necessary for improving the Australian healthcare system. In fact, the Rudd Government identified clinician engagement as important for the success of the planned health system reform. Yet there is uncertainty about how clinical engagement is understood in health policy and management. This paper aims to clarify how clinical engagement is defined, measured and how it might be achieved in policy and management in Australia. Methods. We review the literature and consider clinical engagement in relation to employee engagement, a defined construct within the management literature. We consider the structure and employment relationships of the public health sector in assessing the relevance of this literature. Conclusions. Based on the evidence, we argue that clinical engagement is similar to employee engagement, but that engagement of clinicians who are employees requires a different construct to engagement of clinicians who are independent practitioners. The development of this second construct is illustrated using the case of Visiting Medical Officers in Victoria. Implications. Antecedent organisational and system conditions to clinical engagement appear to be lacking in the Australian public health system, suggesting meaningful engagement will be difficult to achieve in the short-term. This has the potential to threaten proposed reforms of the Australian healthcare system. What is known about the topic? Engagement of clinicians has been identified as essential for improving quality and safety, as well as successful health system reform, but there is little understanding of how to define and measure this engagement. What does this paper add? Clinical engagement is defined as the cognitive, emotional and physical contribution of health professionals to their jobs, and to improving their organisation and their health system within their working roles in their employing health service. While this construct applies to employees, engagement of independent practitioners is a different construct that needs to recognise out-of-role requirements for clinicians to become engaged in organisational and system reform. What are the implications for practitioners? This paper advances our understanding of clinical engagement, and suggests that based on research on high performance work systems, the Australian health system has a way to go before the antecedents of engagement are in place.
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Tubilewicz, Czeslaw. "The 2009 Defence White Paper and the Rudd Government's Response to China's Rise." Australian Journal of Political Science 45, no. 1 (March 2010): 149–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140903517767.
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Mégevand, Béatrice. "Between Insurrection and Government—ICRC action in Mexico." International Review of the Red Cross 35, no. 304 (February 1995): 94–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400086502.
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On 1 January 1994, Mexico's awakening after New Year's Eve was rude to say the least, for that was the date chosen by a hitherto unknown guerrilla movement, the Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (Zapatista National Liberation Army), to launch a simultaneous attack on several municipalities in the south-eastern Mexican State of Chiapas, and particularly on its jewel, well known to tourists — San Cristobal de Las Casas.
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Ramia, Gaby, and Terry Carney. "The Rudd Government's Employment Services Agenda: Is it Post-NPM and Why is that Important?" Australian Journal of Public Administration 69, no. 3 (September 2010): 263–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8500.2010.00686.x.
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Erdos, D. "The Rudd Government's Rejection of an Australian Bill of Rights: a Stunted Case of Aversive Constitutionalism?" Parliamentary Affairs 65, no. 2 (November 6, 2011): 359–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsr040.
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Aryanto, Nova, Ahmad Jaya, and Chairul Hudaya. "PEMODELAN ENERGI BARU TERBARUKAN (EBT) MELALUI PENDEKATAN DINAMIS UNTUK KETAHANAN ENERGI KABUPATEN SUMBAWA 2017-2027." Jurnal TAMBORA 4, no. 2A (July 30, 2020): 122–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.36761/jt.v4i2a.783.
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In an effort to increase the value of the Electrification Ratio value reaches 99.9% andUtilization of New and Renewable Energy (EBT) of up to 25% by 2025 is requiredThe General Plan for National Energy (RUEN) which is revealed to be the General DraftRegional Energy (RUED). Sumbawa as an area in West Nusa Tenggarahas the potential for EBT in the form of Solar Energy Potential, Hydro Energy, and Thermal EnergyEarth and Sea Energy require strategic policies to manage andmeet the energy security of the region. This study aims to predictEnergy needs, and mapping the potential of EBT, in order to obtain a mixenergy (energy mix) is balanced. This research was conducted using toolssoftware Long-range Energy Alternatives Planning System (LEAP) withdynamic systems approach. Data obtained from PT. PLN UP3 Sumbawa, RUPTL DataPLN NTB Region, Bapedda Kab. Sumbawa and Data from BPS Kab. Sumbawa. ResultThis research shows that the potential of EBT can be integrated in RUED formeet the energy needs of the region. Therefore, this research canproduce accurate energy demand forecast for Sumbawa Regencyin particular the use of regional green energy sources (Green Energy) to achieve thisenergy security for the great and dignified Sumbawa Regencyencouraging the formation of RUED Sumbawa Regency in line with the Indicator StrategySDGs program launched by the Government, both the Central Government andLocal Government especially the Clean Energy (Green Energy) program.
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Valle de Souza, Simone, Brian Dollery, and Michael A. Kortt. "Counting the Cost: A Critical Evaluation of the Australian National Broadband Network Roll-Out under the Rudd/Gillard Governments." International Journal of Public Administration 41, no. 2 (December 23, 2016): 129–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01900692.2016.1255960.
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Almusharaf, Waleed. "The curious case of Bakht er Ruda: liberal education, freedom and other technologies of colonial government." Critical African Studies 11, no. 2 (May 4, 2019): 208–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21681392.2019.1657027.
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COSSA, NATALIA A., LAURA FASOLA, IGNACIO ROESLER, and JUAN CARLOS REBOREDA. "Ruddy-headed Goose Chloephaga rubidiceps: former plague and present protected species on the edge of extinction." Bird Conservation International 27, no. 2 (August 12, 2016): 269–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959270916000101.
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SummaryThe Ruddy-headed Goose Chloephaga rubidiceps has two separate and genetically distinct populations, one sedentary that inhabits the Malvinas/Falklands Islands and another migratory, which inhabits continental southern South America. New information suggests that these populations should be considered as different evolutionarily significant units. The latter population breeds in Austral Patagonia (Argentina and Chile) and overwinters in Central Argentina. It was a very common species in Austral Magellanic steppe grasslands before 1931, when it was declared an “agricultural pest” by the Argentinian government, together with other sheldgeese species. Since then, the continental Ruddy-headed Goose population has declined becoming one of the scarcest species in Austral Magellanic steppe. Nowadays, its population is categorised as critically endangered in Argentina and endangered in Chile. We present data from six road censuses conducted in the breeding areas of Santa Cruz and Tierra del Fuego provinces, Argentina, during 2013–2014 and 2014–2015 (>4600 km, 70 days) and review population trends of the Ruddy-headed Goose since the early 1900s. We counted a maximum of 19 individuals in Santa Cruz and 49 in Tierra del Fuego throughout the breeding season. A literature review indicates that during the last 40 years the size of continental population of Ruddy-headed Goose has been < 800 individuals, approximately 10% of the estimated population in the 1900s. This decline matches the period following the application of control techniques and the introduction of exotic predator species in the breeding grounds of Tierra del Fuego. We review and discuss formerly proposed conservation actions that may have a positive and rapid effect on sheldgoose numbers recovery. We suggest that the continental population of Ruddy-headed Goose should on a precautionary basis be treated as a critically endangered population until genetic studies determine whether we are in the presence of a new ‘Critically Endangered’ species.
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Chudy, Krzysztof. "Mine Water as Geothermal Resource in Nowa Ruda Region (SW Poland)." Water 14, no. 2 (January 6, 2022): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w14020136.
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The Lower Silesian Coal Basin in south-western Poland was a region of intensive coal mining until the late 1990s. After mining was stopped and the mines were closed, the underground workings were flooded. This created an underground reservoir of waters that can be economically managed to supply energy, using heat pumps, to the town of Nowa Ruda. The article analyses the energy potential of these waters. It was shown that open loop with reinjection system based on mine shafts can provide 10 GWh of geothermal energy while reducing emissions from 4.27 tCO2 to 0.22 tCO2. In addition, 2.09 GWh can be extracted from water flowing out of mine shafts via adits. As a final result, this will lead to improve air quality as well as increase the environmental value of the region. These results can act as a reference tool for local government, specialists in energy policy at the local scale. They are also the basis for future work aimed at acquiring external funds to carry out detailed studies of the condition of mine shafts, geothermal profiling of water in sunken shafts and test pumping, which will make it possible to determine the real quantities of water to be used.
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Ibáñez, Ana María, and Andrea Velásquez. "Identifying Victims of Civil Conflicts: An Evaluation of Forced Displaced Households in Colombia." Journal of Peace Research 46, no. 3 (May 2009): 431–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343309102661.
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Given that forced migration subjects households to extremely vulnerable conditions, the need to design particular policies for displaced populations is unquestionable. However, forced displacement poses several challenges to policymakers. In connection with low-intensity conflicts, such as in the case of Colombia, the main obstacle concerns the identification of households' victims of forced migration, so as to know to whom one should funnel aid. In such cases, inasmuch as victims migrate individually and tend to spread throughout a territory, identifying victims is difficult and channeling aid through supply-driven mechanisms is prohibitively expensive. To locate the households' victims of low intensity conflicts, an alternative — one adopted by the Colombia government — is to provide aid through demand-driven programs. This article evaluates whether demand-driven approaches aimed at assisting displaced households do in fact reach the entire displaced population. The study employs a survey applied to 1,553 households located in 48 Colombian municipalities. The authors identify to what extent a demand-driven approach excludes particular groups of households within the displaced population, examine what household characteristics determine the decision to declare one's eligibility for and final registration in RUPD, and analyze whether the exclusion of some groups of households is caused by the behavior of the relevant displaced households or by the deliberate targeting of these households by government offices. Results reveal that the exclusion of households from Colombia's RPUD program is mainly caused by lack of information regarding RUPD, with institutional determinants playing a lesser role.
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Tirsa Ninia Lina and Matheus Supriyanto Rumetna. "Edukasi: Optimasi Menggunakan Metode Simpleks Pada Usaha Bahan Bakar Minyak Berskala Kecil." ABDIKAN: Jurnal Pengabdian Masyarakat Bidang Sains dan Teknologi 1, no. 2 (May 30, 2022): 141–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.55123/abdikan.v1i2.265.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has forced small-scale businesses to innovate. One of them is a business owned by Mr. Ruddy which sells gasoline and pertalite types of fuel oil. Before the pandemic hit, this business could be said to be running smoothly, but during the pandemic this business began to be deserted from consumers. During the pandemic, the Sorong city government implemented regulations related to PPKM. This regulation also contributes to the reduction of consumers for Mr. Ruddy's business, because people are limited in their mobility. Seeing the situation experienced by Mr. Ruddy's business, the PkM team of the Information Systems Study Program at Victory Sorong University offers an educational program on the use of Linear Programs by utilizing the Simplex method and information technology in the form of POM-QM software for windows version 5.3. The purpose of this educational program is to share knowledge to help small-scale businesses, especially Mr. Ruddy's businesses, to continue to innovate and survive during the pandemic. Where Mr. Ruddy can gain knowledge that can be used for decision making in business operations.
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Saunders, Peter. "Social Exclusion: Challenges for Research and Implications for Policy." Economic and Labour Relations Review 19, no. 1 (November 2008): 73–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530460801900106.
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Social exclusion is influencing how social policy issues are conceived, debated, researched and addressed, particularly in Europe. It has also been given prominence as a focus of the Rudd Government's social policy agenda. This paper reviews the debate over the definition and measurement of social exclusion, focusing on its relationship with poverty, defined in terms of low-income. The analysis is based on the premise that conceptual and measurement issues can play an important role in identifying causation, and thus point to the kinds of actions needed to address the problem. The argument is illustrated by drawing on recent Australian research that shows that exclusion takes many different but often inter-connected forms, and that there is a low degree of overlap between exclusion and poverty. The implications of the findings for research and policy are briefly discussed.
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HE, BAOGANG. "The Awkwardness of Australian Engagement with Asia: The Dilemmas of Australian Idea of Regionalism." Japanese Journal of Political Science 12, no. 2 (June 24, 2011): 267–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109911000077.
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AbstractAustralia has experienced difficulties engaging with Asia-Pacific regional integration. Despite Australian attempts to punch above its weight in regional forums and to be a regional leader, it is still not regarded as a full member or as quite fitting into the region. It is an ‘awkward partner’ in the Asian context, and has experienced the ‘liminality’ of being neither here nor there. The former Rudd government's proposal for an ‘Asia Pacific Community’ (APC) by the year 2020 was a substantive initiative in Australia's ongoing engagement with Asia. It has, however, attracted a high level of criticism both at home and abroad. The main critical analysis of the proposal has focused on institutional building or architecture, or its relationship with existing regional institutions, but overlooks a host of often fraught questions about culture, norms, identities, and international power relations. The APC concept needs to be scrutinized in terms of these questions with a critical eye. This paper examines the cultural, cognitive, and normative dimensions of Rudd's proposal. It analyses four dilemmas or awkward problems that the APC faces.
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Manchikanti, Laxmaiah. "A Seamless Navigation to ICD-10-CM for Interventional Pain Physicians: Is a Rude Awakening Avoidable?" Pain Physician 1;19, no. 1;1 (January 14, 2016): E1—E14. http://dx.doi.org/10.36076/ppj/2016.19.e1.
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Since October 1, 2015, the International Classification of Diseases, 10th Revision, Clinical Modification (ICD-10-CM) was integrated into U.S. medical practices. This monumental transition seemingly occurred rather unceremoniously, despite significant opposition and reservations having been expressed by the provider community. In prior publications, we have described various survival strategies for interventional pain physicians. The regulators and beneficiaries of system – CMS, consultants, and health information technology industry are congratulating themselves for a job well done. Nonetheless, this transition comes at an immeasurable financial and psychological drain on providers. However, a rude awakening may be making its way with expiration of initial concessions from government and private payers. This manuscript provides a template for interventional pain management professionals with multiple steps for seamless navigation, including descriptions of the most commonly used codes, navigation through ICD-10-CM manual, steps for correct coding, and finally, detailed coding descriptions for various interventional techniques. Key words: ICD-9-CM (International Classification of Diseases, Ninth revision, Clinical Modification), ICD-10, ICD-10-CM (International Classification of Diseases, 10th Revision), Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA), Health Information Technology (HIT)
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Lim, Wesley. "Skating toward Americanization." German Politics and Society 37, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 44–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370203.
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At the 1987 World Figure Skating Championship, Katarina Witt skated to instrumental music from West Side Story playing the role of Maria. But how could her performance to Broadway show tunes be in line with SED ideology? Through histoire croisée— establishing multiple intersections with different cultures and tracing their continuing effects—this article examines how Witt’s, her coach Jutta Müller’s and choreographer Rudy Suchy’s privileged exposure to Western culture through dance, music, film, experiences abroad, and other skaters’ choreography and costuming inspired reappropriated manifestations through an East German lens into the packaging of Witt’s skating programs in the 1980s. Using television broadcasts, I analyze the gradual to overt Americanization of her programs as her government loosened its grips by granting her more artistic freedom.
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Vlasenko, Nikolay A., Sergey B. Zinkovskiy, and Irina A. Gronic. "Improving measures for the development of financial and legal back up of state support for development programs of higher education institutions in Russia." RUDN Journal of Law 25, no. 1 (December 15, 2021): 340–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2337-2021-25-1-340-349.
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The RUDN Law Institute research team headed by the Doctor of Sciences, professor of the Department of Theory of Law and State Nikolay Vlasenko performed an expert and analytical work for the formation of a package of proposals on measures and law-making initiatives in order to implement the amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation adopted in 2020. The aim was to assess the need to determine the additional source of income of a constituent of the Russian Federation for state support for the development programs of higher educational organizations by changing the system of distribution of tax revenues between federal and regional levels of the budget. The research team included Sergei Zinkovskiy, Ph.D., associate professor of the Department of Theory of Law and State, Mikhail Katsarsky, Ph.D., associate professor of the Department of Theory of Law and State, Irina Gronik, Ph.D., assistant professor of the Department of Civil Law and Civil Procedure Law and Private International Law, Denis Dobryakov, Irina Chernykh and other specialists of RUDN Law Institute. The results of the research can be used by the Government of the Russian Federation, the Ministry of Higher Education and Science of the Russian Federation to form theoretically based proposals related to the dynamics of financial and legal support for state efforts for programs of higher education organizations development in Russia on the territories of subjects of the Russian Federation in connection with the implementation of the amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation.
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Horverak, Øyvind. "Does Norwegian alcohol policy favour lower alcohol content beverages? A historical overview." Nordic Studies on Alcohol and Drugs 29, no. 1 (February 2012): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10199-012-0002-2.
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Aims A historical overview of the relation between Norwegian alcohol policy and problems caused by different alcoholic beverages during the last two centuries. Results & Conclusions The main thesis is that the concrete shaping of Norwegian alcohol policy changes according to the beverage which is supposed to cause most harm. Traditionally, this beverage has been liquor, and the Norwegian alcohol policy has mainly been occupied with the evils of spirits. Problems following from the consumption of beer and wine have been seen as relatively modest. At times, these weaker beverages have been viewed as a temperate alternative to the stronger spirits. After WWII, the government chose a policy which tended to favour wine over liquor and beer. Wine consumption was related to a somewhat more sophisticated and cultural sphere than the rude consumption of beer and spirits.
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Timo, Nils. "Future directions for workplace bargaining and aged care under a post 2005 Howard government." Australian Health Review 29, no. 3 (2005): 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah050274.
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ON THE 1ST OF JULY 2005, the Howard Government took control of both the House of Representatives and the Senate and substantial reform of the nation?s industrial relations framework is likely to proceed. In order to understand the implications of the proposed industrial relations (IR) reform agenda on aged care, it is necessary to briefly revisit the past. Historically, the ability of the Commonwealth Parliament to regulate industrial relations was construed in the context of Section 51 (xxxv) of the Australian Constitution Act 1900 (Cwlth) that enabled the Commonwealth to make laws concerning ?conciliation and arbitration and the prevention and settlement of industrial disputes extending beyond the limits of any one state?. Since 1904, the Commonwealth, with the states following shortly thereafter, established a regime of industrial tribunals responsible for third party independent conciliation and arbitration, overseeing a system of legally binding industrial awards covering wages and employment conditions. This system, in the words of one of its chief architects, Justice Higgins, ? . . . would substitute for the rude and barbarous processes of strike and lock-out?1 (page 2). By 1991, Australian wages policy gradually shifted from centralised arbitration, elevating workplace agreements to the status of government policy on both sides of politics.2 This process accelerated labour market deregulation, shifting industrial relations and human resource issues to the enterprise level.3 The shift towards workplace agreements post 1990?s was underpinned by a bold reinterpretation of Section 51 (xx) of the Constitution Act that enabled the Commonwealth to regulate the affairs of ?trading or financial corporations formed within the limits of the Commonwealth?, thus, by definition, including regulating employee relations of corporations. The use by the Commonwealth of these powers has extended the jurisdiction of the Australian Industrial Relations Commission (AIRC) to include the making and approving of certified agreements made by constitutional corporations or in settlement of an industrial dispute. Other types of employers such as sole traders, churches and charities, partnerships and unincorporated associations remained covered by state industrial jurisdictions. (On these powers of the Commonwealth, see State of
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Araujo-Cuauro, Juan Carlos. "Venezuela en Oclocracia ¿Un problema más cultural y educacional que económico o ideológico?" Cuestiones Políticas 40, no. 72 (March 7, 2022): 889–911. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4072.54.
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Polybius argued at the time that ochlocracy is presented as the worst of all the evils of democratic political systems, the end of the state and the degeneration of power. The ochlocracy has the appearance of a democracy, but it is not, since it mutilates the power of the people and is nothing more than a degenerate democracy, since in its course it perverts its institutions to flatter the desire of the masses (power of the crowd). Under this perspective, this work aimed to describe how a part of Venezuelan society, throughout these last two decades of republican life, has become an oclocrocratic society, that is, the government of the plebs, the rabble, rude, ignorant and loaded with vulgarity, this is due to its low cultural formation, moral and educational. The nature of the essay is descriptive. It is concluded that the Venezuelan political and social conflict that degenerated into ochlocracy is more determined by cultural and educational factors than economic or ideological ones.