Academic literature on the topic 'RPG Campaign Builder'

Purpose This paper aims to address the numerical simulation of additive manufacturing (AM) processes. The numerical results are compared with the experimental campaign carried out at State Key Laboratory of Solidification Processing laboratories, where a laser solid forming machine, also referred to as laser engineered net shaping, is used to fabricate metal parts directly from computer-aided design models. Ti-6Al-4V metal powder is injected into the molten pool created by a focused, high-energy laser beam and a layer of added material is sinterized according to the laser scanning pattern specified by the user. Design/methodology/approach The numerical model adopts an apropos finite element (FE) activation technology, which reproduces the same scanning pattern set for the numerical control system of the AM machine. This consists of a complex sequence of polylines, used to define the contour of the component, and hatches patterns to fill the inner section. The full sequence is given through the common layer interface format, a standard format for different manufacturing processes such as rapid prototyping, shape metal deposition or machining processes, among others. The result is a layer-by-layer metal deposition which can be used to build-up complex structures for components such as turbine blades, aircraft stiffeners, cooling systems or medical implants, among others. Findings Ad hoc FE framework for the numerical simulation of the AM process by metal deposition is introduced. Description of the calibration procedure adopted is presented. Originality/value The objectives of this paper are twofold: firstly, this work is intended to calibrate the software for the numerical simulation of the AM process, to achieve high accuracy. Secondly, the sensitivity of the numerical model to the process parameters and modeling data is analyzed.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the mechanical behaviour of additively manufactured Ti-6Al-4V under cyclic loading. Using as-built selective laser melting (SLM) Ti-6Al-4V in engineering applications requires a detailed understanding of its elastoplastic behaviour. This preliminary study intends to create a better understanding on the cyclic plasticity phenomena exhibited by this material under symmetric and asymmetric strain-controlled cyclic loading. Design/methodology/approach This paper investigates experimentally the cyclic elastoplastic behaviour of as-built SLM Ti-6Al-4V under symmetric and asymmetric strain-controlled loading histories and compares it to that of wrought Ti-6Al-4V. Moreover, a plasticity model has been customised to simulate effectively the mechanical behaviour of the as-built SLM Ti-6Al-4V. This model is formulated to account for the SLM Ti-6Al-4V-specific characteristics, under the strain-controlled experiments. Findings The elastoplastic behaviour of the as-built SLM Ti-6Al-4V has been compared to that of the wrought material, enabling characterisation of the cyclic transient phenomena under symmetric and asymmetric strain-controlled loadings. The test results have identified a difference in the strain-controlled cyclic phenomena in the as-build SLM Ti-6Al-4V when compared to its wrought counterpart, because of a difference in their microstructure. The plasticity model offers accurate simulation of the observed experimental behaviour in the SLM material. Research limitations/implications Further investigation through a more extensive test campaign involving a wider set of strain-controlled loading cases, including multiaxial (biaxial) histories, is required for a more complete characterisation of the material performance. Originality/value The present investigation offers an advancement in the knowledge of cyclic transient effects exhibited by a typical α’ martensite SLM Ti-6Al-4V under symmetric and asymmetric strain-controlled tests. The research data and findings reported are among the very few reported so far in the literature.

In South Africa the practice of toppling statues is as old as the practice of erecting them. The most recent episode in this history began in 2015 with the Rhodes Must Fall campaign at the University of Cape Town, from where it rapidly spread to sites throughout South Africa. Confronted with the fact that 97% of South Africa’s 3500 declared heritage sites related to white values and experiences at the end of the apartheid era and that there has been little progress towards crafting a more representative heritage landscape, one cannot dispute the Rhodes Must Fall assertion that South African statues anachronistically honour the leading figures of South Africa’s colonial and apartheid past. Observing that public debate around the statues was rapidly polarised into two camps, those who would defend the statues and those who would destroy them, this paper argues that neither option sufficiently addresses the multiple meanings of statues. By examining the changing public-history discourses of the 20th century we propose a third approach grounded in post humanist arguments about the limitation of critique and the promise of care as an ethical, affective and practical pursuit. We argue that this post humanist approach to the question of what to do with statues in South Africa is capable of transforming them from fetishised objects of offence or of heritage into points around which new publics can gather and through which the historical ontology of contemporary power dynamics can be accessed, interrogated and acted upon in order to build new forms of citizenship. In Suid-Afrika is die praktyk van standbeelde omgooi net so oud soos die praktyk om hulle op te rig. Die mees onlangse episode in hierdie geskiedenis het in 2015 in Kaapstad begin met die Rhodes Must Fall veldtog by die Universiteit van Kaapstad en daarvandaan het dit vining versprei na plekke dwarsoor Suid-Afrika. Gesien in die lig van feit dat teen die einde van die apartheidera 97% van Suid-Afrika se 3500 erfenisplekke verwant was aan blanke waardes en ervaringe en dat daar min vordering was met die daarstelling van ‘n meer verteenwoordigende erfenislandskap, kan mens nie wegkom van Rhodes Must Fall stelling dat Suid-Afrikaanse beelde ‘n anachronistiese verering is van die leidende figure van Suid-Afrika se koloniale en apartheidsverlede. Gegewe dat die openbare debat vining gepolariseer geraak het in twee kampe, naamlik diegene wat die beelde woul beskerm en diegene wat hulle wou vernietig, is die argument wat aangevoer word in hierdie artikel dat nie een van die opsies voldoende handel met die veelvuldige betekenisse van beelde nie. Deur ‘n ondersoek te doen na die veranderende diskoerse oor openbare geskiedenis in die 20ste eeu stel ons ‘n derde benadering voor, wat ingebed is in post-humanistiese argumente oor die beperkinge van kritiek en die moontlikhede van sorg as ‘n etiese, affektiewe en praktiese benadering. Ons argumenteer naamlik dat die post-humanistiese benadering tot wat mens moet doen met beelde in Suid-Afrika is om hulle te omvorm van fetisjistiese voorwerpe wat aanstoot gee of van erfenisvoorwerpe tot plekke waar nuwe publieke kan vergader en waardeur die historiese ontologie van kontemporêre magsdinamiek benader, ondersoek en oor gehandel kan word om nuwe vorme van burgerskap te bou.

What a year 2023 has been for the well-intervention business! Despite all the debates on the energy transition, oil and gas demand continues to be strong and all the actors of our business look for avenues to increase hydrocarbon recovery and enhance production at minimal financial and environmental costs. The year 2024 builds on this momentum and looks at least as promising. As was discussed last year, coiled tubing has a key role to play in those efforts, thanks to several technology advancements and best practices that deliver safer, leaner, and more-efficient operations. Those three themes were once again at the center of discussions at the 2024 SPE/ICoTA Well Intervention Conference and Exhibition (WICE) in The Woodlands, TX, USA, on 19–20 March. Coiled tubing benefited from great visibility, judging from most of the presentations of the technical program. The event focused on the usual themes, such as interventions in horizontal and multilateral wells, wellbore integrity, advancements in downhole tools, surface equipment and other materials, or even offshore operations. But what was particularly interesting to me was the renewed excitement surrounding light well-intervention vessels and subsea interventions, digital enablement, and coiled tubing drilling (CTD). As you may remember, CTD was already part of our technology focus in 2023. In fact, it is not the first time it has been given the spotlight in this column. With a quick look at previous issues written by my esteemed predecessors, the reader will realize that, like the phoenix being reborn from its ashes, CTD comes and goes in cycles. However, this time around, it seems to be at the forefront to stay, being considered strategic by an industry in search for economical ways to reach bypassed reserves at a time when hydrocarbons become more and more complex to find and extract. Those privileged to have attended the 2024 International Petroleum Conference on 12–14 February in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia, certainly noticed how CTD is already heavily used in the Middle East and the North Sea. Those success stories have (re-)sparked new interest in Asia, the Caspian Sea, and North Africa, just to name a few. Sieving through the long list of coiled tubing publications since our last review, the reader will come across no less than a dozen major papers written on the topic (and I am sure I may have missed some). A glimpse at how CTD is making a difference in the recovery strategy of some operators despite the complexity of those projects can be found in papers IPTC 23188 and SPE 216909. While the former highlights the importance of data and how to properly interconnect it for the success of those drilling campaigns, the later details the methodology by which one can drill new laterals in underbalanced conditions to unlock depressed reservoirs. Reducing the world of coiled tubing to CTD would, however, be a mistake. Several papers presented at the SPE/ICoTA WICE are there to remind us of the wealth of applications that continuous development of downhole tools and engineering practices has enabled for the past four decades. Coiled tubing is much more than fluid or tool conveyance; today, it offers rigless alternatives to workscopes that could only be envisioned with workover rigs a few years ago. For instance, SPE 214144 shows how it is now possible to temporarily suspend a well thanks to an ingenious workflow using inflatable packers, thus speeding up well integrity remediation while significantly reducing logistics and environmental footprint. SPE 218365, awarded the outstanding paper award at the SPE/ICoTA WICE, provides many details on how to combine tools and practices that belong to the wireline, slickline, perforating, and coiled tubing worlds, all in one run, for a record-breaking perforating operation. All those advances—and many others—would not be possible without improvements in our understanding of materials, how to protect coiled tubing pipes, how to get the best performance out of them under downhole conditions that are becoming every day more extreme, and how to preserve wellbore completion at the same time. Papers SPE 218327 and SPE 218335 also are perfect examples of those efforts and pave the way to safer operations in the years to come. Recommended additional reading at OnePetro: www.onepetro.org. SPE 216909 Preparation, Execution, and Associated Challenges for Using the First Successful Closed-Loop-System Methodology Worldwide in Underbalanced Coiled Tubing Drilling in ADNOC’s Fields by Mohamed Osama, ADNOC, et al. SPE 214144 A Pioneer Step in Restoring Well Integrity for Workover Rig Intervention Through Instrumented Coiled Tubing and Through-Tubing Inflatable Packer by Omar Abdulrazzaq Hamadah, Kuwait Oil Company, et al. SPE 218335 Understanding Mechanisms of Wellbore Abrasion During Coiled Tubing Intervention by Jesus Campos, SLB, et al.

Equinor To Give Oseberg a $1.1-Billion Lift Equinor has filed an amended plan for development and operation (PDO) with Norway’s Minister of Petroleum and Energy to increase Oseberg gas production while reducing CO2 emissions from the Oseberg Field Centre and the Oseberg South platform. The estimated $1.1-billion plan signals a shift in the Oseberg field from being an oil producer to becoming a natural gas producer with large remaining gas resources. Two new compressors will be installed to boost recoverable gas volumes and the Field Centre and South platform will be partially electrified. “It is important to Equinor and the Oseberg partners to produce oil and gas with the lowest possible emission level,” said Geir Tungesvik, Equinor’s senior vice president for project development. “This investment decision allows us to increase production of Oseberg gas considerably in the future, while reducing CO2 emissions by an estimated 320,000 tonnes per year. We are now entering the execution phase with highly qualified suppliers.” Aibel AS has been awarded a $443-million contract for engineering, procurement, construction, and installation for partial electrification of the Field Centre and South platform, as well as upgrading of the gas processing capacity on the Field Centre. Nexans has been awarded a $88.6-million framework contract by Equinor for delivering subsea power cables. Its first assignment will be to deliver a 132-km cable, to be installed by the Nexans Aurora in 2023. Heerema Marine Contractors has been awarded a contract for transport and installation at an estimated value of $6.6 million. In 2024, the Sleipnir vessel is scheduled for lifting in place the three big modules currently under construction at Aibel’s yard in Haugesund. Equinor said rebuilding of the Field Centre will take 4 years and will be done while the plants are in full operation. Startup of the new facility is expected in 2026. Oseberg is the third-largest oil producer ever on the Norwegian Continental Shelf (NCS). When it came on stream in 1988, it was expected to produce around 1 billion bbl of oil. Today, that number is expected to total around 3.2 billion bbl. Oil production is in the tail phase, but 60% of the gas resources are still in the ground. Oseberg is also one of the major gas fields; only Troll and Snøhvit have more remaining gas resources on the NCS. “With this investment we open a new chapter of the story of Oseberg, which is about to become one of the main Norwegian gas producers,” said Geir Sørtveit, Equinor’s senior vice president for exploration and production west. “We expect Oseberg to produce more than 100 billion sm3 of gas towards 2040. In terms of energy, the annual gas export from Oseberg will equal a quarter of all Norwegian hydropower.” For the year 2020, Oseberg emissions totaled around 1 million tonnes of CO2. Since 2010, emissions have been reduced by around 15%, and Equinor aims to further reduce emissions by 50–70% by 2030. Equinor is the operator with a 49.3% stake. Partners include Petoro (33.6%), TotalEnergies EP Norge (14.7%), and ConocoPhillips (2.4%). Shell Scraps Cambo Development Plans Shell has abandoned plans to develop the Cambo oil field in the UK North Sea. The field had been a target of controversy for opponents that claim the project is at odds with the UK’s goal of reaching carbon neutrality by 2050. “After comprehensive screening of the proposed Cambo development, we have concluded the economic case for investment in this project is not strong enough at this time, as well as having the potential for delays,” a Shell spokesperson said in a statement. Private-equity-backed Siccar Point Energy, which owns a majority stake in the field, confirmed in a separate statement that “Shell has taken the decision to not progress its investment at this stage.” The Cambo project off the Shetland Isles is estimated to hold around 170 million bbl of oil and associated gas. Shell holds a 30% working interest in Cambo; Siccar Point holds the remaining 70% stake. CNOOC Turns the Taps at Lufeng CNOOC Ltd. has started production from its Lufeng oil fields in the Eastern South China Sea. The field cluster includes Lufeng 14-4, Lufeng 14‑8, Lufeng 15-1, and Lufeng 22-1, with an average water depth of about 140–330 m. The main production facilities include two drilling production platforms and one subsea production system. Thirty-five development wells are planned to be put into production, including 26 production wells and 9 water injection wells. The project is expected to achieve its peak production of around 46,000 B/D of oil in 2023. CNOOC Ltd. owns 100% interest in the project. Lukoil Touts Find Offshore Mexico Lukoil has struck Miocene-aged oil sands with its Yoti West exploration well in Block 12 offshore Mexico. The initial oil in place is estimated to be around 250 million bbl. The Yoti West-1 EXP well was drilled 60 km offshore by the Valaris 8505 semisubmersible drilling rig. The well penetrated a sand reservoir in Upper Miocene sediments with high permeability and effective oil-saturated thickness of about 25 m. An assessment plan for the field will be developed based on this and future drilling results. Lukoil Upstream Mexico is the operator and holds a 60% working interest in the block. Partner Eni holds the remaining 40% stake. Two successful exploration wells were previously drilled at Block 10 offshore Mexico where Lukoil owns 20% and Eni is the operator. The resource base of the block is currently being assessed based on drilling results. In July, Lukoil agreed to acquire the 50% operator interest held by Houston-based Fieldwood Energy in Mexico’s Area 4 offshore shallow-water project for $435 million, plus 2021 expenditures incurred up to the closing date of the transaction. Area 4 includes two blocks, 58 km2 in total, located 42 km offshore in water depths of 30–45 m. The Ichalkil and Pokoch oil fields within the blocks have recoverable reserves of 564 million BOE, of which 80% is crude oil. Petrobras Strikes Oil in Aram Block Petrobras encountered hydrocarbons with its Curaçao pre-salt well in the Aram block of the Santos Basin. Well 1-BRSA-1381-SPS is located at a water depth of 1905 m, 240 km from the city of Santos, Sao Paulo. The oil-bearing interval was verified through wireline logging and fluid samples, which will be further characterized by lab analysis. The data will allow evaluating the potential and directing the next exploratory activities in the area. The consortium will continue operations to complete the project to drill the well to the expected depth and verify the extent of the new discovery, in addition to characterizing the conditions of the reservoirs found. The Aram block was acquired in March 2020 in the 6th Bidding Round of the National Agency for Petroleum, Natural Gas, and Biofuels (ANP) under the production-sharing regime, with Pre-Sal Petróleo as manager. Petrobras is the operator of the block and holds an 80% share, in partnership with CNODC (20%). APA Takes Good With Bad on Block 58 in Suriname APA Corp. reported a successful flow testing at the Sapakara South appraisal well and disappointing drilling results from the Bonboni exploration well on Block 58 offshore Suriname. The company said earlier in 2021 that the Sapakara South-1 (SPS-1) well encountered approximately 30 m of net black-oil pay in a single zone of high-quality Campano-Maastrichtian reservoir. Restricted flow and subsequent pressure buildup tests averaged 4,800 B/D of oil for 48 hours. Without flow restrictions, a development well would produce at a significantly higher sustained rate, according to APA. Preliminary analysis of the data indicates a single reservoir in SPS-1 proved a connected resource of 325 to 375 million bbl of oil in place. Seismic imaging of the Sapakara reservoir supports the likelihood of more potential, said APA. The Bonboni-1 probe, the first exploration well in the northern portion of Block 58, was drilled in water depths of nearly 2000 m approximately 45 km from APA’s discoveries in the Maka-Kwaskwasi-Sapakara-Keskesi trend and encountered high-quality, water-bearing reservoirs in the primary Maastrichtian and Campanian objectives. The well will be plugged and abandoned. APA said that while the well wasn’t commercial, it extended the proved petroleum system in the area. Following completion of operations at Bonboni, the Maersk Valiant will drill the Krabdagu exploration prospect, located 18 km east of SPS-1. Krabdagu has a similar seismic signature to the two successful wells at Sapakara and the discovery well at nearby Keskesi. Success at Krabdagu could materially increase the scope and scale of a development in the central portion of Block 58. The company envisions a potential black-oil development hub that would accommodate production from Krabdagu, Sapakara, and Keskesi. APA Suriname holds a 50% working interest in the block, with TotalEnergies, the operator, holding the remaining 50% stake. Tullow To Exit Suriname Tullow Oil will leave Suriname following subpar results from its Goliathberg Voltzberg North-1 (GNV-1) well in Block 47 in the region. The well was drilled by drillship Stena Forth targeting more than 230 million bbl of oil. However, the well encountered only minor oil shows. Tullow and its partners notified the Government of Suriname that they have elected not to enter the next phase of Block 47, and the company confirmed it would exit the license on 31 December 2021. Prior to drilling, the block was estimated to contain more than 900 million bbl of oil in three different prospects, including Goliathberg Voltzberg North. Tullow operates the block with a 50% stake. Partners include Pluspetrol (30%) and Ratio Petroleum (20%). In addition, Tullow said it will exit Block 54 at year-end. In 2017, Tullow drilled the Araku-1 well in Block 54 but did not find commercial hydrocarbons. The move leaves the company without assets or operations in the country.

Purpose This study aims to evaluate and assess the elastoplastic properties of Ti-6Al-4V alloy manufactured by Arcam Q20 Plus electron beam melting (EBM) machine by a tensile test campaign and micro computerized tomography (microCT) imaging. Design/methodology/approach ASTM E8 tensile test specimens are designed and manufactured by EBM at an Arcam Q20 Plus machine. Surface quality is improved by machining to discard the effect of surface roughness. After surface machining, hot isostatic pressing (HIP) post-treatment is applied to half of the specimens to remove unsolicited internal defects. ASTM E8 tensile test campaign is carried out simultaneously with digital image correlation to acquire strain data for each sample. Finally, build direction and HIP post-treatment dependencies of elastoplastic properties are analyzed by F-test and t-test statistical analyses methods. Findings Modulus of elasticity presents isotropic behavior for each build direction according to F-test and t-test analysis. Yield and ultimate strengths vary according to build direction and post-treatment. Stiffness and strength properties are superior to conventional Ti-6Al-4V material; however, ductility turns out to be poor for aerospace structures compared to conventional Ti-6Al-4V alloy. In addition, micro CT images show that support structure leads to dense internal defects and pores at applied surfaces. However, HIP post-treatment diminishes those internal defects and pores thoroughly. Originality/value As a novel scientific contribution, this study investigates the effects of three orthogonal build directions on elastoplastic properties, while many studies focus on only two-build directions. Evaluation of Poisson’s ratio is the other originality of this study. Furthermore, another finding through micro CT imaging is that temporary support structures result in intense defects closer to applied surfaces; hence high-stress regions of structures should be avoided to use support structures.

Purpose This paper aims to present the design of a particular non-reactive test rig for combustion swirlers and first stage turbine nozzles. The test rig is required for important experimental activities aimed at the optimization of a specific class of gas turbines. Design/methodology/approach A multi-disciplinary team performed the design process by following a tailored design approach, which has been developed for the specific case. The design outcomes allowed to build a fully functional test rig to be introduced in a test cell and then to perform preliminary experiments about the fluid dynamic behaviour of the turbine elements. Findings The followed design approach allowed to efficiently perform the task, by supporting the information exchange among the different subjects involved in both the conceptual and the embodiment design of the test rig. Additionally, the performed experiments allowed to achieve a final configuration that makes the test rig a valuable test case for combustor-turbine interaction studies. Research limitations/implications The study described in this paper is focused on the design of a specific test rig, used for first validation tests. However, the achieved results (both in terms of design and test) constitutes the underpinning of the in-depth investigations to be performed in the next steps of the experimental campaign. Originality/value To the best of the authors’ knowledge, the present paper is the first one that comprehensively describes the design activity of an experimental test rig for turbine application, also providing indications about the specific methodological procedure used to manage the process.

Introduction The counterculture that arose during the 1960s and 1970s left lasting social and political reverberations in developed nations. This was a time of increasing affluence and liberalisation which opened up remarkable political opportunities for social change. Within this context, an array of new social movements were a vital ingredient of the ferment that saw existing norms challenged and the establishment of new rights for many oppressed groups. An expanding arena of concerns included the environmental damage caused by 200 years of industrial capitalism. This article examines one aspect of a current environment movement in Australia, the anti-Coal Seam Gas (CSG) movement, and the part played by participants. In particular, the focus is upon one action that emerged during the recent Bentley Blockade, which was a regional mobilisation against proposed unconventional gas mining (UGM) near Lismore, NSW. Over the course of the blockade, the conventional ritual of waving at passers-by was transformed into a mechanism for garnering broad community support. Arguably, this was a crucial factor in the eventual outcome. In this case, we contend that the wave, rather than a countercultural artefact being appropriated by the mainstream, represents an everyday behaviour that builds social solidarity, which is subverted to become an effective part of the repertoire of the movement. At a more general level, this article examines how counterculture and mainstream interact via the subversion of “ordinary” citizens and the role of certain cultural understandings for that purpose. We will begin by examining the nature of the counterculture and its relationship to social movements before discussing the character of the anti-CSG movement in general and the Bentley Blockade in particular, using the personal experience of one of the writers. We will then be able to explore our thesis in detail and make some concluding remarks. The Counterculture and Social Movements In this article, we follow Cox’s understanding of the counterculture as a kind of meta-movement within which specific social movements are situated. For Cox (105), the counterculture that flourished during the 1960s and 1970s was an overarching movement in which existing social relations—in particular the family—were rejected by a younger generation, who succeeded in effectively fusing previously separate political and cultural spheres of dissent into one. Cox (103-04) points out that the precondition for such a phenomenon is “free space”—conditions under which counter-hegemonic activity can occur—for example, being liberated from the constraints of working to subsist, something which the unprecedented prosperity of the post WWII years allowed. Hence, in the 1960s and 1970s, as the counterculture emerged, a wave of activism arose in the western world which later came to be referred to as new social movements. These included the civil rights movement, women’s liberation, pacifism and the anti-nuclear and environment movements. The new movements rejected established power and organisational structures and tended, some scholars argued, to cross class lines, basing their claims on non-material issues. Della Porta and Diani claim this wave of movements is characterised by: a critical ideology in relation to modernism and progress; decentralized and participatory organizational structures; defense of interpersonal solidarity against the great bureaucracies; and the reclamation of autonomous spaces, rather than material advantages. (9) This depiction clearly announces the countercultural nature of the new social movements. As Carter (91) avers, these movements attempted to bypass the state and instead mobilise civil society, employing a range of innovative tactics and strategies—the repertoire of action—which may involve breaking laws. It should be noted that over time, some of these movements did shift towards accommodation of existing power structures and became more reformist in nature, to the point of forming political parties in the case of the Greens. However, inasmuch as the counterculture represented a merging of distinctively non-mainstream ways of life with the practice of actively challenging social arrangements at a political level (Cox 18–19; Grossberg 15–18;), the tactic of mobilising civil society to join social movements demonstrates in fact a reverse direction: large numbers of people are transfigured in radical ways by their involvement in social movements. One important principle underlying much of the repertoire of action of these new movements was non-violence. Again, this signals countercultural norms of the period. As Sharp (583–86) wrote at the time, non-violence is crucial in that it denies the aggressor their rationale for violent repression. This principle is founded on the liberal notion, whose legacy goes back to Locke, that the legitimacy of the government rests upon the consent of the governed—that is, the people can withdraw their consent (Locke in Ball & Dagger 92). Ghandi also relied upon this idea when formulating his non-violent approach to conflict, satyagraha (Sharp 83–84). Thus an idea that upholds the modern state is adopted by the counterculture in order to undermine it (the state), again demonstrating an instance of counterflow from the mainstream. Non-violence does not mean non-resistance. In fact, it usually involves non-compliance with a government or other authority and when practised in large numbers, can be very effective, as Ghandi and those in the civil rights movement showed. The result will be either that the government enters into negotiation with the protestors, or they can engage in violence to suppress them, which generally alienates the wider population, leading to a loss of support (Finley & Soifer 104–105). Tarrow (88) makes the important point that the less threatening an action, the harder it is to repress. As a result, democratic states have generally modified their response towards the “strategic weapon of nonviolent protest and even moved towards accommodation and recognition of this tactic as legitimate” (Tarrow 172). Nevertheless, the potential for state violence remains, and the freedom to protest is proscribed by various laws. One of the key figures to emerge from the new social movements that formed an integral part of the counterculture was Bill Moyer, who, in conjunction with colleagues produced a seminal text for theorising and organising social movements (Moyer et al.). Many contemporary social movements have been significantly influenced by Moyer’s Movement Action Plan (MAP), which describes not only key theoretical concepts but is also a practical guide to movement building and achieving aims. Moyer’s model was utilised in training the Northern Rivers community in the anti-CSG movement in conjunction with the non-violent direct action (NVDA) model developed by the North-East Forest Alliance (NEFA) that resisted logging in the forests of north-eastern NSW during the late 1980s and 1990s (Ricketts 138–40). Indeed, the Northern Rivers region of NSW—dubbed the Rainbow Region—is celebrated, as a “‘meeting place’ of countercultures and for the articulation of social and environmental ideals that challenge mainstream practice” (Ward and van Vuuren 63). As Bible (6–7) outlines, the Northern Rivers’ place in countercultural history is cemented by the holding of the Aquarius Festival in Nimbin in 1973 and the consequent decision of many attendees to stay on and settle in the region. They formed new kinds of communities based on an alternative ethics that eschewed a consumerist, individualist agenda in favour of modes of existence that emphasised living in harmony with the environment. The Terania Creek campaign of the late 1970s made the region famous for its environmental activism, when the new settlers resisted the logging of Nightcap National Park using nonviolent methods (Bible 5). It was also instrumental in developing an array of ingenious actions that were used in subsequent campaigns such as the Franklin Dam blockade in Tasmania in the early 1980s (Kelly 116). Indeed, many of these earlier activists were key figures in the anti-CSG movement that has developed in the Rainbow Region over the last few years. The Anti-CSG Movement Despite opposition to other forms of UGM, such as tight sands and shale oil extraction techniques, the term anti-CSG is used here, as it still seems to attract wide recognition. Unconventional gas extraction usually involves a process called fracking, which is the injection at high pressure of water, sand and a number of highly toxic chemicals underground to release the gas that is trapped in rock formations. Among the risks attributed to fracking are contamination of aquifers, air pollution from fugitive emissions and exposure to radioactive particles with resultant threats to human and animal health, as well as an increased risk of earthquakes (Ellsworth; Hand 13; Sovacool 254–260). Additionally, the vast amount of water that is extracted in the fracking process is saline and may contain residues of the fracking chemicals, heavy metals and radioactive matter. This produced water must either be stored or treated (Howarth 273–73; Sovacool 255). Further, there is potential for accidents and incidents and there are many reports—particularly in the United States where the practice is well established—of adverse events such as compressors exploding, leaks and spills, and water from taps catching fire (Sovacool 255–257). Despite an abundance of anecdotal evidence, until recently authorities and academics believed there was not enough “rigorous evidence” to make a definitive judgment of harm to animal and human health as a result of fracking (Mitka 2135). For example, in Australia, the Queensland Government was unable to find a clear link between fracking and health complaints in the Tara gasfield (Thompson 56), even though it is known that there are fugitive emissions from these gasfields (Tait et al. 3099-103). It is within this context that grassroots opposition to UGM began in Australia. The largest and most sustained challenge has come from the Northern Rivers of New South Wales, where a company called Metgasco has been attempting to engage in UGM for a number of years. Stiff community opposition has developed over this time, with activists training, co-ordinating and organising using the principles of Moyer’s MAP and NEFA’s NVDA. Numerous community and affinity groups opposing UGM sprang up including the Lock the Gate Alliance (LTG), a grassroots organisation opposing coal and gas mining, which formed in 2010 (Lock the Gate Alliance online). The movement put up sustained resistance to Metgasco’s attempts to establish wells at Glenugie, near Grafton and Doubtful Creek, near Kyogle in 2012 and 2013, despite the use of a substantial police presence at both locations. In the event, neither site was used for production despite exploratory wells being sunk (ABC News; Dobney). Metgasco announced it would be withdrawing its operations following new Federal and State government regulations at the time of the Doubtful Creek blockade. However it returned to the fray with a formal announcement in February 2014 (Metgasco), that it would drill at Bentley, 12 kilometres west of Lismore. It was widely believed this would occur with a view to production on an industrial scale should initial exploration prove fruitful. The Bentley Blockade It was known well before the formal announcement that Metgasco planned to drill at Bentley and community actions such as flash mobs, media releases and planning meetings were part of the build-up to direct action at the site. One of the authors of this article was actively involved in the movement and participated in a variety of these actions. By the end of January 2014 it was decided to hold an ongoing vigil at the site, which was still entirely undeveloped. Participants, including one author, volunteered for four-hour shifts which began at 5 a.m. each day and before long, were lasting into the night. The purpose of a vigil is to bear witness, maintain a presence and express a point of view. It thus accords well with the principle of non-violence. Eventually the site mushroomed into a tent village with three gates being blockaded. The main gate, Gate A, sprouted a variety of poles, tripods and other installations together with colourful tents and shelters, peopled by protesters on a 24-hour basis. The vigils persisted on all three gates for the duration of the blockade. As the number of blockaders swelled, popular support grew, lending weight to the notion that countercultural ideas and practices were spreading throughout the community. In response, Metgasco called on the State Government to provide police to coincide with the arrival of equipment. It was rumoured that 200 police would be drafted to defend the site in late April. When alerts were sent out to the community warning of imminent police action, an estimated crowd of 2000 people attended in the early hours of the morning and the police called off their operation (Feliu). As the weeks wore on, training was stepped up, attendees were educated in non-violent resistance and protestors willing to act as police liaison persons were placed on a rotating roster. In May, the State Government was preparing to send up to 800 police and the Riot Squad to break the blockade (NSW Hansard in Buckingham). Local farmers (now a part of the movement) and activist leaders had gone to Sydney in an effort to find a political solution in order to avoid what threatened to be a clash that would involve police violence. A confluence of events, such as: the sudden resignation of the Premier; revelations via the Independent Commission against Corruption about nefarious dealings and undue influence of the coal industry upon the government; a radio interview with locals by a popular broadcaster in Sydney; and the reputed hesitation of the police themselves in engaging with a group of possibly 7,000 to 10,000 protestors, resulted in the Office for Coal Seam Gas suspending Metgasco’s drilling licence on 15 May (NSW Department of Resources & Energy). The grounds were that the company had not adequately fulfilled its obligations to consult with the community. At the date of writing, the suspension still holds. The Wave The repertoire of contention at the Bentley Blockade was expansive, comprising most of the standard actions and strategies developed in earlier environmental struggles. These included direct blocking tactics in addition to the use of more carnivalesque actions like music and theatre, as well as the use of various media to reach a broader public. Non-violence was at the core of all actions, but we would tentatively suggest that Bentley may have provided a novel addition to the repertoire, stemming originally from the vigil, which brought the first protestors to the site. At the beginning of the vigil, which was initially held near the entrance to the proposed drilling site atop a cutting, occupants of passing vehicles below would demonstrate their support by sounding their horns and/or waving to the vigil-keepers, who at first were few in number. There was a precedent for this behaviour in the campaign leading up to the blockade. Activist groups such as the Knitting Nannas against Gas had encouraged vehicles to show support by sounding their horns. So when the motorists tooted spontaneously at Bentley, we waved back. Occupants of other vehicles would show disapproval by means of rude gestures and/or yelling and we would wave to them as well. After some weeks, as a presence began to be established at the site, it became routine for vigil keepers to smile and wave at all passing vehicles. This often elicited a positive response. After the first mass call-out discussed above, a number of us migrated to another gate, where numbers were much sparser and there was a perceived need for a greater presence. At this point, the participating writer had begun to act as a police liaison person, but the practice of waving routinely was continued. Those protecting this gate usually included protestors ready to block access, the police liaison person, a legal observer, vigil-keepers and a passing parade of visitors. Because this location was directly on the road, it was possible to see the drivers of vehicles and make eye contact more easily. Certain vehicles became familiar, passing at regular times, on the way to work or school, for example. As time passed, most of those protecting the gate also joined the waving ritual to the point where it became like a game to try to prise a signal of acknowledgement from the passing motorists, or even to win over a disapprover. Police vehicles, some of which passed at set intervals, were included in this game. Mostly they waved cheerfully. There were some we never managed to win over, but waving and making direct eye contact with regular motorists over time created a sense of community and an acknowledgement of the work we were doing, as they increasingly responded in kind. Motorists could hardly feel threatened when they encountered smiling, waving protestors. By including the disapprovers, we acted inclusively and our determined good humour seemed to de-escalate demonstrated hostility. Locals who did not want drilling to go ahead but who were nevertheless unwilling to join a direct action were thus able to participate in the resistance in a way that may have felt safe for them. Some of them even stopped and visited the site, voicing their support. Standing on the side of the road and waving to passers-by may seem peripheral to the “real” action, even trivial. But we would argue it is a valuable adjunct to a blockade (which is situated near a road) when one of the strategies of the overall campaign is to win popular backing. Hence waving, whilst not a completely new part of the repertoire, constitutes what Tilly (41–45) would call innovation at the margins, something he asserts is necessary to maintain the effectiveness and vitality of contentious action. In this case, it is arguable that the sheer size of community support probably helped to concentrate the minds of the state government politicians in Sydney, particularly as they contemplated initiating a massive, taxpayer-funded police action against the people for the benefit of a commercial operation. Waving is a symbolic gesture indicating acknowledgement and goodwill. It fits well within a repertoire based on the principle of non-violence. Moreover, it is a conventional social norm and everyday behaviour that is so innocuous that it is difficult to see how it could be suppressed by police or other authorities. Therein lies its subversiveness. For in communicating our common humanity in a spirit of friendliness, we drew attention to the fact that we were without rancour and tacitly invited others to join us and to explore our concerns. In this way, the counterculture drew upon a mainstream custom to develop and extend upon a new form of dissent. This constitutes a reversal of the more usual phenomenon of countercultural artefacts—such as “hippie clothing”—being appropriated or co-opted by the prevailing culture (see Reading). But it also fits with the more general phenomenon that we have argued was occurring; that of enticing ordinary residents into joining together in countercultural activity, via the pathway of a social movement. Conclusion The anti-CSG movement in the Northern Rivers was developed and organised by countercultural participants of previous contentious challenges. It was highly effective in building popular support whilst at the same time forging a loose coalition of various activist groups. We have surveyed one practice—the wave—that evolved out of mainstream culture over the course of the Bentley Blockade and suggested it may come to be seen as part of the repertoire of actions that can be beneficially employed under suitable conditions. Waving to passers-by invites them to become part of the movement in a non-threatening and inclusive way. It thus envelops supporters and non-supporters alike, and its very innocuousness makes it difficult to suppress. We have argued that this instance can be referenced to a similar reverse movement at a broader level—that of co-opting liberal notions and involving the general populace in new practices and activities that undermine the status quo. The ability of the counterculture in general and environment movements in particular to innovate in the quest to challenge and change what it perceives as damaging or unethical practices demonstrates its ingenuity and spirit. This movement is testament to its dynamic nature. References ABC News. Metgasco Has No CSG Extraction Plans for Glenugie. 2013. 30 July 2014 ‹http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-01-22/metgasco-says-no-csg-extraction-planned-for-glenugie/4477652›. Bible, Vanessa. 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Moyer, Bill. “The Movement Action Plan.” Doing Democracy: The MAP Model for Organizing Social Movements. Eds. Bill Moyer, Johann McAllister, Mary Lou Finley, and Steven Soifer. Gabriola Island, Canada: New Society Publishers, 2001. NSW Department of Resources & Energy. “Metgasco Drilling Approval Suspended.” Media Release, 15 May 2014. 30 July 2014 ‹http://www.resourcesandenergy.nsw.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0005/516749/Metgasco-Drilling-Approval-Suspended.pdf›. Reading, Tracey. “Hip versus Square: 1960s Advertising and Clothing Industries and the Counterculture”. Research Papers 2013. 15 July 2014 ‹http://opensuic.lib.siu.edu/gs_rp/396›. Ricketts, Aiden. “The North East Forest Alliance’s Old-Growth Forest Campaign.” Belonging in the Rainbow Region: Cultural Perspectives on the NSW North Coast. Ed. Helen Wilson. Lismore: Southern Cross UP. 2003. 121–148. Sharp, Gene. The Politics of Nonviolent Action: Power and Struggle. Boston, Mass.: Porter Sargent, 1973. 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Introduction‘Dream’ has been researched across numerous fields in its multiplicity within both a physical and emotional capacity. For Pagel et al., there is no fixed definition of what ‘dream’ is or are. However, in an advertising context, ’dream’ is the idealised version of our desires, re-visualised in real life (Coombes and Batchelor 103). It could be said that for countless consumers, advertising imagery has elicited dreams of living the perfect life and procuring material pleasures (Manca et al.; Hood). Goodis asserts, “advertising doesn’t always mirror how people are acting but how they are dreaming, in a sense what we are doing is wrapping up your emotions and selling them back to you” (qtd. in Back and Quaade 65). One component of this notion of ‘dream’ in advertising is captured by wishful images of the face and body in their ‘perfect form’ presented in a field of other beauty ideals. For our purposes, ‘dream’ is a “philosophical concept” (Pagel et al. 14) by which dreams are a series of aspirations and desires that consumers internalise, while at the same time, find difficult to achieve. ‘Dream’, then, will be used to critically explore how the beauty and advertising industries collectively employ ethnic ambiguity in addition to other tactics and strategies to sell us dream-like visions of idealised beauty. Forever Dreaming: The Introduction of Ethnic AmbiguityWe can link dreams to beauty as both areas of analysis contain many cultural interpretations and can be deconstructed to reveal different meanings (Sontag). In many ways, beauty is another dream and Sontag notes that the concept of beauty is often linked to certain physical traits that an individual possesses. These physical traits are capitalised upon by product marketing by which Hood claims, aims to enhance one, or even more, of them. For example, lipstick is not marketed as simply as a mixture of wax and pigment but rather a way to “obtain beauty, find romance or gain confidence” (7). As a result, global beauty brands can find long term marketing success through meaningful product marketing. This long-term marketing success relies on influencing human behaviour and perceptions. As a result of meaningful marketing, consumers may find themselves driven to purchase implicit qualities in products advertised to reflect their dreams (Hood).Following the 1980s, this version of meaningful marketing has become a driving purpose for advertising agencies around the globe (Steel). Advertising agencies rely on deeper human insights, identifying latent desires to create a brief that must ultimately sell a dream (Steel). The ideal strategy needs to define something that will build brand loyalty and encourage consumers to have a symbiotic relationship connecting their dreams with the product being sold. As Hood argues, “advertising consists of selling not just things but also dreams”. While this concept is one that “some see as inherently damning”, it is also inherently necessary (7). We understand that people are emotional beings, investing in the artefacts they build, obtain or use with significance “beyond merely utilitarian” (7). For these reasons, beauty advertisers act as the purveyors of dreams in the form of physical perfection as an articulation of consumer’s own aspirations of beauty.These aspirations of dream beauty are a direct representation of our thoughts and feelings. As such, it should be noted that we as consumers are often encouraged to draw inspiration from imagery that is often times seen as ethnically ambiguous. “Ethnic ambiguity” is the absence of any one prominent ethnic or racial feature that is easily discernible to one specific group (Garcia 234; Harrison et al.). An example of this ethnic ambiguity can be seen in marketing campaigns by high end makeup artist and her eponymous range of cosmetics, Charlotte Tilbury. Most notably, in a 2015 launch for her “Makeup Wardrobe”, Tilbury’s makeup palettes boasted 10 aspirational ‘looks’ and personas that could be achieved simply through purchase. The images of women featured on a figurative ‘wheel of fortune’ digital display used to market products online. This digital ‘wheel of fortune’ comprised of ethnically ambiguous models against descriptive persona’s such as “The Dolce Vita” and “The Glamour Muse”. These kinds of digital marketing tools required consumers to make a decision based on what their dream ‘look’ is through an ethnically ambiguous lens and from here are guided to purchase their desired aesthetic. Like Charlotte Tilbury, the beauty industry has seen a growing body of cosmetic brands that employ ethnic ambiguity to sell dreams of homogenised beauty. We will see the ways in which modern day beauty brands, such as Kylie Jenner Cosmetics and Fenty Beauty have come to adopt ethnic ambiguity or embrace entire ethnic and racial groups in order to expand their consumer influence.Aspirational Ambiguity: Dreams of DisempowermentSince the early 2000s, beauty advertising has seen a prominent rise in the use of ethnically ambiguous models. Some see this as an effort to answer the global desire for diversity and inclusion. However, the notion that beauty standards transcend racial boundaries and is inclusive, is simply another form of appropriating and fetishising ethnicity (R. Sengupta). In many ways, these manufactured dream-like versions of beauty have evolved to reach wider markets, in the hope that consumers will be emboldened to both embrace their racial heritage, and at the same time conform to homogenised standards of beauty (Frith et al.; Harrison et al.).In this bid to diversify and extend consumer reach, there are three prominent reasons why ethnically ambiguous models are more likely to be featured over models whose African, Indigenous, and/or Asian heritage is more prominent. Firstly, ethnically ambiguous models do not seem to conform to a particular notion of what is considered beautiful. For many decades, popular culture has been saturated with images of thin, of young, of narrow noses and hips, of blonde, blue eyes, and Caucasian hair textures (Harrison et al.; Hunter; Saraswati). These Westernised beauty ideals have been historically shaped through years of colonial influence, grounded in an imbalance of power and imposed to create a culture of dominance and oppression (Saraswati). Secondly, ethnic models are featured to convey “the sense of the ‘exotic’, and their ‘otherness’ acts to normalise and entrench the dominant ideal of white beauty” (qtd. in Redmond 175). ‘Otherness’ can be defined as the opposite of the majority, in Westernised society this ‘other’ can mean “people who are other than white, male, able bodied, heterosexual” (qtd. in Graycar 74). This ‘otherness’ showcased by ethnically ambiguous models draws viewers in. Physical features that were possessed by one specific ethnic group such as African, Asian, Latinx or Indigenous peoples have now become blended and are no longer confined to one race. Additionally, ethnically ambiguous models enable white consumers to dream about an exotic local or lifestyle, while at the same time providing ethnic audiences a way to see themselves.Finally, it is undeniable that ethnically ambiguous and mixed-race models have become desirable due to a historical preference for light skin (Saraswati). The visual references of light-skinned beauty epitomise a colonial dream and this standardisation has been transferred to indigenous peoples, or ethnic minorities in Western countries. According to Harrison et al, “marketers use mixed-race representations as cultural currency by mythologising mixed-race bodies as the new beauty standard” to represent a racial bridge, “tailored to ameliorate perceived racial divides” (503). Therefore, ethnically ambiguous models have an assumed advantage over their racially dominant counterparts, because they appear to straddle various racial boundaries. They are constructed to embody whomever, from wherever and whenever, fetishising their roleplay for the industry, when it pleases. This further exoticises multi-racial beauty models and renders them a commodified fantasy for many consumers alike. The continued commodification of ethnic ambiguity is problematic as it exploits models with distinctly mixed-race heritage to continue to sell images of white-washed beauty (Solomon et al.). An argument could be made that scarcity contributes to mixed-race models’ value, and therefore the total number of advertising opportunities that are offered to mixed-race models remains limited. To date, numerous studies highlight a limited use of racially diverse models within the beauty industry and does not reflect the growing global body of diverse consumers with purchasing power (Wasylkiw et al.; Redmond; Johnson; Jung and Lee; Frith et al.). In fact, prior to globalisation, Yan and Bissell claim that “each culture had a unique standard of attractiveness, derived from traditional views about beauty as well as the physical features of the people” (197) and over time the construction of dream beauty is characterised using Western features combined with exoticised traits of indigenous ethnic groups. Akinro and Mbunyuza-Memani claim that this “trend of normalising white or 'western' feminine looks as the standard of beauty” has pervaded a number of these indigenous cultures, eventually disseminated through the media as the ultimate goal (308). It can also be argued that the “growing inclusion of mixed-race models in ads is driven less by the motivation to portray diversity and driven more by pragmatism,” and in a more practical sense has implications for the “financial future of the advertised brands and the advertising industry as a whole” (Harrison et al. 513). As a result, uses of mixed-race models “are rather understood as palatable responses within dominant white culture to racial and ethnic minority populations growing in … cultural prominence” (513) in a tokenistic bid to sell a dream of unified beauty.The Dream Girl: Normalisation of Mixed-RaceIn 2017, an article in CNN’s Style section highlighted the growing number of mixed-race models in Japan’s fashion and beauty industry as a modern-day phenomenon from Japan’s interlocking history with the United States (Chung and Ogura). These beauty and fashion influencers refer to themselves as hafu, an exclusionary term that historically represented an “othered” minority of mixed-race heritage in Japanese society signalling complex and troubled interactions with majority Japanese (Oshima). The complications once associated with the term ‘hafu’ are now being reclaimed by bi-racial beauty and fashion models and as such, these models are beginning to defy categorisation and, in some ways, national identity because of their chameleon-like qualities. However, while there is an increasing use of mixed-race Japanese models, everyday mixed-race women are regularly excluded within general society; which highlights the incongruent nature of ‘half’ identity. And yet there is an increasing preference and demand from fashion and beauty outlets to feature them in Japanese and Western popular culture (Harrison et al.; Chung and Ogura). Numéro Tokyo’s editorial director Sayumi Gunji, estimated that almost 30-40 per cent of runway models in present day Japan, identify as either bi-racial mixed-race or multi-racial (Chung and Ogura).Gunji claims:"Almost all top models in the their 20s are hafu, especially the top models of popular fashion magazines ... . [In] the Japanese media and market, a foreigner's flawless looks aren't as readily accepted -- they feel a little distant. But biracial models, who are taller, have bigger eyes, higher noses [and] Barbie-doll-like looks, are admired because they are dreamy looking but not totally different from the Japanese. That's the key to their popularity," she adds. (Qtd. in Chung and Ogura)The "dreamy look" that Gunji describes is attributed to a historical preference toward light skin and a kind of willingness and sensuality, that once, only white models could be seen to tout (Frith et al. 58). Frith et al. and O’Barr discuss that beauty in Japanese advertising mirrors “the way women are portrayed in advertising in the West” (qtd. in Frith et al. 58). The emergence of hafu in Japanese beauty advertising sees these two worlds, a mixture of doll-like and sensual beauty, converging to create a dream-like standard for Japanese consumers. The growing presence of Japanese-American models such as Kiko Mizuhara and Jun Hasegawa are both a direct example of the unattainable ‘dreamy look’ that pervades the Japanese beauty industry. Given this ongoing trend of mixed-race models in beauty advertising, a recent article on Refinery29 talks about the significance of how mixed-race models are disassembling their once marginalised status.A. Sengupta writes:In contrast to passing, in which mixedness was marginalized and hidden, visibly multiracial models now feature prominently in affirmative sites of social norms. Multiracial looks are normalized, and, by extension, mixed identity is validated. There’s no cohesive social movement behind it, but it’s a quiet sea change that’s come with broadened beauty standards and the slow dismantling of social hierarchies.Another example of the normalisation in multi-racial identity is Adwoa Aboah, a mixed-race British model and feminist activist who has been featured on the covers of numerous fashion publications and on runways worldwide. In British Vogue’s December 2017 issue, titled “Great BRITAIN”, Adwoa Aboah achieved front cover status, alongside her image featured other politically powerful names, perhaps suggesting that Aboah represents not only the changing face of a historically white publication but as an embodiment of an increasingly diverse consumer landscape. Not only is she seen as both as a voice for those disenfranchised by the industry, by which she is employed, but as a symbol of new dreams. To conclude this section, it seems the evolution of advertising’s inclusion of multi-racial models reveals a progressive step change for the beauty industry. However, relying simply on the faces of ethnically ambiguous talent has become a covert way to fulfil consumer’s desire for diversity without wholly dismantling the destructive hierarchies of white dominance. Over this time however, new beauty creations have entered the market and with it two modern day icons.Architecting Black Beauty through the American DreamAccording to Kiick, the conception of the ‘American Dream’ is born out of a desire to “seek out a more advantageous existence than the current situation” (qtd. in Manca et al. 84). As a result of diligent hard work, Americans were rewarded with an opportunity for a better life (Manca et al.). Kylie Jenner’s entry into the beauty space seemed like a natural move for the then eighteen-year-old; it was a new-age representation of the ‘American Dream’ (Robehmed 2018). In less than five years, Jenner has created Kylie Cosmetics, a beauty empire that has since amassed a global consumer base, helping her earn billionaire status. A more critical investigation into Jenner’s performance however illustrates that her eponymous range of beauty products sells dreams which have been appropriated from black culture (Phelps). The term cultural appropriation refers to the way dominant cultures “adopt and adapt certain aspects of another’s culture and make it their own” (qtd. in Han 9). In Jenner’s case, her connection to ethnic Armenian roots through her sisters Kourtney, Kim, and Khloe Kardashian have significantly influenced her expression of ‘othered’ culture and moreover ethnic beauty ideals such as curvier body shapes and textured hair. Jenner’s beauty advertisements have epitomised what it means to be black in America, cherry picking racialised features of black women (namely their lips, hips/buttocks and afro-braided hairstyles) and rearticulated them through a white lens. The omission of the ‘black experience’ in her promotion of product is problematic for three reasons. Firstly, representing groups or people without invitation enables room for systemic stereotyping (Han). Secondly, this stereotyping can lead to continued marginalisation of minority cultures (Kulchyski). And finally, the over exaggeration of physical attributes, such as Jenner’s lips, hips and buttocks, reinforces her complicity in exoticising and fetishising the “other”. As a result, consumers of social media beauty advertising may pay less attention to cultural appropriation if they are already unaware that the beauty imagery they consume is based on the exploitation of black culture.Another perspective on Jenner’s use of black culture is in large part due to her cultural appreciation of black beauty. This meaning behind Jenner’s cultural appreciation can be attributed to the inherent value placed on another person’s culture, in the recognition of the positive qualities and the celebration of all aspects of that culture (Han). This is evidenced by her recent addition of cosmetic products for darker complexions (Brown). However, Jenner’s supposed fascination with black culture may be in large part due to the environment in which she was nurtured (Phelps). As Phelps reveals, “consider the cultural significance of the Kardashian family, and the various ways in which the Kardashian women, who are tremendously wealthy and present as white, have integrated elements of black culture as seemingly “natural” in their public bodily performances” (9). Although the Kardashian-Jenner family have faced public backlash for their collective appropriation they have acquired a tremendous “capital gain in terms of celebrity staying power and hyper-visibility” (Phelps 9). Despite the negative attention, Kylie Jenner’s expression of black culture has resurfaced the very issues that had once been historically deemed insignificant. In spite of Jenner’s cultural appropriation of black beauty, her promotion through Kylie Cosmetics continues to sell dreams of idealised beauty through the white lens.In comparison, Rihanna Fenty’s cosmetic empire has been touted as a celebration of diversity and inclusion for modern-age beauty. Unlike Kylie Cosmetics, Fenty’s eponymous brand has become popular for its broader message of inclusivity across both skin tone, body shape and gender. Upon her product release, Fenty Beauty acknowledged a growing body of diverse consumers and as a direct response to feature models of diverse skin tones, cultural background and racial heritage. Perhaps more importantly, Fenty Beauty’s challenge to the ongoing debate around diversity and inclusion has been in stark contrast to Kylie Jenner’s ongoing appropriation of black culture. Images featured at the first brand and product launch of Fenty Beauty and in present day advertising, show South Sudanese model Duckie Thot and hijab-wearing model Halima Aden as central characters within the Fenty narrative, illustrating that inclusion need not remain ambiguous and diversity need not be appropriated. Fenty’s initial product line up included ninety products, but most notably, the Pro Filt’r foundation caused the most publicity. Since its introduction in 2017, the foundation collection contained range of 40 (now 50) inclusive foundation shades, 13 of these shades were designed to cater for much darker complexions, an industry first (Walters). As a result of the brand’s inclusion of diverse product shades and models, Fenty Beauty has been shown to push boundaries within the beauty industry and the social media landscape (Walters). Capitalising on all races and expanding beauty ideals, Fenty’s showcase of beauty subscribes to the notion that for women everywhere in the world, their dreams can and do come true. In conclusion, Fenty Beauty has played a critical role in re-educating global consumers about diversity in beauty (Walters) but perhaps more importantly Rihanna, by definition, has become a true embodiment of the ‘American Dream’.Conclusion: Future Dreams in BeautyIt is undeniable that beauty advertising has remained complicit in selling unattainable dreams to consumers. In the context of ‘dream’ as a philosophical concept, it is more important than ever to ensure our dreams are mirrored, not as an ambiguous body of consumers, but as diverse and unique individuals. Changemakers in the industry such as Fenty Beauty are challenging this status quo and beauty advertising in general will have to evolve their strategy in a bid to answer to an increasingly globalised market. It must be reinforced however, that while “beauty companies and advertisers work effectively to reach a growingly multicultural market, scholars have a responsibility to assess the ramifications that accompany such change,” (Harrison et al. 518). If advertising’s role is to mirror consumers’ dreams then, our roles as dreamers have never been so important. ReferencesAkinro, Ngozi, and Lindani Mbunyuza-Memani. "Black Is Not Beautiful: Persistent Messages and the Globalization of 'White' Beauty in African Women’s Magazines." 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Doing research is always risky, personally, emotionally, ideologically, and politically, just because we never know for sure just what results our work will have. (Becker 253) Howard Becker accurately captures the various problematic dimensions that researchers encounter. Numerous personal, emotional, ideological and political dimensions impact research projects in sometimes unpredictable ways. In this paper, I examine some of the many impacts that researchers can have on their own projects. In much of the literature on qualitative research that examines interviews, focus groups and similar methodologies, scholars identify that a variety of factors influence the interactions between researchers and their projects. The academic debates regarding the insider/outsider positions of research are significant here. I will draw attention to the complexity of the researcher/researched relationship and argue that, in light of complexity, researchers can find themselves in predicaments where they are just as much part of the research data as their participants. Ultimately, I aim to contribute to an existing rich literature that deals with these issues concerning the relationship between the researcher and the researched. In this paper, I discuss my own experiences researching the Camden controversy and conclude with a number of suggestions for researchers to consider in similar predicaments. It is from these experiences that I aim to highlight the impact researchers have on their data and the complex relationships between researchers and "the researched". Further, it is through my experiences and observations that I address the theme of "impact" of research in the wider community. Insider/Outsider Debates Scholars often debate how researchers impact their projects. In the past 30 years, academics have focused on how researchers interact as "insiders" or "outsiders" (Naples 84; Coloma 15; Smith 137). Ultimately, these debates focus on the positionalities of researchers, and how these positions impact projects. A number of thought-provoking questions surface in these debates, regarding the distance/closeness between the researcher and participant/s. Scholars interested in this relationship often ponder if this distance/closeness affects the richness and quality of the data. Commonly, issues regarding the researcher's gender, "race" and class are topical in these discourses. Young points out that an assumption grew from these debates, which concludes that researchers who do not share these categories with their participants work find it more difficult to gain their participant's trust (187). From this perspective, women interviewing men hold outsider positions as women, "non-whites" interviewing "whites" hold outsider positions as "non-whites", and so on. Such a view leads to a rigid dichotomisation of the insider vs. outsider binary, which scholars have recently challenged (190). Academics now argue that researchers experience insider/outsider placements and various signifiers mark insiders/outsiders (Young 191; Sin 479) beyond the "race"/sex/class categories. These include sexuality, "race", education, gender, ethnicity, language and class (Coloma 14) to name the most common. Further, these markers are dependent upon the socio-political context of the time of research (Naples 83); thus researchers hold fluid insider/outsider positions. As the next generation of cultural researchers, I argue that we should acknowledge the increasingly complicated positions, influences, and relationships that manifest themselves in the stories of the researchers and the researched. We are never truly outsiders, yet never wholly insiders either; however, we are always partial in examining our research results (see Clifford 7). Yet the various insider/outsider positions generate a number of challenges for researchers. I unpack some of these positions and challenges in discussing a recent project I researched called the Camden controversy. The Camden Controversy In 2007-2009, a controversy over a proposed Islamic school took place in Camden, an area located on the greater Sydney fringe. In October 2007, an Islamic charity proposed a Muslim school in the area and within weeks, a local rally against the school took place involving thousands of local residents. A second anti-school rally occurred months later, where some local residents sported the Australian flag, publicly vilified Muslims claiming the school threatened the "nation". A local anti-school group was formed and two white supremacist groups supported locals against the school. Several extreme-right politicians also campaigned against the school which included former One Nation leader, Pauline Hanson, and leader of the Christian Democrats, Fred Nile. Additionally, two pigs heads with an Australian flag and a wooden crucifix were placed on the proposed site. In the end, the Camden Council rejected the application and the Land and Environment Court rejected the Quranic Society's appeal (for more information, see Al-Natour 573-85). I began researching this controversy in 2008, watching the above events unfold. One of my research methods included interviews with local residents. As a non-local, male researcher of Arab descent (specifically, Palestinian Greek Orthodox Christian and a culturally Islamic background), some interviews were challenging. In some cases, interviewees talked of the controversy as though they responded directly to my "Arabness". In other cases, interviewees positioned me as an outsider to the area. At other times, interviewees sub-typed me from "other Muslims" and I was granted some form of insider status. In various complicated ways, my experiences reflect how researchers become the "researched". To articulate these experiences, I discuss my interactions with only two participants (due to article length restrictions) with very different positions on the school. Case Study 1: Grace Grace is a 38 year old Catholic woman of mixed European heritage who is working in a clothing store in Camden. The interview took place with two of her co-workers in the room. Grace is opposed to the idea of a school in Camden. At the beginning, Grace was understandably suspicious about talking to a stranger about the controversy. Grace: So if there is anything I don't wanna answer, I'll just say 'no comment'.[Researcher]: That's ok, that's fine.Grace: So are you a Muslim? Is that why you're doing ya project here?[Researcher]: I'm not Muslim. No.Grace: (puzzled) are you sure?[Researcher]: Umm. I am an Arab though, but not Muslim. If that's what you're asking?Grace: Oh. Well, I can be an Arab too. See! [grabs a pair of men's underwear from a nearby clothing rack and places the underwear on her head] See! Gee wiz, I am one of those Arab ladies! (Interview, 17 July 2009) While her co-workers laughed in the background, Grace began to speak in a gibberish tongue, perhaps imitating "Arabic" (perhaps the men's underwear is supposed to mock a woman's headscarf). This incident may have been a performance for her co-workers, and may not have occurred if the interview did not have an audience. In this situation, Grace's audience and the interviewer influence her "underwear performance". Perhaps there was a look of shock on my face, as Grace then began to explain that she was doing me a favour by participating in the interview and claimed that an Arab would not have agreed because Arabs "are very rude". Again, Grace discusses Arabs perhaps realising her actions were not appropriate at the time. Conceptually, this incident highlights how the interviewee responds to the researcher's ethnicity and her "joke". In the presence of Grace and her co-workers, the performance highlights their "insider" statuses. The vilifying "Arab" clothing and languages were almost like a bonding performance, something that came up as a result of Grace's interaction with an Arab researcher. The interview is a place where Grace negotiates her position on the school and a variety of other issues that she relates to the researcher. She talked about headscarves worn by Muslim women: I don't know why they wear it as they stand out, there's lots of people that wear long skirts, that's fine, but you ["Muslims"] should mingle. I feel comfortable with you [the researcher], because you are not a covering-up-Muslim, but if you're wearing a head thing, I think that I would be uncomfortable, I mean I would think you had a machine gun [laughs]. The fluidity of the researcher's insider/outsider statuses becomes defined as Grace thinks about the school and Muslims. In the case of hijab, Grace uses the "Muslim" researcher to portray Islamic headscarves as outsider items. In the interview, we talked of Catholic nuns and Grace commented that nuns rarely wear headgear anymore. She agrees with modesty, yet defines her position on hijab by expressing her feelings of the researcher. The interview is a place where Grace considers her positions on Muslims, and the researcher in this case influences Grace as she communicates her viewpoints in light of her interviewer. Case Study 2: Andrew Andrew is a 43 year old resident of Anglo-Maltese heritage. He works in the Camden area and supported the proposal for an Islamic school—which would have been only 5 minutes drive from his workplace: [Researcher]: I can see it's [Camden is] different from other areas. It's like a country town.Andrew: I wouldn't say it's a country town anymore. It's not Orange Parks or Bathurst [rural areas]. It's on the outskirts, beginning of the rural area. I have lived here for 8 years. (Interview, 5 Oct. 2009) The differences of opinion on Camden here illustrate broad positions of the insider/outsider researcher (myself). Here, the researcher states their observations of the area as an outsider to Camden. Andrew responds to the researcher and positions himself with a sense of authority as a local. In terms of the contents of the interview, it is obvious that the researcher's dialogue influences the shape of the data. In other parts of the interview, Andrew found common insider ground with the researcher: France has got the highest population of Muslims, I dunno what the statistics are here, but France holds the most Muslim immigrants, they let them in to mix. I mean, look at you, you have mixed in, you even got your ear pierced! Kids mix in, what about the footballer, El-Masri, but look at him, he has mixed in! Everyone loves him! Here, the researcher has insider status when Andrew discusses how Muslims "mix in". Also, the researcher becomes part of the project, as the interview uses the interviewer's items (ear piercing) and a Lebanese-Australian retired footballer (Hazem El-Masri) as evidence of Islamic integration into Australian society. Here, the researcher's appearance specifically impacts the research, unlike the previous instance which focuses on dialogue between the researcher and researched. Given that the literature on qualitative methodologies focuses on the impact of the researcher's "race", ethnicity and so on, it is obvious that these factors relate to the interview itself. As my quote from Becker at the beginning highlights, research results are unpredictable, often to the point where researchers have unforeseen experiences with their participants. Conceptually, we need to think about impact as a complicated process when we reflect upon our projects and make sense of the researcher/researched relationships. Dealing with "Impact" Issues In both insider/outsider positions, the interviews with Grace and Andrew epitomise some instances that show how researchers cannot be separated from their data. Though both participants held different positions on the school, both demonstrated the complicated impact that researchers have on their projects. Further, they challenge the conventional views of qualitative methodology, which see research as a one way process where researchers interview participants and merely (and "objectively") obtain data. In light of the contemporary academic debates regarding the positionality of the researcher, I suggest that the complexities facing researchers destroy the strictly "insider" vs. "outsider" understandings of qualitative research. Though I reach this point by specifically focusing on interviews as research methodologies, I will also point out that even beyond the context of an interview, merely finding research participants and documenting field notes can be challenging. In my case, my Arab identity influenced the ways some residents responded when I asked them whether they would participate in an interview about the school. In some field notes, I documented some of these hostile instances when I approached people in public places and requested their participation in my project: Anonymous Male Resident 1: Look, I don't wanna do the interview, it's not that I am racist, I just can't stand the rag heads, they aren't normal!... in fact if it were up to me, I would probably exterminate them all (laughs). (Field notes, 9 Oct. 2009)Anonymous Male Resident 2: I saw your people on TV last night... the ones that sound like turkeys, Gobble Gobble. (Field notes, 31 July 2009) In these circumstances, prospective-participants frame the researcher as an outsider. Their refusals to participate show us how residents feel towards a researcher, and how these "feelings" impact upon their project. In my case, this meant it was difficult to find some participants, making the researcher's accessibility to interview participants and the obtaining of data a result of their insider/outsider statuses. In researching "race", Duneier suggests that the researcher should hold a "humble commitment" to be open in the field and be aware of their own social position (100). Becker asks how a researcher should react to the challenges of racism. It becomes a practice of balancing two binary opposing ideals: one rejects racist views, and the other which seeks to understand a particular expression/view of racism, which ultimately benefits knowledge. Thus, the researcher is faced with remembering the purpose of the research project—the pursuit of knowledge, not the debates with participants (Becker 247-49). Similarly, Ezzy argues the task of qualitative researchers is "not to attempt to solve political and moral issues, nor to avoid them, but to be aware of and engage with the potential political and moral implications of their writings" (157). In dealing with the various challenges of the project, I had to transform into the "researcher". My role was not to accuse participants of being "racists", rather to map out how certain views, which could be categorised as "racist", made up the qualitative research experience and would impact the fieldwork journey. As a researcher, my job was to investigate the Islamic school controversy in Camden. It was as though I needed to temporarily disregard (not compromise) other parts of my identities and focus on extracting information. It was an opportunity to pinpoint how particulars of my identity—gender, ethnicity, religion, skin colour, appearance, age, and so on, impacted upon the data collection process and the content. Conclusion: Way Forward? Throughout this article, I have argued that the complicated researcher/researched relationships result in the researchers becoming part of the research itself. Given how challenging this process is for researchers, I finish this article by suggesting some thought-provoking strategies and ideas for the next generation of cultural researchers. Given that all research projects vary, the researcher's impact processes also vary. It is also worth pointing out that in some circumstances, the "outsider" researcher can work for the project, where participants might feel the need to explain and elaborate on particular topics they feel the researcher does not know much about. Thus, attributing "positive" or "negative" feelings on the "insider" or "outsider" researcher is, at times, flawed and pointless. Whether the researcher is predominantly positioned as the insider, or the outsider, or remarkably changes between the two consistently, I would suggest a number of issues to help handle the impact of such predicaments on the research project in a way that can benefit the generation of knowledge. These issues include debriefing, strengthening, positioning, limiting and self-challenging topics. These suggestions would vary from one project to another, operating as a guide that should not be "set in stone". While it is difficult at times to determine how the researcher may impact the research data, it is important for researchers to be conscious of mapping out these challenges on their fieldwork journeys. Debrief with fellow scholars: Confidential discussions with supervisors, fellow researchers and other academics are processes that can enable researchers to make sense of these challenging predicaments (as long as the researcher is mindful of the ethical details involved). Debriefing can help release any emotional baggage or frustrations attained by these experiences. Sharing opinions on these instances can be helpful, particularly in identifying any overbearing biases of the researcher in making sense of their data. Furthermore, in circumstances where the researcher is working alone on a project, debriefing can remove a sense of isolation that can be accumulated by a lonely fieldwork project (particularly in the case of a doctoral project!). View the project as an exercise in building your research skills: Any research project, no matter how challenging or demanding is an opportunity to make sense of the world around us. Fieldwork also provides a chance to build character and strengthen the researcher's skills. Being in control of certain behaviours as researchers can be seen as a strength. This is not to say that the researcher compromises their values for the sake of research. Rather, the researcher has a particular role which needs to be seen in a professional light. Be wary of your own expectations and biases: This relates to the previous topic on character building and strengthening the researcher. As Becker argues (as quoted at the beginning), we cannot predict our research results. Researchers should not walk into their fields attempting to manipulate or predict their research results. The project itself could be extremely challenging where the researcher might expect to be "insider"/"outsider" in unexpected situations. Research results may not always be as hypothesised or generally expected. Therefore, researchers should be prepared to be challenged in terms of their own understandings of racism, sexism and other issues (again, depending on the project). Also, Rosaldo points out, "social analysts can rarely, if ever, become detached observers" (Rosaldo 169). Given that scholars challenge the idea of an "objective" researcher, it is best to acknowledge any forms of biases and how they influence the process of collecting and analysing data. Identify the complicated positionality of the researcher: The complicated insider/outsider positions of the researcher need to be acknowledged when examining the data. The researcher needs to be mindful of how they are approached by participants. Furthermore, the researcher should keep in mind that such positions are not fixed but are changing constantly, sometimes instantly and other times gradually. These different positions need to be seen as interrelated. Also, the researcher should remember there are different levels of being the insider and outsider, and both these positions can work for and against the process of collecting data. Map out the limitations of the project: The research field (which does not necessarily refer to an actual physical environment), in some circumstances, can be volatile and dangerous for some researchers. In the case of my own project, an Arab female researcher would have different experiences, some of which could include violence (according to the Isma report conducted by the Australian Human Rights and Equal Opportunities Commission, Arab women are more likely to experience racially-motivated violence than Arab men—see HREOC). I would advise that researchers are mindful of their "fields". Further, I recommend that research is conducted in public places, particularly if they are about contentious issues. Do not give personal details and if a particular topic inflames the participant during the interview to the point where you feel threatened, change the topic to something a lot less "inflammatory". Notes The names of these participants in this article are pseudonyms. Also, their positions on the school do not represent opponents/supporters of the school. Nor do they represent the Camden community. Further, my experiences interviewing these participants are not reflective of all the interviews I conducted in Camden. References Al-Natour, Ryan J. "Folk Devils and the Proposed Islamic School in Camden." Continuum 24.4 (2010): 573-85. Becker, Howard. "Afterword: Racism and the Research Process." Racing Research, Researching Race: Methodological Dilemmas in Critical Race Studies. Eds. F.W.Twine and J.W. Warren. New York: New York UP, 2000. 247-54. Clifford, James. "Introduction." Writing Culture. Eds. J. Clifford and G.E. Marcus. California: U of California P, 1986.1-26. Coloma, Roland Sintos. "Border Crossing Subjectivities and Research: Through the Prism of Feminists of Color." Race, Ethnicity and Education 11.1 (2008):11-27. Duneier, Mitchell. "Three Rules I Go By in My Ethnographic Research on Race and Racism." Researching Race and Racism. Eds. M. Bulmer and J. Solomos. London: Routledge, 2004. 92-103. Ezzy, Douglas. Qualitative Analysis: Practice and Innovation. Crows Nest: Allen and Unwin, 2002. Human Rights and Equal Opportunities Commission (HREOC). Isma – Listen: National Consultations on Eliminating Prejudice against Arab and Muslim Australians. 2004. 9 Nov. 2011 ‹http://www.hreoc.gov.au/racial_discrimination/isma/report/pdf/ISMA_complete.pdf›. Naples, Nancy. "A Feminist Revisiting of the Insider/Outsider Debate: The 'Outsider Phenomenon' in Rural Iowa." Qualitative Sociology 19.1 (1996): 83-106. Rosaldo, Renato. Culture and Truth: The Remaking of Social Analysis. Boston: Beacon P. 1993. Sin, Chih Hoong. "Ethnic-Matching in Qualitative Research: Reversing the Gaze on 'White Others' and 'White' as 'Other'." Qualitative Research 7.4 (2007): 477-99. Smith, Linda T. Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples. Dunedin: U of Otago P, 1999. Young, Alford. "Experiences in Ethnographic Interviewing about Race." Researching Race and Racism. Eds. M. Bulmer and J. Solomos. London: Routledge, 2004. 187-202.

Abstract Field T is well known with its multiple layers of hard stringers that can go up to 25 ksi UCS at certain intervals, predominantly in 12-1/4" and 8-1/2" hole section. This can lead to stick-slip problem whereby the drill bit momentarily stalls due to high static friction, while the drill string keeps rotating. As a result, torque will buildup in pipe until it overcomes the friction at the bit, resulting in the drill pipe unwinding itself. Over time, this issue results in reduced drilling efficiency (i.e. lower ROP), eventually causing damage to the bit or worse, twisting off the BHA, which translates into high cost exposure to the Operator. During the exploration phase, the Operator required on average, 4 to 7 bit trips to drill 12-1/4" hole section and 2 to 4 trips were required to drill 8-1/2" hole section. The most reported reason to pull out of the hole were, BHA change out, downhole tool failure (DTF) and low rate of penetration (ROP). The bits’ inner & outer cutters were also reported to be damaged with dull grading as high as wear value of 7 or 8. Z technology is a torsional vibration mitigation system that uses wide band impedance (Z) matching concept that aims to absorb all torque waves arriving at top drive by overcoming inertia of motor & gearbox. The Z Technology changes the conventional hard boundary condition of a standard top drive (TD) RPM controller that is "stiff" (constant RPM) which results in full reflection of all torsional waves. A "stiff" TD control system leads to growth of standing waves (A combination of TD constant RPM & stick-slip "unwind" RPM) in the string which eventually may lead to torsional vibrations to the drill bit and/or motor housing/BHA. While drilling Development Phase 1B, Z Technology was seen to be effective in mitigating stick-slip. As a result, more mechanical specific energy (MSE) was available to be transmitted to the bit for formation rock removal. All three wells in the Phase 1B campaign managed to achieve the highest ROP in T field. This translated into cost savings in rig time and cost avoidance to Operator due to BHA damage. The paper will discuss the details of the Z Technology mechanism, its implementation and evaluating its effectiveness in minimizing torsional vibration due to the stick-slip issue.

Abstract As future aircraft become lighter and more aerodynamically efficient, thrust requirements will decrease, reducing the core size of the engine. Furthermore, in the pursuit of improved fuel burn, engine overall pressure ratio and bypass ratio will increase, further driving down engine core size. These drivers together mean that the core size, or corrected mass flow rate at the compressor exit, for future single-aisle aircraft applications will shrink below 3.0 lbm/s. Traditionally, this small core compressor size is in the domain of axi-centrifugal designs, machines that are typically less efficient and limited to pressure ratios of ∼25 due to stress and thermomechanical fatigue in the centrifugal impeller. In this light, NASA, Pratt & Whitney and the Raytheon Technologies Research Center embarked upon a program to develop technologies to enable an all-axial high-pressure compressor with a core size below 3.0 lbm/s and an overall pressure ratio greater than 50. One of the challenges with an all-axial high-pressure compressor at this core size is the small span at the rear of the compressor. As core size is scaled down, the rotor tip clearances do not scale with span, leading to significant efficiency penalties. This paper documents a numerical and experimental effort to mitigate this penalty through design optimization and technology insertion, enabling an estimated 5 to 10% fuel burn reduction relative to 2020 best-in-class. The experimental program consisted of two builds of a high-speed rig: a baseline build and a second build to insert technology to manage large rotor tip gap/span ratios. The results demonstrated a reduction in the sensitivity of the compressor to large clearance ratios, which would be likely at the end-of-life of a small core application. The test campaign demonstrated that, with the insertion of technology, small core compressors can maintain a similar efficiency to current best-in-class large core size compressors. In addition to advancing the state-of-the-art of technology, the program also advanced the modeling standards for multistage compressors with large clearance-to-span ratios. The validation of this approach is described in the paper.

Abstract The field under study is witnessing an increasing trend in NPT events while drilling vertical wells through high stressed shale formations and the underlying depleted sandstone reservoir in the same section. The field has multiple sets of faults with lateral variations in stress azimuth and completion quality with the regional strike-slip regime. High angled wells are being planned to increase reservoir coverage and perform hydro fracturing. This paper provides details of capturing stress regime variation along with the effects of depletion in offset wells and identify suitable azimuth of planned well with drilling risks through a 3D geomechanical study. Comprehensive 1D mechanical earth models are constructed using open hole logs, core data and available hydro-fracturing results for wells in the field. Rock mechanical properties have been calibrated at well scale as per core data. Poro-elastic horizontal strain method at well scale indicates a strike-slip to reverse fault variation with significant horizontal stress anisotropy as evident from the closure pressure range of 9,500 psi to 12,500 psi. 3D numerical geomechanical model has been constructed considering structural discontinuities, rock mechanical properties and formation pressure to estimate the principal stresses. Stress direction data from dipole sonic measurements and breakout azimuth from borehole image logs are used for calibration in 3D model incorporating faults. Stress path for depletion has been estimated. Results from the study suggested change in casing policy specifically to have a liner isolating the overburden formations where more than 800 m should be drilled prior to entering the depleted reservoir formation. 3D geomechanical analysis reckons that the mud weight should be in the range of 12.7 kPa/m to 13.1 kPa/m during building up the well profile at 80 deg inclination in overlying shale while 1D study suggesting a range of 13.2 kPa/m to 13.7 kPa/m. Along well path at 80deg to 90deg deviation within reservoir layer toward minimum horizontal stress azimuth, mud weight requirement was found to be much lower at 11.5 kPa/m to 12.1 kPa/m. Apart from mud weight, BHA and chemicals were optimized to avoid differential sticking and better hole cleaning for respective sections. Actual mud weight used was in the range of 12.8 kPa/m to 13.1 kPa/m for building up with no torque and drag issue while running liner and BHA trips. Mud weight was maintained in the range of 11.5 kPa/m to 11.8 kPa/m in the horizontal section with minimum breakouts and smoother hole condition. Cuttings shape and size analysis were performed regularly to check well behavior and manage downhole pressure higher than shear failure limit. Using 3D Geomechanical study and continuous monitoring of drilling parameters in near real-time, the buildup and reservoir sections have been drilled within schedule with no major NPT event and saved at least one week of rig days.

Abstract As island development strategies gain focus for capitalizing deep offshore assets, limitations like fixed slot location bring about the need for drilling extended reach (ERD) wells with multiple drain holes and complex well geometry to maximize the reservoir coverage for increased production. Pressure testing and reservoir fluid sampling operations require long stationary time and pose a risk of differential sticking. Deploying a pressure testing and fluid sampling tool into the drilling bottom-hole assembly (BHA) helps in maintaining well control through continuous circulation and providing measures to retrieve the tool by rotation and jarring in case of pipe sticking. This paper presents the successful deployment of sampling while drilling tools in three ERD wells drilled using water based and oil based muds to acquire representative formation oil samples from a high H2S carbonate reservoir. The formation oil samples were collected immediately after drilling the well to the target depth for limiting the invasion to collect clean samples in shorter pump-out volume and time. After securing the samples, a phase separation test was performed by fluid expansion in a closed chamber to measure the saturation pressure of the oil. A 30-min long pressure build up was also performed for pressure transient analysis to estimate permeability. Formation fluid samples were collected, while pulling out the drilling BHA, within 12-48 hours of drilling the well by pumping out 100-170 liters of fluid from the formation in 4-6 hours. During clean up, absorbance spectroscopy identifies the fluid phases – gas, oil and water. Prominent trends observed in compressibility, mobility, sound slowness and refractive index measurements add confidence to the fluid identification and provide accurate contamination measurements. Single-phase tanks charged with nitrogen were used to assure quality samples for PVT analysis. The sample tanks are made of MP35N alloy and the flow lines are made of titanium that are both H2S resistant and non-scavenging materials and hence, a separate coat of non-scavenging material was not required. In highly deviated wells, sampling while drilling technology can close the gaps of the conventional wireline operation on pipe conveyed logging in addition to saving 5-days of rig time by eliminating the need for conditioning trips, a dedicated run for pressure testing and sampling and minimizing the risk of stuck pipe and well control incidents The results from downhole fluid analysis and PVT lab are compared in this paper. Going forward, this technology can eliminate the requirement of a pilot hole for pressure testing & sampling by enabling sampling in complex well geometries in landing sections and ERD wells. The paper concludes with discussions on suggested improvements in the tool design and capability and recommendations on best practices to align with the lessons learnt in this sampling while drilling campaign.

Abstract The ExxonMobil Wells organization, along with Hess Guyana Exploration Limited and CNOOC Petroleum Guyana Limited, executed a successful multi-rig campaign to achieve First Oil on the Liza Phase 1 project ahead of schedule, utilizing advanced deepwater completion technologies to deliver highly productive wells. Considering the sizable resource offshore Guyana, strategic partnerships have been established with drilling contractors and other service providers to build economies-of-scale. ExxonMobil's prior global experience is actively being leveraged in rig selection and well design. Standardization, both above and below the rotary, has allowed for increased flexibility on current and future well execution, maintaining optionality to rapidly adjust project pace. A deliberate contracting strategy with established rig providers has also opened access to top tier rigs with reduced procurement timelines, providing flexibility with total rig count and capability. With an integrated team approach focused on simulataneous operations (SIMOPS) mitigation, rig movements have been optimized within the field to prioritize the highest value work and streamline project delivery. Effective schedule integration with multiple drilling rigs and installation vessels has reduced SIMOPS downtime during Phase 1 project execution. Additionally, batch rig operations have allowed the team to capitalize on operational efficiencies. A combination of these factors led to on-time well delivery and helped the project achieve aggressive First Oil milestones. The team has implemented innovative technologies to maximize value and well reliability, including the following: integrated geosteering workflows, with Azimuthal Ultra-Deep Resistivity (AUDR), enabling maximum reservoir penetrations; a suite of low equivalent circulating density (ECD) drilling fluids that enable the drilling of narrow-margin, highly deviated wells; ExxonMobil's patented NAFPac™ openhole gravel pack technology and autonomous inflow control devices (AICDs) on stand-alone-screen completions to increase well life and reliability; and remotely operated vehicle (ROV) based tree intervention control systems and ROV actuated suspension valves allowing for offline installation of subsea trees. Additionally, the team implemented the first floating application of the NOVOS™ automated slip-to-slip drilling system. NOVOS™ has been coupled with an automated drilling advisory system (AutoDAS) and data analytics environments for continuous performance improvement. The production wells that were delivered for Liza Phase 1 have highly productive, low-skin completions averaging over 900 m in length and production rates in excess of 30 kbd/well. Advancements in completion technology and efficiency proven on Liza Phase 1 are being extended into Phase 2 development and beyond, providing additional reservoir management capability. Lastly, ExxonMobil's commitment to Guyana extends to its people. Guyanese personnel have benefitted from significant training provided by ExxonMobil and sub-contractors, and Guyanese Nationals represented approximately 40% of the workforce involved in Wells-related activities at the end of 2020.

Abstract During the water injector workover campaign in 2018, some casing leakage near the surface was identified (depth range 10 to 300 ftRT). Several attempts were made to seal the leakage, but none of them succeeded. In response to investigation, a specific cementing technique was developed, called "bandage cementing", and it was successful in repairing casing leaks near the surface with over 75% success rate. The focus of this technique is to build a column of cement in annulus between production casing and surface casing to create a "bandage" covering all leaking points in production casing. To build it, a cement evaluation log was run to investigate the presence of cement in annulus surface-production casing. A perforation gun was then run into the well to make some holes in production casing below leaking points. Injectivity and communication test was then performed to check the connection between perforation hole and leaking points and casing valve in surface. Once communication confirmed, cement retainer was then deployed to perform cementing jobs inside production casing and in annulus surface-production casing. The goal is to fill the void in annulus between surface and production casing with cement to build a cement column covering the casing leak. This repair casing technique was applied to 4 (four) water injector wells with casing leak problems. The repair job succeeds to seal the casing leaks and all wells were put back on injection. They passed the pressure test and confirmed the leak was completely sealed. The key success for this repair casing method lies in how well we can place cement columns to surround the leak points from both below and above the leak. Several observations include whether the injectivity connection could be established between leaking points, perforation hole and casing valve and how much barrel of cement could be placed behind the casing are the supporting factors to achieve it. The goal of this paper is to provide an alternative to casing repair for wells with casing leak problems near the surface which are usually very difficult to repair and take a lot of time on the rig to repair.

Abstract In this paper we present case studies describing the approach adopted to solve scaling issues in a complex well architecture, an analysis of the scaling root causes, and the construction of a novel execution plan incorporating scale inhibitors, diverting agents with different acid systems to maximize the treatment efficiency. Even when producing at a low water cut fraction, most of the offshore multi-fractured wells in the field experienced scale deposition phenomena because of instability of the calcium ions present in the formation water. When pressure drawdown is applied on the producing wells, a progressive and severe worsening of production performance was observed, and in certain cases this led to a complete obstruction of the well. Previous stimulations executed on the under-performing wells were able to temporarily restore the production. Those treatments were performed using a conventional HCl acid system with coil tubing and these yielded positive results initially, but performance progressively decreased after a few months. For this reason, it was a priority to analyze the root cause of the deposition and define an improved method to extend the effectiveness of the intervention. Scale tendency analysis of the formation water highlighted the instability and predicted calcium carbonate presence at the reservoirs’ pressure and temperature range. Based on the evaluation of Saturation Index it was determined that calcite build-up can occur at any point in the production system. This was confirmed by field evidence, with scale deposit samples recovered at the choke, surface line and along the completion tubing. A nitrified organic acid blend was applied to invade deeply into the fracture body, together with a liquid scale inhibitor squeeze treatment that was designed to prevent further re-depositions in the short-term. A diversion technology was implemented to treat the multi-fractured horizontal wells in efficient manner by rig-less bullheading. Furthermore, due to unavailability of a rig in place, efforts were made to solve the different challenges to operate in rig-less mode: a lack of space on the production platform deck prevented any pumping intervention, and the well restart and clean up was executed directly in a high-pressure sea line. This alternative approach, with novel technologies for diversion and scale inhibition, yielded excellent well responses to the placement of the acid mixtures, which were designed to dissolve the carbonate scales with minimum impact on the sandstone formation, completion equipment, and production facilities. The selected solid diverting agent self-degraded by hydrolysis once in contact with water base fluids in the high temperature environment. This diverter was able to effectively distribute the acid treatment into each of the fractures: the particle size distribution was designed to efficiently bridge on the proppant pack in the fractures. The well start-up production rates confirmed the major benefits resulting from this approach: a higher Productivity Index was estimated on all the applications when compared to past conventional stimulations. Moreover, the use of a scale inhibitor extended the post-stimulation well life from few weeks, up to several months or years and therefore reduced the frequency of future well interventions. This novel alternative approach resulted in a more cost-effective well intervention solution and addressed the challenges of an intense offshore rig-less stimulation campaign in the field.

Abstract The Anchor reservoir is approximately 140 miles off the coast of Louisiana in the deepwater Gulf of Mexico (GOM). The Wilcox reservoir is at depths of 30,000 - 34,000 feet true vertical depth (TVD) with initial bottom hole pressure from 23,000 - 27,000 psi. This paper will provide an Anchor field subsurface overview from discovery to development. Appraisal drilling, comprehensive data acquisition and analysis supported maturation of the Anchor field in deepwater GOM. The execution and interpretation of a new Ocean Bottom Node (OBN) seismic survey enhanced reservoir characterization and influenced placement of Stage 1 wells. The development of the Anchor asset combines technical and operational experience from another Chevron-operated GOM asset in the Wilcox trend with application of 20,000 psi (20k psi) technology to bring the Anchor field to production. During the development drilling campaign and early production years, focused data acquisition will continue to be applied to improve understanding of field performance and give insight on potential future development. Data from each appraisal penetration was used to build probabilistic static and dynamic reservoir models incorporating key reservoir uncertainties. A final investment decision (FID) development plan was established for seven wells to be produced under primary depletion with commingled production from up to four Wilcox zones. Recognizing that seismic quality was challenged in some regions of the field, an OBN seismic survey was conducted in 2020. The survey improved seismic quality compared to legacy volumes and led to adjustments to the East boundary fault and expansion of the high confidence development area. Additional advanced reprocessing was performed in 2023. Development drilling started in 2021 with AP001 drilled close to the discovery well with the Deepwater Conqueror. A second development well, AP002 was drilled to total depth in February 2023. Both development wells were suspended and will be completed using multizone frac pack completions with the new Transocean Deepwater Titan 20k psi rig. Production from the Anchor field will benefit from implementation of several recent technologies already in use in deepwater assets which have been adapted and qualified for high pressure application. A Multiphase Pump (MPP) on the seafloor will enable greater drawdown of the reservoir and boost production to the floating production unit (FPU). Multiphase Flowmeters (MPFM) will be installed at the tree for each producer and combined with downhole pressure gauges will allow close monitoring of well and field performance. Chemical tracers which are activated by exposure to either oil or water will be pre-installed in downhole screens with unique tracers assigned to each completed interval in each well. When sampled, the presence of the tracers will indicate if all completed zones are actively contributing to blended production. For clarity, the following terms are used throughout this paper. High Pressure High Temperature (HPHT) refers to equipment rated to pressures greater than 15,000 psi and/or temperatures equal to or greater than 350°F. Anchor is a high pressure project under the HPHT category. 20K refers to the Anchor project's technology development and qualification program.