Academic literature on the topic 'Routes Of Tribalism'

Introduction: Tribals or forest dwellers have much knowledge of the drugs growing around them. Most of this treasure of knowledge has been passed orally without any written documents. It is therefore very important to preserve and protect the traditional knowledge and also to prepare a digital data base of traditional medicine. Aim & Objectives: Ethno-botanical survey on medicinal Plants used by the Tribes of Karanja (Ghadge) Tahsil of Wardha District, Maharashtra, India and to prepare the ethno-botanical database of study area. Material & Methods: Ethno-botanical study was conducted through field surveys. Data was collected using questionnaire, interviews and discussions. The collected data was investigated using specific quantitative parameters including Informant Consensus Factor (ICF), Relative popularity level (RPL), Use value (UV), Fidelity level (FL), Relative frequency citation (RFC) and Rank order priority (ROP). Observations & results: Total 7 local informants were interviewed for Ethno-botanical data. Total 65 plants associated to 46 families were verified, authenticated and then recognized with ethno medicinal uses. Informants used 10 types of parts of plant from 6 kind of habitat and do the management of the patients with 6 type of medicinal preparations through 5 routes of administrations. Values obtained by calculating ICF, UV, RFC, FL, RPL and ROP were suggestive of informant’s knowledge regarding particular plant species in treating the particular ailment. Conclusion: The present work would be useful in identification of newer species and their therapeutic applications.

Almost four decades after its discovery was initially announced, the Celtic necropolis in Karaburma, a suburb of Belgrade, is still one of the most important archaeological sites for the interpretation of the historical, economic, and cultural processes taking place in the central Balkans from the 4th to the end of the 1st centuries B.C. Most of all, it represents a wide-ranging source for explaining the chronology of the oldest Celtic presence in this area, also illustrating cultural exchanges in the network in which they were included. In this necropolis, belonging to the regional military elite, there are several graves in which, in addition to standard offerings relating to the regional material culture, items originating from a wider cultural area were found. Amongst these, grave number 22, the subject of our research, is especially important. In this grave were found objects mainly made of bronze and iron, with a smaller fragment of pottery. The iron items represent the attire of the deceased and his offensive weapons, while bronze items are characteristically imported vessels and a smaller bronze ring (figs. 1, 2). The imported vessels are represented by the well-known situla and cup. According to the basic typological scheme, we can classify the situla within the large group of ovoid situlae with the leaf-shaped or the so-called heart-shaped ornament under the attachment (figs. 1, 9; 2; 3, 7). According to the typological scheme here suggested, the situla found in Karaburma belongs to the first group, namely to its variant b (Ib), which is characterized by situlae with a leaf-shaped ornament on the attachment, separately cast and then pinned down or soldered to the body of the vessel (fig. 3, 7). Also belonging to this group are situlae from Skillountia, Goce Delcev (fig. 3, 8), V?rbica (fig. 3, 9) and from Chirnogi (fig. 3, 10). Situlae from Budva (fig. 3, 11) and Belgrade (fig. 3, 12) should also be included here, probably the one from Bitola as well. According to the analysis here presented, we have attributed the situla to the work of Macedonian workshops of the 4th century, to which other situlae, initially recorded in the contexts of Celtic provenance, have finally been included, and which ended up in the graves of Celtic dignitaries as exclusive imports of particular social conditions and ideological features. The other bronze vessel, considering its size, metric relations, technical and stylistic execution, we interpret as a cup, or at least as some kind of transitional form, since it is somewhat more shallow when compared to actual cups, and significantly taller compared to phiale (figs. 1, 10; 2). The context in which it was found indicates that it must have been used as a drinking cup in a set, together with the ovoid situla. Similar phiale were a very popular form in Thrace in the 4th century (fig. 7, 2-3), but the greatest resemblance can be seen in the phiale from Peretu, from the Thraco-Getian area to the north (fig. 7, 1). Characteristics of the form and style of the cup from Karaburma enabled its classification among the later variants or transitional forms of cups, seen in the context of the bronze production of Northern Greece, i.e. Macedonia. It is important for the period of the midto late 4th century, in other words, it completely matches with the chronological background and location of the ovoid situla with the leaf-shaped ornament under the attachment. In the analysis of weapons belonging to a Celtic warrior buried in grave 22, an iron sword with preserved fragments of a scabbard made of iron sheet (fig. 1, 1-2) stands out. Comparative analysis has characterized the sword as an exceptionally late form of the group Kosd D, attributed to the phase Lt B2. However, the slightly accentuated biconical shape of the scabbard?s end also points to certain elements of the group Kosd C. In the Carpathian basin the group Kosd C represents a rather rare form, which as a cultural innovation spread westwards, thus the Karaburma necropolis in Belgrade represents their southeastern, furthest point of expansion. To this same time frame also belongs the sword belt chain set (fig. 1, 5-6). Typological and spatial analysis has shown that chain belts with single figure-ofeight links, exactly the same as the ones found in grave 22, are relatively rare in that region. Asimilar sword belt set was found in the Benacci necropolis in Bologna, also containing a sword inside a scabbard decorated with a pair of dragons of the II type according to Jose-Maria De Navarro. Alongside it was also found a spear-butt with a spike which by its workmanship, closely resembles precisely the spear-butt with a long spike and the massive conical lower part from grave 22 (fig. 1, 4). Unlike the complete sword belt chain set and the sword, the spear-butt was isolated, but perhaps we can connect the bronze ring with it (fig. 1, 3). Given its size, it was probably the grip which was strengthening the spot at which the spear-butt was inserted into it. Aspecial feature of grave 22 are two highly fragmented remains of fibulae (fig. 1, 7-8). The spring of the larger fibula stands out, with two winders on each side, and with an external arch (fig. 1, 7), which dates from the late Lt B2 phase and the transitional horizon B2/C1. It has long been accepted as fact that the Celts inhabited the area between the rivers Sava and Danube from as early as the second half and towards the end of the 4th century, while the Scordisci, as such, formed only after the defeat at Delphi. However, the process of the Celtic expansion was already happening at the beginning of the 4th century, and it spread along the main communication routes, the rivers, with strategic points first to be settled. Only after several decades of consolidation, or only upon the return from the military expedition to the south of the Balkan peninsula, was the whole area inhabited by the Celts by the end of the 4th century. This historically suggested claim always necessarily led to the question of chronological positioning and the distance between phases Lt B2 and Lt C2. Most authors dealing with this matter have held that phase Lt B2 was supposed to have finished after the Celtic invasion of the southern Balkans, i.e. some time in the 3rd century. However, this assessment does not seem entirely correct, since most objects of La T?ne cultural provenance found in the Aegean region and Asia Minor stem from the initial Lt C horizon, which means that the expedition to Delphi cannot represent an absolute chronological border between the Lt B2 and C1. The absence of indicative elements of the material culture of the Lt B horizon in the Aegean area and Anatolia indicates that they already had to be completely out of fashion by the time of the expedition. In brief - after the dissolution of Lisimachus? kingdom and the murder of Seleucus I in 281 B.C., there was a military and political power vacuum in the region of Macedonia and Thrace. The opportunity was seized by Celts from the region of the lower Danube, who set out towards ?the South?. In 279 B.C. one of the three groups, led by Bolgios (i.e. Belgius), defeated the Macedonian royal army, and Ptolemy Ceraunus himself got killed. In the summer of the same year, Brennus reached central Greece, i.e. Delphi; having suffered a defeat, the larger portion of the army was stationed in the region of Thrace, after a logical retreat. There they received an offer from Nicomedus I of Bythinia who hired 20,000 of them as mercenaries, hence their penetration into Asia Minor in 278 and 277 B.C. On the other hand, the archaeological findings from the mentioned area, connected with these events, indicate that it can and must be classified within the Lt C1 phase. An additional argument in favour of an earlier dating is also offered by a pair of two-part anklets, with eight hollow semispherical bosses with no ornaments, found in the Spanos well in the vicinity of Poseidon?s sanctuary in Isthmia. Previously, Rupert Gebhard had held that these findings should be brought into connection with the incursion of 279 B.C., dating from his horizon 5, i.e. between c. 290 and 260 B.C. However, Isabelle Raubitschek demonstrated the opposite, pointing to several details: firstly, since the remnants of the Celtic army after their defeat withdrew through the Thermopylae, it is unlikely that on the way back anyone would pass through Isthmia; secondly, similar anklets were also found in the Heraion of Perachora, and finally and most importantly, that they were found in an enclosed context, together with the kylix-krater, meaning that they must date from the third quarter of the 4th century. To her conclusions we can now add two other possible perspectives: 1. - regarding the chronology, the most important fact is that the pair of two-part anklets is evidently much older than previously thought. From the historical perspective, the information on the enclosed context, i.e. that similar findings were also found in the complexes of Greek sanctuaries, is of great importance. 2. - dating clearly shows that these anklets cannot be connected with war or looting, i.e. cannot be seen as spoil from the expedition to Delphi to be sacrificed by the victors. In fact, that context points to a small, but recognizable segment from the range of diplomatic gifts which circulated between the Greek world and the Celtic aristocrats from the region of the middle course of Danube. On the other hand, among the graves of the La T?ne cultural provenance containing findings which originated from Greek, i.e. Macedonian workshops, and which predate the time of the military expedition to the south of the Balkan peninsula, apart from the finding of a bronze cup from the end of the 4th century found in Szabolc in Hungary, only Karaburma grave 22 stands out. Both findings were included by Miklos Szab? among those which preceded the expedition to Delphi, although it is possible that they reached the Celtic world after that event. He also mentioned that it was becoming increasingly evident that this was more than just a case of military spoil or loot, which he concluded on the basis of the presence of less valuable items. This claim led M. Szab? into a trap: if the items, mostly from the 4th century, presupposed contacts of the Celtic inhabitants with the Aegean world, it would be necessary to date their settlement, i.e. the phase Lt B2, in the 4th century, and thus in the period significantly earlier than the expedition to Delphi. Furthermore, a bronze lekythos was found in a slightly younger grave 18/64 on the Hurbanovo site, in the same cultural and historical context. This is a lekythos of the Talcot type, frequently found in Greece, Thrace and Macedonia, dating back to the end of the 4th and the first half of the 3rd century. On the mentioned site it was chronologically classified in the transitional horizon Lt B2/C1, which according to Jozef Bujna was the period after the military expedition to the Balkans. The same researcher held that the grave 22 from Karaburma should also be included in that time frame. However, what if J. Bujna was wrong on this matter, given that he opted for a conservative dating of the set of vessels? Based on the above, we might actually consider placing the absolute dating of the Lt C1 phase in the 4th century - the century during which the production of such lekythoi flourished, as did their laying in Macedonian graves. Implicitly, such dating is also confirmed by the items of the La T?ne provenance, found in the region of the southern Balkans, i.e. the Aegean area. They all exhibit formal characteristics typical of the Lt C. Consequently, it can be concluded that the beginning of the Lt C horizon must be sought in the period immediately preceding the expedition to ?the South?. In connection with that, it was precisely J. Bujna who demonstrated that certain graves in the necropolises of the Lt C were found on the periphery, which he interpreted as a possible clue for recognizing the newcomers, i.e. those who returned from the Balkan expedition. Aurel Rustoiu also came to a similar conclusion, having systematically analyzed the equipment of the warrior elites, the socalled mercenaries from the Aegean world. The declining number of male graves in the period between Lt B1 and Lt C1, among other things, also led Peter Ramsl to hypothesize that numerous warriors hired as mercenaries never returned to their homes. Related to this, significant data in the analysis of the share of warrior graves in the necropolises of the Carpathian basin was provided by A. Rustoiu. He showed that the share of warrior graves, i.e. graves with weapons in Lt B2 phase, is higher than of those in the Lt C1. However, the Karaburma necropolis is an exception also in this respect, since the share of the warrior graves is significantly higher than in the other necropolises belonging to both phases. Thus in the Lt C1 it is 48%, while in the Lt B2 it is as high as 70%. On the basis of the collected data, he hypothesized that there were two types of societies in the Carpathian basin: agricultural communities with reduced military elites, and military communities which represented social aristocracy and which formed the core for military and war expeditions, and also constituted the basis for the recruitment of mercenaries. The latter transcended ethnic bounds, given that they were selected on an individual basis, which is clearly reflected in the changeability and different origin of the equipment of warriors. Findings of bronze vessels tie in with this neatly, if we interpret them as a result of contacts and a substitute for the traditional late La T?ne pottery set, consisting of a ceramic bowl (phiale), and a vessel for liquids (situla-like pot or lenticular bottle). Both situla and phiale are standard items, frequent, widespread, and the most indicative parts of solemn ritual banquets and feasts, as shown by numerous and explicit findings from the rich graves of Thracia and Anatolia. However, they were still an essential part of the Greek culture, commonly used in religious, mystical ceremonies. Although we frequently encounter them in hoards and, of course, temples, with rare exceptions mostly due to insufficient knowledge on the item?s context of finding, those situlae and phiale were, almost as a rule, part of luxury sets, indicating rich graves of those belonging to the highest social and political strata of the society. This is the reason why they were often interpreted as burial insignia, used to sanctify the burial space and to encourage eternal deification, divine vitality and the rebirth of a deceased dignitary; in other words, it is thought that they exhibited power and authority in both Thracian and Getian graves. However, the Celts could also have used these vessels at funeral feasts and banquets, just as they were used in their country of origin, since we know that in the graves of the Celtic dignitaries everything was laid that they possessed in their lifetime, especially sets of dishes, for the purpose of ensuring an unbroken cycle of rebirth. It has been further suggested that the bronze vessels were used for the ceremonies of libation, but also for trade and exchange, while the silver drinking cups and luxury sets made of precious metals were used for burial feasts and diplomatic banquets during negotiations and/or when concluding agreements, simply as keimelia or as a ritual device for expressing deeply held and widely accepted eschatological practices and new trends. However, both could have been quite practically used for bribing - both people and gods! Finally, the imported vessels from Karaburma, classified as Macedonian products from the 4th century, should now be viewed as the northernmost findings of a complete symposiastic set, but also in the context of other vessels imported from Macedonia found in the graves with the features of the La T?ne culture. It is unlikely that they represent war spoils from Greece or other parts. The idea that the situla and phiale from the grave 22 of the Karaburma necropolis inaugurated direct contact between the Celts and Macedonians seems more likely. The items could have reached the 4th century Celtic dignitaries of the Danube region as keimelia - diplomatic gifts, or could have simply arrived by a trade route from the northern parts of Macedonia. In that sense, we should also remember those modest, but for this case invaluable records found in the historical sources connected with this period. It has been thought that the Celtic presence dates back to as early as the time of the defeat and expulsion of the Ardiaei in 359/358 B.C., as recorded by Theopompus. However, there are reliable records of their embassy to Alexander the Great while he was engaged with the Tribali in 335 B.C., as reported by Arrian. Precisely those could have been the points of direct contact between the highest ranking military and political dignitaries of the Celts and the aristocrats and diplomats of the Macedonian state. From all this it can be concluded that the Karaburma necropolis is truly an exception, representing the southernmost point of Celtic militarized expansion, where the military social aristocracy was stationed. The region where the Sava and Danube meet thus became an area where technological innovations concentrated and developed, and also the space where the political, military and economic contacts filtered. All this is vividly illustrated by grave 22 in the necropolis, chosen precisely because of those features. Weapons, i.e. the sword of the Celtic dignitary who was buried there, indicate the technological tradition of the early La T?ne. In the same tradition were fashioned the fibulae which, in an unchanged form, remain in the repertoire of accessories at the beginning of the middle La T?ne period, just as, on the other hand, the sword and the shape of its scabbard indicate the beginning of re-fashioning of that same conservative tradition. The sword belt chain set and the spear-butt with its spike indicate the innovations which were yet to become the characteristic features of the middle La T?ne soldiers? equipment. Furthermore, the intertwining of traditions and innovations is also evident from the symbolic and semantic processes which were connected with the ritual of this burial. At the time when the cremation became the predominant type of burial in the Celtic world, the ritual of laying gifts in graves also changed. Instead of the complete equipment which the deceased used during life, only select items are found to represent the totality, which in our example can be seen in the deposited spear-butt. Thus the suum cuique principle was replaced by the pars pro toto principle. Based on the above, the famous warrior from the Karaburma grave 22 both in an abstract and also direct sense, confirms the intertwining of traditions and the circulation of cultural elements, and thus shows that he himself was one of the carriers of the avant-garde of the time, the forerunner of a new period in political and economic relations in the central Balkans of the third quarter of the 4th century.

Even though the concept of development means different things to different people, the general consensus is that it should not be discriminatory nor exclusionary. It should also not obstruct basic human needs or real human interests. Against this backdrop, many governments have adopted integrated people-centred development that caters for all people irrespective of their location, ethnicity, race or gender, among other things. The study discusses the way in which the Zimbabwean government has used development to marginalise and exclude minority ethnicities from its development agenda. More particularly, the study discusses the way in which development in Zimbabwe has been used as a tool to exploit, sideline and disempower the amaNdebele people. The study concludes that whereas many nations have opted for people-centred development, Zimbabwe has taken a different route. For the country, the term development has a different meaning altogether. Not only is it top-down, disempowering and exclusionary, but it is also divisive, structurally violent and incredibly hateful. The study recommends that Zimbabwe openly discuss and acknowledge that tribalism exists and be willing to redress the legacy of hegemonic politics and separate development intentionally and effectively.

Chapter 5 reconstructs the course and the dynamics of the first three rounds of the Houthi conflict, also called the ‘Ṣaʿdah War’, from its eruption in June 2004 until the February 2006 ceasefire, which successfully brought the third Ṣaʿdah War to a halt and ushered into several months of detente. It shows how, in the course of the war, the sectarian and social-revolutionary thrust of Houthism began to fuse with existing open and latent conflicts in Yemen’s North, a process that led to an enormous expansion of the war’s scope and magnitude. It analyses the course of the war’s first three rounds, the composition of the national military and Houthi armed forces, their respective supporters and opponents among the local tribes, and attempts at mediation between the two sides.