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Academic literature on the topic 'Round Table Negotiation'

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Published: 6 September 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Round Table Negotiation"

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Lindholst, Morten, Anne Marie Bülow, and Ray Fells. "The practice of preparation for complex negotiations." Journal of Strategic Contracting and Negotiation 4, no. 1-2 (March 2018): 119–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2055563620907364.

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Negotiators are routinely exhorted to prepare well, but what do they do in practice? This article draws on data collected as a team of negotiators prepared their strategy during the lengthy negotiations over a major power generation infrastructure contract. Using a framework that we developed using terms from the literature, the team’s preparation meetings were observed and then analysed for content, timing and changes in participation. It is shown that the standard checklist notion of preparation needs to be reconsidered as a multilevel, dynamic concept that changes in character over time. Far from just a first stage, the team’s continued preparation occurred in feedback meetings after rounds of negotiation at the table, between negotiation sessions and immediately before the next round of negotiations, and progress was seen to hinge on the differentiation of the preparation. Consequently, this long-term study provides insight into a key element of any general theory of negotiation while also suggesting implications for practitioners working with negotiating teams.
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McKibben, Heather Elko. "What do I get? How do states’ negotiation alternatives influence the concessions they receive in multilateral negotiations?" European Journal of International Relations 26, no. 3 (February 29, 2020): 896–921. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066120906875.

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When will states receive concessions in multilateral negotiations? And on which issues are those concessions likely to be received? I highlight two factors that influence the likelihood a state will receive concessions on an issue in multilateral negotiations: (1) the degree to which the issues linked together in the negotiation are “differently valued” by the negotiating states, and (2) the costliness of states’ “best alternative to a negotiated agreement” on each individual issue. The former creates the opportunity for an exchange of concessions; the latter creates the incentive for that exchange to occur. It is the interaction of having more differently valued issues on the table and having a more costly best alternative to a negotiated agreement on an issue that makes a state more likely to receive concessions on that issue. This argument stands in contrast to the standard negotiation literature, which has shown that having a more beneficial best alternative to a negotiated agreement will yield greater concessions. I argue that these contradictory assertions exist because there are two types of best alternatives to a negotiated agreement that must be taken into account – one at the negotiation level and those at the issue-specific level. The current literature has tended to focus on the former while I focus on the latter. I test my argument on an originally constructed dataset of concessions states received in the Uruguay Round trade negotiations of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. For each issue in the Round, I coded the costliness of each state's issue-specific best alternative to a negotiated agreement and the level of concessions it received on that issue. The results provide insights into the workings of multilateral negotiations.
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Shriwastav, Sachin, and Debasish Ghose. "Round-table negotiation for fast restoration of connectivity in partitioned wireless sensor networks." Ad Hoc Networks 77 (August 2018): 11–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.adhoc.2018.04.008.

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Smythe, Elizabeth, William Dymond, Bill Graham, Gerald Schmitz, Steven Shrybman, and Gilbert R. Winham. "Round table: Globalization and the negotiation of international investment rules in a Post‐Mai world." Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 7, no. 2 (January 1999): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.1999.9673208.

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Siswanto, Siswanto. "Failure of Bilateral Diplomacy on Irian Barat (Papua) Dispute (1950-1954)." Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities 8, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jissh.v8i1.91.

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Fundamentally, Irian Barat (Papua) dispute between The Netherlands Indonesia was a territorial conflict or an overlapping claim. The Netherlands as the former colonialist did not want to leave Irian Barat (Papua) or remained still in the region, meanwhile Indonesia as the former colony denied the Netherlands status quo policy in Irian Barat (Papua). Potential dispute of the Irian Barat (Papua) was begun in the Round Table Conference (RTC) 1949. There was a point of agreement in RTC which regulates status quo on Irian Barat (Papua) and it was approved by Head of Indonesia Delegation, Mohammad Hatta and Van Maarseven, Head of the Netherlands Delegation. As a mandate of the RTC in 1950s there was a diplomacy on Irian Barat (Papua) in Jakarta and Den Haag. Upon the diplomacy, there were two negotiations held by diplomats of both countries, yet it never reached a result. As a consequence, in 1954 Indonesia Government decided to stop the negotiation and searched for other ways as a solution for the dispute. At the present time, Jakarta-Papua relationship is relatively better and it is based on a special autonomy, which gives great authority to the Local Government of Papua.
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Gootiiz, Batshur. "Services in Doha: What’s on the Table?" Journal of World Trade 43, Issue 5 (October 1, 2009): 1013–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2009039.

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Services trade reform matters, but what is Doha doing about it? It has been hard to judge because of the opaqueness of services policies and the opaqueness of the request-offer negotiating process. This paper attempts to assess what is on the table. It presents the results of the first survey of applied trade policies in the major services sectors of fifty-six industrial and developing countries. These policies are then compared with these countries’ Uruguay Round (UR) commitments in services and the best offers that they have made in the current Doha negotiations. The paper finds that at this stage, Doha promises greater security of access to markets but not any additional liberalization. Uruguay Round commitments are on average 2.3 times more restrictive than current policies. The best offers submitted so far as part of the Doha negotiations improve on Uruguay Round commitments by about 13% but remain on average 1.9 times more restrictive than actual policies. The World Trade Organization’s (WTO’s) Hong Kong Ministerial had set out ambitious goals for services, but the analysis here shows that much remains to be done to achieve them.
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Albin, Cecilia, and Ariel Young. "Setting the Table for Success – or Failure? Agenda Management in the WTO." International Negotiation 17, no. 1 (2012): 37–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180612x630929.

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Abstract How does the agenda management process influence the effectiveness of multilateral trade talks in the World Trade Organization (WTO)? How can the all-important agenda be shaped so as to enhance the prospects of an agreement being reached? How the agenda is managed directly affects the negotiation process which follows and the eventual outcome. Yet researchers have paid little attention to the particular dynamics and challenges of agenda management in large-scale multilateral negotiations, and actual practice points to several weaknesses. This article proposes that the complexity of the agenda in multilateral talks needs to be managed and reduced in procedurally just ways if a successful outcome (agreement) is to result. It develops an analytical framework of agenda management in multilateral negotiations and conducts a structured focused comparison to explain the differences in outcomes of two rounds of WTO negotiations: the failure of the 2003 Cancún Ministerial Conference and the success of the 2004 Geneva negotiations in reaching an agreement. The findings support the proposition that a successful outcome depends in part on reducing agenda complexity and that this needs to be achieved in procedurally acceptable (if not just) ways.
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Szewczak, Andrzej M. "The Polish Round Table 1989: Negotiating the Revolution." Journal of Dialogue Studies 3, no. 2 (2015): 105–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/tent8367.

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The catastrophe and terror in the recent history of the Old Continent have precipitated unprecedented socio-political change witnessed, and experienced, by three generations of central-eastern Europeans. The collective political conscience of the continent was forged in the reconciliation of former belligerents, the dismantling of barriers assumed by newly broken alliances, and the construction of supranational structures of democracy. This required the work and sacrifice of a generation, living out shifting state ideologies; people who had to forego former prejudices and engage in a new, fluid dialogue, which had been formerly discouraged and repressed. Here, I reflect upon how the inauguration of a new, political dialogue at the executive level helped to establish today’s democratic, pluralist, and markedly stable, Polish state…
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Balázs, István Miklós. "The Hungarian October Party against the Round Table Talks: Comparison with the contemporary critics of the Polish transition." Studia Politicae Universitatis Silesiensis 34 (June 30, 2022): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/spus.13039.

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The Round Table Talks in Hungary and Poland were widely criticized by opposition forces not participating in the negotiations. One of them was the Hungarian October Party, which considered this form of transformation to have been flawed and against the interests of society. The formation, which also had Polish connections and was led by György Krassó, became known primarily through its street happenings. Its criticisms of the participants in the Round Table Talks bear a strong resemblance to the opinion of the so-called non-constructive Polish opposition forces.
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Carter, Justin. "The Protracted Bargain: Negotiating the Canada–China Foreign Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement." Canadian Yearbook of international Law/Annuaire canadien de droit international 47 (2010): 197–260. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0069005800009875.

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SummaryIn 1994, Canada and China began negotiating a bilateral foreign investment promotion and protection agreement (FIPA). After sixteen years and multiple rounds of negotiations, the two states have not been able to solidify a workable treaty. By examining each country’s substantive and procedural preferences in their respective bilateral investment treaty models and in past treaties, this article outlines some of the likely “on-the-table” obstacles in the negotiating process. The analysis indicates that there are areas of considerable convergence between each country’s preferences, although significant areas of divergence exist on some key issues. Further confounding the disagreement that exists between the two countries are “off-the-table” factors such as general bilateral relations. One further aspect that is considered is the idea of coordinating compliance between international trade and human rights norms in the context of the Canada–China FIPA. While bilateral investment treaties are economic agreements, pronounced non-economic elements shape the practical and legal effect that these treaties have on various affected actors. Despite the important implications the Canada–China FIPA has for human rights and environmental policy concerns, it can be inferred that these factors will have little bearing on the actual negotiated outcome of the agreement.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Round Table Negotiation"

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Lima, António Manuel Resende. "O método de negociação por "Conversações em Mesa Redonda" na Polónia e Hungria: uma perspetiva comparada." Master's thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/15555.

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As conversações em mesa redonda afirmam-se como um método capaz de gerar negociações num regime ditatorial entre dois grupos distintos. Esses grupos são constituídos pelo partido em governação de um lado e, do outro, pelas forças representativas da oposição ao regime do país em que vivem. Os casos estudados, a Polónia e a Hungria, são países onde se aplicou esse modelo, embora afirmando-se com caraterísticas distintas: a organização das forças representativas da oposição num só movimento e o papel da Igreja no caso polaco são exemplos dessas diferenças. Os resultados alcançados nas negociações nestes países são igualmente distintos. A repercussão que os resultados das conversações na Polónia tiveram na Hungria permitiu a este país gerar um conjunto de expetativas quanto ao seu processo de democratização. A realização de conversações em mesa redonda depende também de uma condição por parte das forças que representam os vários ideais da oposição, nomeadamente a sua organização enquanto seja uma ou várias estruturas (movimento social ou partido). Tal condição decorre da possibilidade de aprovação de negociações em países que atualmente ainda disponham de regimes não-democráticos. Só haverá acordo na concretização de conversações em mesa redonda com a consolidação dos diferentes ideais da população expressos através de formas de participação política não-convencionais. Caso estas condições não estejam criadas, resta o recurso à intervenção internacional, normalmente de um país terceiro, com o fim de tornar possível a realização das conversações.
The round table talk conversations state as a method possible of generating negotiations in a non-democratic regime, between two opposite groups. These groups are constituted by, for one side, the leading governmental party of the regime and, for the other side, the parties or movements representing the opposition against the government. The studied cases, Poland and Hungary are countries where this model took place, presenting different features: the opposition was composed solely by a movement, and there was the role of the Church are examples of those differences. Comparing the two countries, there is a role descendant from the round table talks from Poland to Hungary, coming from the polish electoral results. On this way, the expectations with the result of the negotiations were different between the countries. The accomplishment of the round table talks depends on one condition from the opposition forces, being the organization consolidated by one or many structures (social movement or party). These condition is related with the approve of the negotiations in countries that dispose non-democratic regimes. There can only be one agreement on the execution of the round table talks with the opposition’s consolidation trough nonconventional political participation. If this condition doesn’t show up, the only way for the round table talks to occur is with a third country intervention.
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Books on the topic "Round Table Negotiation"

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United States. Army. Corps of Engineers, ed. ADR round table: U.S. Army Corps of Engineers (South Atlantic Division, corporate contractors, and law firms). Fort Belvoir, VA: The Corps, 1990.

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United States. Army. Corps of Engineers, ed. ADR round table: U.S. Army Corps of Engineers (South Atlantic Division, corporate contractors, and law firms). Fort Belvoir, VA: The Corps, 1990.

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United States. Army. Corps of Engineers, ed. ADR round table: U.S. Army Corps of Engineers (South Atlantic Division, corporate contractors, and law firms). Fort Belvoir, VA: The Corps, 1990.

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Lancaster, Charles L. ADR round table: U.S. Army Corps of Engineers (South Atlantic Division, corporate contractors, and law firms). Fort Belvoir, VA: The Corps, 1990.

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United States. Army. Corps of Engineers, ed. ADR round table: U.S. Army Corps of Engineers (South Atlantic Division, corporate contractors, and law firms). Fort Belvoir, VA: The Corps, 1990.

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Kennedy, Michael D., and Margarita Nafpaktitis. Negotiating radical change: Understanding and extending the lessons of the Polish Round Table. 2000.

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Book chapters on the topic "Round Table Negotiation"

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Gebethner, Stanisław. "Political Reform in the Process of Round Table Negotiations." In Democratization in Poland, 1988–90, 50–68. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-12057-4_3.

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Søndergaard, Niels. "Reshuffling the Negotiation Table." In Handbook of Research on the Empirical Aspects of Strategic Trade Negotiations and Management, 104–14. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-7568-0.ch006.

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This chapter analyses the participation of the agricultural G-20 coalition within the Doha Round of the World Trade Organization. The strategies, modes of operation, as well as the internal and external articulations of the group from its inception during the run-up to the Cancun Ministerial to its dissolution in 2008 are the object of scrutiny. Based on documental analysis of cables from the achieves of the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and interviews conducted with stakeholders in the negotiation process, the chapter engages with the contextual circumstances and central factors which both permitted the rise of the G-20 within the negotiation process, but eventually also led to its disintegration.
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Hachhethu, Krishna. "Consensus Dishonoured." In Nation-Building and Federalism in Nepal, 164—C6N24. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198872894.003.0006.

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Abstract It was political parties not stakeholders that had legitimate authority of constitution-making. At the outset, the first Constituent Assembly (CA-I) elections brought about a change in the political equation in favour of emerging forces (Maoist and Madheshi parties) and non-dominant ethnics (i.e. Janajati, Madheshi, and Dalits). Consequently, radical ethnic content was placed on the table for inter-party negotiation. At another pole, there were traditional parties (Nepali Congress and Unified Marxist-Leninist) which wanted to reinstate the erstwhile 1990 Constitution implicitly but with a new content, republic instead of monarchy. The most tricky question was that none of these two opposing camps had required a two-thirds majority in the 601-members CA to pass the new constitution by voting. So a compromise was inevitable on contentious issues, at one point under compulsion of time limitation of the CA (May 2012) but dishonoured by both sides. Hence, the country was headed towards another round of CA elections.
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Tu, Xinquan, Na Sun, and Zhen Dai. "Issues on SOEs in BITs." In China's International Investment Strategy, 194–204. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198827450.003.0011.

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The issue on state-owned enterprises (SOEs) has never gone away once China began sitting around the negotiating table, especially with the United States. Sixteen years ago, when China was expecting to enter the multi-lateral trading system, there were special sections for state trading enterprises in its accession protocol in accordance with Article XVII in GATT1994. While in bilateral investment treaty (BIT) negotiation with the US, which was reignited in 2008 and has undergone twenty-nine rounds of talks, the issue of SOEs was brought up to the table again and seemingly became a key point blocking the negotiation. However, with uprising economy scale and front-ranking position in global trade and investment, it seems unsatisfying of China to give the same commitments concerning SOEs as it did in WTO negotiation which was sixteen years ago. To put the BIT negotiation forward on the SOE issue needs new solutions
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Bertrams, Kenneth, Julien Del Marmol, Sander Geerts, and Eline Poelmans. "Epilogue." In Becoming the World's Biggest Brewer, 339–50. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198829089.003.0008.

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After the IPO and the Bass dealings, Interbrew was put under a microscope by the media and investors. Beck’s in Germany was the next big move in rolling up the remainder of Western Europe. Beck’s was an acquisition of major importance: it was a very visible brand with popularity outside of Germany, the competition for its take-over was fierce, and above all the acquisition was highly mediatized. The acquisition was already announced in August 2001, but the deal was not closed until February 2002. At the time, Interbrew’s image had already taken a hit following the Bass fiasco. It was therefore in dire need of a win. Unfortunately, the media and stock market felt they paid an exaggerated multiple for the brewery. Indeed, the price was almost double of what had been put on the table during the first rounds of negotiations, but, the board—especially in favour of the take-over—and the management believed in the brand’s strength and future potential. Some months later, in late 2002, Interbrew was penalized by investors after it failed to properly communicate a lower EBITDA than predicted. What would not have been a real problem before, had a direct effect on the stock price of the company. The reality of the post-IPO era made it clear that both management and board would have to adapt their communication and style....
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Fiktus, Paweł. "Demokratyczne państwo prawne i podstawy ustroju demokratycznego w dyskursie Sejmu X kadencj." In Spory o Rzeczpospolitą : przegląd wybranych dyskusji politycznych i ustrojowych w ostatnim stuleciu, 62–84. Uniwersytet Papieski Jana Pawła II w Krakowie. Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/9788374388061.05.

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Democratic rule of law and the foundations of the democratic system in the discourse of the Sejm of the 10th termThe June elections in 1989, as a result of which representatives of the then contemporary opposition circles were introduced to the Po-lish parliament, radically changed the Sejm’s political and legal di-scourse. As a consequence of the December Novelization of Decem-ber 29, 1989, that is the amendment to the Constitution of the Polish People’s Republic of July 22, 1952, the principle of a democratic state ruled by law came into force rejecting the provisions on the leading role of the communist party as well as the alliance with the USSR. Undoubtedly, the changes of the second half of 1989 were a conti-nuation of the changes of the first half of 1989, which then resulted in the so -called April Novelization. Importantly, in the first half of 1989, the arrangements made during the Round Table negotiations initiated the transition, and draft amendments to the constitution were developed by the Council of State. In turn, in the second half of 1989 (i.e. after the so -called June elections), before the debate in the Sejm forum and later in the Senate forum took place, proposals for consti-tutional changes were presented in parliamentary texts, which were the subject of a parliamentary initiative. The aim of this thesis is to present the most important Sejm documents containing the then po-stulates relating to radical changes within the constitution. Particular attention should be paid to the issue of the principle of a democratic rule of law underpinning the new political and legal system.
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