Academic literature on the topic 'Roti Island (Indonesia) Social life and customs'

Local wisdom included cultural patterns of interpretation of certain localities, pure values, and unwritten norms, which serve the social life of a community and environment to regulate. The head of the ethnic groups in the community makeup but worries that the local wisdom are in danger lost to go. This article describes the current state of local wisdom as a cultural pattern of interpretation on the Luang Island - Indonesia. In addition, the manners, customs, and traditions of the community on the island are observed and an interview with four teenagers and ahead of the community is performed. The results of the observation and the interview are then presented and analyzed. The analysis has shown the following: (a) there are several local wisdom, which the harmony of the life of the community on the Luang island and the environment build may, for example, "urgeni, te'wa, hrukwu mnyota, hlili mnyota, lyola" (b) the local wisdom has one long tradition in the community. However, this seems lost to go because of the way of life of the local population. As a result, the valuable wisdom is in a “culture shift” situation. The local wisdom should to be used in the classroom, so that students as young generation be sensitized and note taking this wisdom.

Indonesia has a geographically vast area which results various daily ways of life and living habits that shapes culture and custom diversity. Indonesia consists of thousands of developing customs and tribes. The diversity of local customs and cultures in society contributes to social interaction among one tribe to another. The purpose of this study is to describe the cultural diversity found in the Dayak and Banjar tribes of Borneo. Each tribe has a unique culture with its own distinct as an identity to keep its existence, such as the cultural diversity of Dayak and Banjar tribes in Borneo that can affect relationships between the two tribes. The article used literary methods by collecting relevant reference sources from books, journals, researches, and other resources. The results show that diversity can cause conflict, even though conflict have occurred, it does not mean that the Dayak and Banjar tribes are intolerant. Each tribe has a strong culture and mutual cooperation to protect unity. They live on the same island with mutual respect and they respect cultural diversity. The interaction between the Dayak and Banjar tribes that appreciate each other's customs and cultures preserve the culture itself. The customs and cultures that developed in the Dayak and Banjar tribes serve as a source of harmony, with an understanding that they came from the same ancestors, and the awareness that they have a brotherly relationship contributes to values of trust, tolerance, and mutual cooperation between the tribes.

Indonesia and Malaysia are two multicultural countries that have various cultures. This is due to the geographical location of Indonesia which is an archipelagic country that stretches from the western end of Sabang Island to the eastern end of Merauke Island. So in conditions like this, various tribes, customs, ethnic cultures and beliefs emerged in Indonesia. This diversity has both positive and negative impacts. The positive impact is that diversity can strengthen unity, but the negative impact is that it can lead to division. One of the problems that can cause the division of the Indonesian nation is the intolerant behavior of the people. Intolerant behavior often occurs in people's lives in various fields. The fields of politics, economics, religion, social and culture are always inseparable from intolerant attitudes, especially in the development of the flow of information in the current era of globalization. There are many cases that trigger inter-ethnic divisions that circulate in the mass media, especially social media. Therefore, a guide for the Indonesian people is needed to deal with the issue of division, namely Pancasila. Pancasila which is the nation's ideology has values ​​that become the view of life of the Indonesian people which are always relevant to the times, especially in the current era of globalization. By implementing and preserving Pancasila in all areas of people's lives, it means that we are trying to realize a common life that is conditional on the values ​​of unity, kinship, justice, tolerance and humanity.

Indonesia is a multicultural country that has a variety of cultures. This is due to the geographical location of Indonesia which is an archipelagic country that stretches from the western end of Sabang Island to the eastern end of Merauke Island. So in conditions like this, various tribes, customs, ethnic cultures and beliefs emerged in Indonesia. This diversity has both positive and negative impacts. The positive impact is that diversity can strengthen unity, but the negative impact is that it can lead to division. One of the problems that can lead to the division of the Indonesian nation is the intolerant behavior of the people. Intolerant behavior often occurs in people's lives in various fields. The fields of politics, economics, religion, social and culture are always inseparable from intolerant attitudes, especially in the development of the flow of information in the current era of globalization. There are many cases that trigger inter-ethnic divisions that circulate in the mass media, especially social media. Therefore, a guide for the Indonesian people is needed to deal with the issue of division, namely Pancasila. Pancasila which is the nation's ideology has values ​​that become the view of life of the Indonesian people which are always relevant to the times, especially in the current era of globalization. By implementing and preserving Pancasila in all areas of people's lives, it means that we are trying to realize a common life that is conditional on the values ​​of unity, kinship, justice, tolerance and humanity.

This article explains about the religion as the guidance for the people who live in this world that has cultural value in themselves. The human has the culture as creatures, ethics and feelings in conducting the interaction with the God, the other people, and with the nature. Religion and culture have been united in social-religion life in Indonesia. This study ahs purpose to describe the dialectical relation between Islam and local culture in Sasak ethnic that exist in Lombok island by using strategy approach socio-anthropology. This study will elaborate on dialectical Islam and culture and the practicality of religion and culture as the contextual that based on the customs as the effort as maintenance the great value to align the religion life moderatly based on the value of faith that has been as the mutual agreement.

West Nusa Tenggara has been inhabited by three major tribes namely; Sasak in Lombok, Samawa, in western Sumbawa, and Mbojo tribe in the middle and east of Sumbawa Island. Other tribes in Indonesia such as Bali, Java, Medan, and others color the cultural diversity of the people of West Nusa Tenggara (NTB). The blending of various characters, cultures, and customs in a community of life is very potential to cause tribal, religious, belief, and racial conflicts. This fact occurs because of the lack of tolerance in the community. Tolerance can be built through well-planned education. This study aims to: 1) know the model of 'learning devices' IPA based on tolerance for school / madrasah in conflict prone areas, 2) to know the ability of science teachers in applying learning tools IPA based on tolerance, 3) to know the social skills of students in science learning, 4 ) know the attitude of student's tolerance after learning, 5) knowing student cognitive learning outcomes after science-based learning tolerance. The research used is research development with model development of Kemp et al. (1994). This research was conducted in two stages, namely: (1) Development of Learning Device which includes; (a) Instructional Problems, (b) Learner Characteristics, (c) Task Analysis, (d) Objectives, (e) Content Sequencing, (f) Instructional Strategies, (g) Instructional Delivery, (h) Evaluation Instrumens, ) Instructional Resources. (2) Testing Devices to be implemented on the students of class IX MTs Kondok Barokah Nahdlatul Wathan. Research data were analyzed using descriptive statistics by calculating descriptive statistic parameters, such as; the highest value, the lowest value, the average, standard deviation, and percentage.

<p><strong>Abstract:</strong> Batak Angkola is an Indonesian cultural richness which located in Sumatra Island. Angkola Batak has different characteristics of cultural values. Culture is the mind, reason, results, customs and traditions that guide the behavior in human life. Each individual is a reflection of experience, namely the situation or stimulus that someone received. To understand the individual personality, it can be seen through the visible behavior. Behavioral Counseling is one of the counseling approaches which assume that wrong behavior resulting from wrong learning and education, both as a result of environmental influences and other social aspects. The purpose of Behavioral counseling containing Angkola Batak cultural values is to help the counselee high school students to get new behavior learned, including maladaptive behavior.</p><strong>Abstrak: </strong>Batak Angkola merupakan kekayaan budaya bangsa Indonesia yang terletak di kawasan Pulau Sumatera. Batak Angkola memiliki karekteristik nilai budaya yang berbeda. Budaya merupakan pikiran, akal budi, hasil, adat istiadat yang menjadi pedoman tingkah laku dalam kehidupan manusia. Setiap individu merupakan cerminan dari pengalaman, yaitu situasi atau stimilus yang diterimanya. Untuk memahami kepribadian individu tidak lain adalah dari perilakunya yang tampak. Konseling <em>Behavioral </em>merupakan salah satu pendekatan konseling yang berasusmsi bahwa perilaku yang salah akibat dari pembelajaran dan pendidikan yang salah, baik sebagai akibat dari pengaruh lingkungan maupun aspek sosial lainya. Tujuan konseling <em>Behavioral</em> berbasis nilai budaya Batak Angkola adalah membantu konseli siswa SMA untuk mendapatkan tingkah laku baru dengan dipelajari <em>(learned</em>), termasuk tingkah laku <em>maladaptive</em> (salah suai).

Conflict is one of the social phenomena that continues to exist in human life. Conflict usually comes from several aspects such as social change, differences in authority (authority), differences in interests and cultural differences. Because Indonesia is a very diverse country of pluralism it is a variety of ethnic and ethnic diversity. Such diversity and diversity can lead to ethnic conflict. Simply put, this article will analyze the causes of conflict between ethnic Dayak and Madura in West Kalimantan, especially in Samalantan sub-district, how the impact will be caused by the conflict between Dayak ethnic with Madura in Samalantan, and also the attitude or action of the government to the conflict. In writing this scientific paper the author uses the method of literature study that comes from books or various articles that according to the author can support this writing. And based on the author’s analysis of the conflict between Dayak ethnic with Madura in Samalantan. Apparently the conflict in Samalantan has happened more than ten times, can not be added with certainty. The background of the conflict occurred because of the lack of government role in providing information to the Madura who will migrate to the island of Borneo about the customs, culture, and things that are not liked by the Dayaks when incoming by ethnic immigrants. The government's action to resolve the conflict is to facilitate the meeting between the two Dayak ethnic groups with Madura. But the impact of the conflict is certainly there are positive and negative, the positive Madurese become independent, and the Dayak negatively arise casualties. Konflik merupakan salah satu fenomena sosial yang terus ada dalam kehidupan manusia. Konflik biasanya bersumber dari beberapa aspek seperti adanya perubahan sosial, perbedaan kewenangan (otoritas),perbedaan kepentingan dan perbedaan kultural. Karena indonesia merupakan sebuah negara yang sangat majemuk dari kemajemukan itu adalah adanya berbagai keragaman etnis dan suku bangsa. Dari keberagaman dan perbedaan tersebut dapat menimbulkan terjadinya konflik etnis. Secara sederhana, tulisan ini akan menganalisa penyebab terjadinya konflik antara etnis dayak dan madura di kalimantan barat khususnya di kecamatan samalantan, bagaimana dampak yang akan ditimbulkan dari konflik antar etnis Dayak dengan Madura di Samalantan, serta bagaimana sikap ataupun tindakan pemerintah terhadap konflik tersebut. Dalam penulisan karya ilmiah ini penulis menggunakan metode studi pustaka yang bersumber dari buku-buku atau berbagai artikel yang menurut penulis dapat mendukung penulisan ini. Dan berdasarkan hasil analisa penulis terhadap konflik antar etnis Dayak dengan Madura di Samalantan. Ternyata konflik di Samalantan sudah terjadi lebih dari sepuluh kali, tidak bisa dijumlahkan dengan pasti. Adapun latar belakang dari konflik tersebut terjadi karena kurang adanya peran pemerintah dalam memberi informasi terhadap orang Madura yang akan bertransmigrasi ke pulau Kalimantan mengenai adat istiadat, budaya, serta hal-hal yang tidak disukai oleh orang-orang Dayak ketika di datangi oleh etnis pendatang. Tindakan pemerintah dalam mengatasi konflik adalah dengan memfasilitasi pertemuan antara kedua etnis Dayak dengan Madura. Tetapi dampak yang di timbulkan dari konflik itu tentu ada yang positif dan negatif, positifnya orang Madura menjadi mandiri, serta orang Dayak negatifnya timbul korban jiwa

Landu is one of the eighteen domains (nusak) in the old political system on Rote Island, Eastern Indonesia. In 1756 Landu suffered tragic destruction by the Dutch and as a consequence the people of Landu were taken into slavery and exiled to Batavia. The area became an almost empty land. Gradually over time, people from the neighboring domains migrated to Landu with most new settlers occupying the eastern and western parts of the domain. This study, based on fieldwork conducted in the three villages of Sotimori, Bolatena and Daiama, offers an ethnographic study of Landu, in which I discuss the dynamics of social relations and social change among the newcomers (lahenda manamai) in relation to those who claim to be original inhabitants (lahenda maulu). The study begins with an assessment of the historical data on the emptying of Landu and its re-settlement. Further analysis focuses on clans as the basis for the reproduction of the social identity in Landu. Many clans have parallel names with clans in neighbouring domains, especially for the people who live in the villages in the eastern and western parts of Landu. Contemporary patterns of settlement, clanship, language and livelihood are significant in marking the distinctiveness of social groups. For the newcomers, the construction of their identity is related to unequal power relations. The superior power of the centre of the domain and its traditional political structure generate the sentiment that differentiates between outsiders and the insiders. An analysis of the ritual language as spoken in Landu develops ideas of Rotenese cosmology. The importance of agriculture rituals and the myths which focus on the origin of millet (bete), have a special association with Landu, particularly with the coastal settlement of Maeoe in Daiama village because this is considered the sacred site where food first came to the earth. The life cycle rituals from pregnancy to death convey the idea of transition and incorporation. Together, these rituals have a significant position in shaping local patterns of social relations and figure prominently within the broader context of the life cycle of Landu as a domain. Christianity, or more specifically Protestantism, has been a unifying force in Landu, but following recent developments it has become an element that divides people of Landu into several denominations, thus further broadening social demarcation among the population.

This thesis is an ethnographic analysis based on fieldwork among the 'mountain people' of the interior of Burn, an island located in the present-day province of Maluku in the Republic of Indonesia. Interested in 'metaphors for living' I found important Burn metaphors refer to botanic 'roots’ and 'tips'. The conceptualization of botanic growth as the consequence of life being transmitted from roots to new leaf-tips also applies to the Burn social world. This study details the Burn 'quest for life', a quest concerned with maintaining proper relationships with sources of life to ensure the transmission of 'prosperity and blessing' (berkona tu berkate). After the Introduction, Part One provides the setting. Chapter Two examines the history of Bum's relations with the outside world. Chapter Three describes the island as a culturally constructed inside world. Part Two concerns Bum social life. Chapter Four focuses on the noro, exogamous groups (clans) defined in terms of common origins. When they marry, women leave their natal noro and their children subsequently belong to the noro of their husband. Yet Bum concerns about the source of life connect children to their mother's brothers in a relationship between 'source uncles' and 'life children'. To maintain 'connections' between noro, ideally men return to their 'source uncle' to marry their emdaa (MBD). Chapter Five provides the details of marriage and the regeneration of human life. While the Bum kinship terminology is asymmetric, marriages are symmetric, involving simultaneous sister exchange and other bidirectional marriages. Sister exchange allows an immediate substitution for the bride, but, alternatively, there can be bridewealth, or the return of a child to replace its mother. Whenever a noro loses a person through the agency of another noro, Bum people are strict accountants. There must be a replacement for sisters lost in marriage as well as for members lost through death at the hands of another noro. Chapter Six describes the effort that goes into maintaining equality between noro, an effort that falls largely to 'entitled men' and warriors. Through their negotiating skills, 'entitled men' obtain a replacement for any life taken, while warriors guard the balance between noro through their fighting skills and the possibility of 'revenge killing' (kalungan). Part Three focuses on symbolic action. Chapter Seven examines the Bum symbols intertwined with the concept of 'prosperity and blessing'. The dyadic categories of Bum symbolism are used to transform the state of things in the world. Chapter Eight describes a variety of taboos, constmcted in terms of symbolic action intended to create distinction and to avoid undesired consequences. Chapter Nine details various rituals and the role of symbolic actions in transforming experience as people seek to restore prosperity when they encounter difficulty. The conclusion consider the implications of this study for the comparative effort. In reference to hierarchy, alliance, exchange, gender, the cultural construction of the body, illness, and childbirth, Burn presents a useful vantage point for the comparison of societies in eastern Indonesia and Melanesia.

The thesis is based on eighteen months of fieldwork in the regency of Ngada on the eastern Indonesian island of Flores. It examines the system of organizing principles and symbolism of Hoga Sara society as is expressed in its social organization and cosmology. The people of the modem village and former village confederacy of the Sara Sedu, the Hoga Sara, are on a continuum with the Ngadha and Nage-Keo ethnic groups of the regency. They exhibit, however, their own unique cultural features as a group in their own right, and as a part of a larger grouping which encompasses the peoples of their neighbouring villages of Taka Tunga, Sanga Deto, and Rowa. The introduction situates the Hoga Sara in their ethnographic region and provides a brief literature and historical review of the regency. The first chapter of the thesis examines Hoga Sara identity in the context of contrasting themselves to the Ngadha on the one hand, and predicating commonality with the Hoga Taka, Are, and Rowa on the basis of common derivation from a ancestral pair and their offspring, the Ga'e siblings, on the other. Common ancestral derivation, ebu mogo, is also a basis of defining the identity of the Hoga Sara as a group, although composed of authochthonous and immigrant clans. Other aspects of group definition are connected with shared agricultural calendar and other collective ritual activities. The second chapter focuses on the individual traditional villages ( nua) which make up the territory of the former village confederacy of Sara Sedu. The composition of the nua and spatial orientation within it are examined. The third chapter deals with Hoga Sara organization of the individual clans (woe) that occupy the nua. The woe is composed of a number of named and supporting unnamed houses. The two eldest houses, sa'o pu'u (source houses) — sa'o saka pu'u and sa'o saka lobo (trunk and tip rider houses) -- form the major dual division within the clan. All named houses relate to each other and to their unnamed houses as elder-younger, ka'e-azi, based on the order of precedence of their establishment. The trunk and tip parts of the clan furthermore relate to each other as female and male. Structural differences between the clans of Sara and Sedu(Bodo) are also highlighted. Chapter four looks at the house as the basic unit of social organization. The house is a collectivity of a group of related families. The principles of membership, who is an ana ebu of the house, as well as the process of derivation from one named house from another are examined. Membership is based on a range of principles: payment of bridewealth, fulfilment of ritual obligations, tracing derivation through the father's houses and the house of origin of the mother, and marriage. Access to ancestral land is ultimately dependant on membership (ana ebu status). The named house ties together wide ranging social relations and is thus the basic unit of social organization of the Hoga Sara. The fifth chapter examines the significance of the named house (sa'o meze) and other physical objects emblematic of house and clan organization with regard to Hoga Sara concepts of identity and continuity. Social use of space, various symbolic aspects, and cosmological significance of the sa'o are explored. The buffalo sacrifice post (madhu or peo), the ancestral mother house (bhaga) and megalithic stone platforms (nabe and ture) are also considered with respect to identity. Chapter six continues to examine the significance of these physical structures of a clan in the context of Hoga Sara concepts of continuity. The cycle by which deceased members of a house become the specific protective ancestors of a clan and house are considered with a focus on the ancestral embodiment in the parts of the house, stone platforms, and sacrificial post. The ritual installation of these objects is thus essential in securing the continuity of a house or clan in the form of lifegenerative potential granted by the ancestors. Chapter Seven looks at the relationship of the Hoga Sara with their ancestors. The nature of the ritual interaction between the living and the ancestors is examined. A specific example, the ritual installation of the buffalo sacrifice post (madhu or peo) is considered in this regard. The conclusion provides an overview of Hoga Sara society with reference to current approaches of comparative studies of Austronesian societies. The comparative remarks highlight the presence of several wide-spread organizing and symbolic principles which the Hoga Sara share with other Indonesian groups, yet in their own unique configuration which is the result of local historical process of development.

The subak in Bali is a type of farmer-managed canal-irrigated rice cultivation system, which has long been recognised for its efficient water use and high rice productivity. Subaks are firmly embedded in local Hindu culture with institutions that guide farmers in sharing water equitably. Water sharing is based on principles of proportionality and transparency and irrigation system maintenance is egalitarian. In the 1960s, rice production was modernised and commercialised with Green Revolution technologies to feed a rapidly growing population. Some of these new technologies initially caused considerable disruption in raising the productivity of rice and irrigation efficiency. Meanwhile, Bali's formerly agriculture-based economy began to diversify with prospering tourism and other industries. Farmers engaging in part-time farming and multiple occupations off-farm have become the norm. Urban and industrial development increasingly competes for agriculture's resources, such as land, labour and water. This increasing pressure raises questions whether subaks are well-equipped to maintain their productivity and efficient resource management in the long run. This thesis studies these past and contemporary challenges to subaks. It applies an interdisciplinary approach to analyse the data collected in 18 months of field research in Bali. It defines a conceptual model of the subak based on social-ecological systems and resilience theories to examine the impacts of the Green Revolution and ongoing rural diversification. This thesis demonstrates that the subak as social-ecological system, despite temporary and permanent modifications, has remained resilient to the Green Revolution and ongoing rural diversification. The subak has incorporated new agricultural technologies, allowing farmers more flexibility to pursue diversified livelihoods, and the subak cultural and institutional framework has persisted over time. This thesis discusses three scenarios of possible trajectories the subak may follow depending on how current trends unfold. The analysis shows that subaks in peri-urban areas face different challenges to those subaks in the uplands where resource pressure is less intense and off-farm work further away. Ultimately, the future survival of subaks lies in the hands of Balinese society, the government and farmers. Pathways to subaks' survival include the recent nomination to the UNESCO world heritage list of three specific subak-related sites or the new agrotourism model promoted by the local university. Alternatively, better educated young Balinese, new marketing opportunities for speciality produce, increased viability of payments for ecosystem services combined with the inherent characteristics of Balinese social organisation may open up new pathways for farmers to continue the subak in ways which are so far unimaginable.

Several small communities of Alune and Wemale shifting cultivators are established in the upland region of 'Wele Telu, the 'Three Large Rivers' of West Seram in eastern Indonesia. Although the centralised state regards these peripheral desa as marginal, this is not the view of the people themselves. Comparatively more isolated than the coastal communities, the mountain 'domains' (hena, inama, anakota) claim to have preserved a traditional relationship to their land and their ancient mode of affiliation and marriage alliances. Each domain forms a social, territorial, religious and political unit which is still relatively autonomous. In the past, mountain and coastal domains participated in a larger federative ceremonial order which did not bar them from also competing for hegemony and taking part in conflicting alliances, warfare, or head-hunting raids against one another. In the middle of the 17th century, to secure total control of the clove growing industry, the Dutch East Indies Company (VOC) dismantled the ruling system of Luhu, the largest political ally of Temate on west Seram, and entirely depopulated the peninsula. For two centuries thereafter inland Seram did not attract much foreign attention. When outsiders began recording the history of 'Wele Telu a century ago, the region had already changed drastically. Colonial policies, whose aims were full administrative control and subordination of the population, were forcefully implemented. The ceremonial and political federative orders of the Kakehan and the Saniri were banned and mountain settlements subjected to a complete re-configuration. Focusing on the Alune mountain domain of Manusa Manuwey (Hena Ma'saman.uey), this thesis explores how contemporary highland communities have preserved their traditional knowledge and adapted their socio-cultural practices to successive tumultuous historical change. The history of groups and domains is recounted in topogenies. The social knowledge embedded in these ordered sequences of sacred places/events is the warrant of the origin of these groups and the chronicle of all matters of renown in which they take pride. Topogenies also establish peoples' codes of social behaviour and their relation to the environment. They are the records of groups' rights, precedence and duties and a living register of the intricate network of relations between them. The origin structures of Manusa Manuwey examined in this thesis, situate the domain in an inner and central position in its region. It is a female centre, the 'source'/'core' (uwei) which 'distributed' (sama) the heirlooms generating wealth and fecundity, to the coastal groups as they 'departed' or came to settle at the domain's periphery. Non-localised named origin groups among both Alune and Wemale are called nuru. Alune nuru perpetuate themselves by reference to a genitor line of derivation, Wemale by reference to a genitrix one. Large nuru set forth 'branches' (sanai) over the whole region, establishing 'Houses' (luma) in the domains of both territories. Residency determines the linguistic affiliation and mode of derivation of these units. In Alune the notion of origin is encapsulated in the term uwei, (wei or wey) which conflates the ideas of 'origin', 'base', 'cause', 'centre' and 'source of continuity'. Notions of relative precedence within and between groups are expressed in metaphorical idioms. Within large nuru, 'branches' arrange themselves in a variable order of precedence linguistically constructed by using complementary categories such as 'ahead/behind' ('older'/'younger') or male/female. This is a loose and changeable precedence subjected to social competition. In Alune domains, earlier settlers take precedence over those who came afterward; they usually control larger sections of land and most positions of authority. However, prior establishment is insufficient to maintain these positions. Since large groups of settlers are better fitted to increase their status. a group of newcomers may gain renown for itself, expand in number, enter in strategic alliances and enhance its prestige, hence becoming an 'elder' nuru in that domain. Alune nuru are strictly exogamous. As they enter in relationships of exchange and alliances, Houses give precedence to bride-giving progenitors over their progeny, a relationship described in Alune terms as that of 'granary mother' to 'female child'. This relationship may be repeated, reversed or severed and new alliances initiated, challenging the previous order of precedence at each generation. Progenitors 'feed' and 'fecundate' their progeny. a ritual duty that parallels that of the ancestors. Social reproduction of groups was formerly secured by 'fecundating rituals' that are now prohibited. According to Alune elders. the present celebrations and exchanges of prestations are a mere token of the large celebrations of the past. Yet these ritual celebrations of food still keep the blessings flowing from the world of the Sky to the world of the Earth.