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Vaznonytė, Austė. "The rotating Presidency of the Council of the EU – Still an agenda-setter?" European Union Politics 21, no. 3 (April 20, 2020): 497–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116520916557.
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What role does the rotating Council Presidency maintain a decade after Lisbon? This article argues that, regardless of institutional changes, the rotating Presidency still shapes the Council agenda to a large extent. Based on an original hand-coded dataset of rotating Presidency programmes between 1997 and 2017, I show that some policies are ‘stickier’ on the Council agenda, while the others exhibit significant changes in salience over time. Since the magnitude of these shifts varies from Presidency to Presidency, the analysis focuses on domestic political factors and the country positioning vis-à-vis the European Union to determine their relationship with agenda volatility. By means of a panel model, the examination demonstrates that the government issue salience can best explain the levels of issue salience in the Presidency programmes.
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Hollman, Michelle, and Zuzana Murdoch. "Lobbying cycles in Brussels: Evidence from the rotating presidency of the Council of the European Union." European Union Politics 19, no. 4 (September 7, 2018): 597–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518796306.
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The Council presidency holds direct responsibility for the Council’s functioning and moves between EU member states via a six-month rotation scheme. We argue that this rotating Council presidency causes a lobbying cycle among interest groups at the European level, whereby national interest groups from the country holding the presidency temporarily become active at the European level. Using a unique dataset including almost 16,500 registrations of interest groups in the European Transparency Register over the 2008–2017 period, we confirm that holding the Council presidency increases the number of interest groups from that member state in the Transparency Register. We also find that national interest groups generally have a higher likelihood to exit the register following the end of their country’s presidency.
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Magone, José. "A Presidência rotativa do Conselho e a governança multinível europeia: a peça-chave no processo de decisão intergovernamental." Relações Internacionais, no. 68 (December 2020): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.23906/ri2020.68a03.
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In the post-Lisbon constitutional architecture, the rotating presidency of the Council of Ministers of the European Union remains a vital part of intergovernmental decision-making. Its leadership activity is mainly behind closed doors to avoid the politicization of legislative processes. This study aims to contextualize the presidency as a crucial part of European integration due to its position between formal and informal processes. Informality gives the presidency time to create consensus and be flexible in its negotiation. Despite large countries’ attempts to reduce the importance of the rotating presidency, small states have resisted this temptation. In this contribution, the rotating presidency is seen from the point of view of European integration theory which is discussed in depth. Some notes follow on what can be expected in terms of the behaviour of the German and Portuguese presidencies in the new 2020-21 team presidency cycle.
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Cross, James P., and Austė Vaznonytė. "Can we do what we say we will do? Issue salience, government effectiveness, and the legislative efficiency of Council Presidencies." European Union Politics 21, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 657–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116520950829.
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Although agenda-setting dynamics in the European Union are a well-studied phenomenon, there is a gap in the literature between the current focus on issue attention dynamics (a policy input) and the impact attention dynamics have on policy outputs. This study examines how the rotating Council Presidency’s stated policy goals for their term in office affect EU decision-making efficiency. We show that the salience the rotating chair of the Council attaches to a given policy area affects legislative efficiency in that policy area. We also demonstrate how this effect is conditioned on government effectiveness in the state of the Presidency in question, and is independent of Commission policy priorities. This suggests that the Presidency can drive EU policy outputs and push for its priorities when it holds the chair, but that its ability to do so is contingent on the domestic organisation and effectiveness of the state.
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Elgström, Ole. "The Presidency: The Role(s) of the Chair in European Union Negotiations." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 1, no. 2 (2006): 171–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119006x149526.
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AbstractUsing role theory as its analytical basis, this article delineates and analyses the specific characteristics of the Chair in the European Union (EU). The focus is thus on the EU Council Presidency and on how expectations surrounding the office impact upon its performance as administrator, agenda manager, broker, leader and representative. The EU's institutional design is marked by a rotating Presidency, by relatively short Presidency periods and by a mix of unanimity and majority voting. These traits influence the ways in which the Chair performs its role. The major argument is, however, that existing structurally based expectations of the Presidency's role (that is, expectations of neutrality and impartiality, of effectiveness and of consensus-seeking) interact with the particular role conceptions that are brought to the office by individual member states to produce both common features and variety in role performance. Empirical illustrations are taken from recent EU Presidencies to highlight continuity and fluctuation in Presidency performances.
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Puetter, Uwe. "The Rotating Council Presidency and the New Intergovernmentalism." International Spectator 49, no. 4 (October 2, 2014): 18–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2014.962291.
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Ålander, Minna. "Die portugiesische EU-Ratspräsidentschaft: Budget, Brexit, Biden und andere Herausforderungen." integration 44, no. 1 (2021): 71–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0720-5120-2021-1-71.
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On 1 January 2021, Portugal took over the rotating Presidency of the Council of the European Union for the fourth time. The preceding German Presidency was able to broker agreements on crucial topics such as the EU budget, Brexit and the new EU climate goal. Nevertheless, due to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, the Portuguese Presidency is facing major challenges. History repeats itself as the German-Portuguese-Slovenian Trio Presidency again takes over at a time of crisis. Similar to the trio’s last presidencies in 2007/2008, Portugal has the responsibility to ensure a quick and smooth implementation of the decisions taken under the German Presidency.
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Schout, Adriaan. "The Dutch EU Presidency: The Continuing Relevance of the Rotating Presidency in a Political Union." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 55 (June 15, 2017): 54–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12576.
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Raimundo, António. "A Presidência e as estratégias dos pequenos Estados: O caso português nas relações UE-África." Relações Internacionais, no. 68 (December 2020): 77–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.23906/ri2020.68a06.
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The present article is based on an understanding of the rotating Presidency of the European Union (eu) as a channel of influence of special importance for smaller Member States. Its empirical focus is on Portugal’s role in eu-Africa relations, contextualising the Presidency in the broader range of strategies adopted by Portuguese authorities to exert influence in this domain of European external action. Thus, the use of the Presidency is examined in parallel with other strategies such as multilateralism, prioritization, specialization and coalition-building. Apart from contributing to a better knowledge and understanding of Portugal’s involvement in eu-Africa relations, this study helps appraising the possible relevance of future Portuguese presidencies in this realm, taking into account the important implications that the Lisbon Treaty had for the Presidency in foreign policy matters.
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Vidačak, Igor, and Tomislav Milošić. "Measuring the Success of the Presidency of the Council of the EU." Croatian international relations review 26, no. 87 (December 15, 2020): 32–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.37173/cirr.26.87.2.
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This paper aims to contribute to the ongoing debate on criteria for measuring the performance of the rotating Presidencies of the Council of the EU. The comparison between Austria and Croatia, two countries that concluded the two most recent Council Presidency Trios, can be illustrative in identifying the main factors that can influence the overall performance of rotating Presidencies. Based on the series of quantitative and qualitative indicators, the overall score of both countries’ Presidencies turned to be positive, despite some failures of these Presidencies to demonstrate a firm commitment to fundamental EU values. In view of the lack of evaluations of the Council Presidencies based on verifiable, measurable indicators, this paper seeks to contribute to the development of a more objective methodological framework for the assessment of the future Presidencies of the Council as a still under-researched area within EU studies.
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Fyhr, Kim. "When internal Practices mould Powers." Nordic Journal of European Law 3, no. 2 (December 23, 2020): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.36969/njel.v3i2.22082.
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This paper looks at the various forms of the functioning of the Presidency of Council of the European Union in the European Parliament. This interaction stems from EU legislation and practical inter-institutional arrangements. The overarching aim is to tackle the myriad of interaction in an analytical-descriptive way and shed light on the implications of these practices. The conclusion of this paper suggests that the internal rules of the European Parliament, most notably the rules of procedure, have had an impact on power relations at the expense of the Council although there is no EU primary law legal basis for Council accountability to the European Parliament. These mainly internally driven rules of the European Parliament have contributed to the practical environment for the functioning of the rotating Presidency in the European Parliament hence triggering spillover of tasks for the Presidency. The changes in the power relations may also have repercussions on the competence dimension in the longer term.
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Gatejel, Luminita, and Adrian Grama. "Beyond Corruption? Romania’s Future after the EU Presidency." Südosteuropa 67, no. 3 (November 30, 2019): 421–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2019-0029.
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Abstract Between January and June 2019 Romania managed the rotating presidency of the European Union, the first of a trio to be followed by Finland and Croatia. This commentary takes stock of Romania’s trajectory over the last few years and offers a broad overview of the country’s economy and politics. Where does Romania stand today, more than a decade since it joined the European Union? In the first part, the authors sketch the recent evolution of Romania’s economy which has been marked by high growth but overall modest increases in wages, and tight labour markets. In the second part they turn to politics, in particular to the realignment of the political spectrum following the European elections of May 2019. They conclude by pointing out some of the problems that are likely to confront both Bucharest and Brussels in the near future.
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Bátora, Jozef. "Reinvigorating the rotating presidency: Slovakia and agenda-setting in the EU’s external relations." Global Affairs 3, no. 3 (May 27, 2017): 251–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23340460.2017.1410721.
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Kollman, Ken. "The Rotating Presidency of the European Council as a Search for Good Policies." European Union Politics 4, no. 1 (March 2003): 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116503004001581.
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Batory, Agnes, and Uwe Puetter. "Consistency and diversity? The EU's rotating trio Council Presidency after the Lisbon Treaty." Journal of European Public Policy 20, no. 1 (January 2013): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2012.693418.
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Neuman, Marek. "The Visegrád Group as a Vehicle for Promoting National Interests in the European Union: The Case of the Czech Republic." Politics in Central Europe 13, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 55–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pce-2016-0022.
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Abstract This contribution asks whether sub-regional integration projects such as the Visegrád Group may be understood as mechanisms for pursuing one Group member’s national interests while it stands at the European Union’s helm. I assess this question based on the case of the first Visegrád Group member to assume the EU Council presidency: the Czech Republic. Examining three specific policy areas – the reinvention of the EU’s Eastern neighbourhood policy; the strengthening of EU energy security; and the incorporation of a stronger human rights and external democratisation approach into EU foreign policy – this case study presents a mixed picture. It confirms the potential of the Visegrád Group to be a vehicle for furthering the national preferences of one Group member while it holds the rotating EU Council presidency. Whether or not this potential is fully realised will depend primarily on the degree to which the interests of the four Visegrád countries converge.
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Keijzer, Niels, and Gerard Schulting. "What role for the rotating Presidency in European development policy? the case of ACP-EU relations." Journal of European Integration 41, no. 5 (November 19, 2018): 657–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2018.1546303.
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ŻYROMSKI, Marek. "Idea kolegialnej władzy wykonawczej." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 3 (November 2, 2018): 79–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2011.16.3.4.
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Montesquieu’s idea of the tripartite system already expressed a concern with preventing one power from dominating excessively. Another argument for the collegial nature of power is the concern with the continuation of state authorities at the time of crisis (e.g. the tragedy in Smoleñsk). The idea of collegial executive power emerged already in antiquity as evidenced by the two kings in Sparta, the collegiums of archons in Athens, two consuls in the Roman Republic, or the system of tetrarchy, initiated by Diocletian. At present we have the ‘rotating presidency’ in Bosnia or the French principle of ‘cohabitacion’.
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Ivanova, Diana. "Migration Crisis - A Main Priority for the Fifth Polish Presidency of the Visegrád Group." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 24, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 194–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2018-0089.
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Abstract The migration crisis and related challenges for the future of the Schengen area are some of the main problems facing the EU. The opinion of the Visegrad Four on this issue, however, seriously differs from that of Brussels. Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic and Slovakia are firmly against the quota principle in the allocation of migrants. The aim of this article is to present the migrant crisis as a top priority during the fifth in the history Polish rotating presidency of the Visegrad Four - from July 1, 2016 to June 30, 2017. This objective will be realized through the implementation of basic tasks - analysis of the documents adopted at the forums of the organization, and the views of leading politicians from the Visegrad countries
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Swanström, Niklas. "Russia and the CIS in 2019." Asian Survey 60, no. 1 (January 2020): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2020.60.1.85.
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I examine the relationship between Russia and the other members of the Commonwealth of Independent States, including how Moscow’s responses to changing geopolitical dynamics framed these relations in 2019. In particular, I consider the changes in preparation for Russia to assume the rotating presidency of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, whose membership overlaps partially with the CIS and which has become a key instrument for engaging with China in the region. For Russia, the organizational structures of both the SCO and the CIS are key instruments to maintain influence within the former Soviet Space, although how Moscow does this varies greatly, not least due to sensitivities about China.
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Martin, Guy. "Dream of Unity: From the United States of Africa to the Federation of African States." African and Asian Studies 12, no. 3 (2013): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341261.
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Abstract The Pan-Africanists leaders’ dream of unity was deferred in favor of the gradualist/functionalist perspective embodied in a weak and loosely-structured Organization of African Unity (OAU) created on 25 May 1963 in Addis Ababa (Ethiopia). This article analyses the reasons for this failure, namely: the reluctance of newly-independent African leaders to abandon their newly-won sovereignty in favor of a broader political unity; suspicion on the part of many African leaders that Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana intended to become the super-president of a united Africa; and divide and rule strategies on the part of major Western powers (including the United States and France) meant to sabotage any attempt at African unity. The African Union which, on 26 May 2001, formally replaced the OAU, is also bound to fail because it is modeled on the European Union. The article then briefly surveys proposals for a re-configuration of the African states and a revision of the political map of Africa put forth by various authors, namely: Cheikh Anta Diop’s Federal African State; Marc-Louis Ropivia’s geopolitics of African regional integration; Makau wa Mutua’s and Arthur Gakwandi’s new political maps of Africa; Joseph Ki-Zerbo’s Federal African State; Daniel Osabu-Kle’s United States of Africa; Godfrey Mwakikagile’s African Federal Government; and Pelle Danabo’s pan-African Federal State. The article concludes with an overview of Mueni wa Muiu’s Fundi wa Afrika paradigm advocating the creation of a Federation of African States (FAS) based on five sub-regional states with a federal capital (Napata) and a rotating presidency, eventually leading to total political and economic integration.
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Cunha, Alice, and José M. Magone. "The changing role of the rotating presidency of the Council of the European Union: Setting the context for the study of the Iberian cases." International Journal of Iberian Studies 28, no. 2 (June 1, 2015): 133–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis.28.2-3.133_1.
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Coman, Ramona. "The rotating presidency of the EU Council as a two-level game, or how the “Brussels model” neutralises domestic political factors: the case of Romania." East European Politics 36, no. 4 (March 28, 2020): 586–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2020.1737522.
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Manzini, Pietro, and Mauro Gatti. "External representation of the European Union in the conclusion of international agreements." Common Market Law Review 49, Issue 5 (October 1, 2012): 1703–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/cola2012096.
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From a political viewpoint, the external representation of the European Union is an extremely sensitive topic, affecting the visibility and role of European institutions and Member States on the international scene. From a legal perspective, this topic is particularly challenging, since the EU Treaties, as amended by the Lisbon reform, are not completely straightforward in this regard. Such combination of political sensitivity and legal uncertainty renders the Union's representation very contentious. This area has therefore seen not-so-hidden "turf wars" that damaged the image and effectiveness of the EU's external action. The article analyses the issue of the Union's representation with respect to the conclusion of international instruments and, in particular, international agreements. This topic has been profoundly affected by the Lisbon reform, which explicitly provides that the European Commission and the High Representative shall ensure the Union's external representation, in non-CFSP and CFSP areas, respectively (Arts. 17 and 27 TEU). This reform seems to enhance the consistency and unity of the Union's representation and of the Union's ability to carry out effective negotiations, by fostering the self-representation of the Union, with the exclusion of any role previously held by Member States and the rotating Presidency.. The analysis brings to light the two factors preventing the reform from fully achieving its objectives in practice. First, Member States sometimes favour the mixed form of international agreements, even when it would not appear to be strictly necessary. Secondly, Member States seem not to fully accept the consequences of the Treaties' reform and often rely on pre-Lisbon practices, which no longer have any legal ground.
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Ambos, Kai. "“Freiburg Lawyers’ Declaration” of 10 February 2003 – On German Participation In A War Against Iraq." German Law Journal 4, no. 3 (March 1, 2003): 247–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200015923.
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[Editors’ Comment: As is well known, opposition to a possible war against Iraq has been, within the Western world, among the strongest in Germany. Accurately sensing an overwhelming rejection of any armed intervention in Iraq among the German populace, the Social-Democrat / Green coalition government led by Chancellor Gerhard Schröder and Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer began to take a stance against the forcible disarmament of Iraq and the toppling of the regime of Iraqi President Saddam Hussein during their reelection campaign in the fall of 2002. Since then, and in the face of an ever more undisguised intention on part of the Bush administration to go ahead with a war under all circumstances, Schröder and Fischer have reiterated and reinforced their position, going as far as to rule out any active German participation in an armed intervention even if such was eventually called for by the Security Council. The German government's position has been complicated by the fact that Germany is currently an elected member of the Security Council, and held its rotating presidency in the month of February. Its relations with the United States have been strained on account of the incompatibility of views on how to resolve the Iraq crisis, and Germany has increasingly found itself in an isolated position on the international plane, though it has recently been joined by France and Russia in its attempts to yet avoid a war. The Christian-Democratic and Liberal opposition have alleged that the Schröder government has internationally isolated the country, and, worse, alienated it from its traditionally strongest ally, the United States, in order to distract from its current domestic unpopularity. Be this as it may, it is probably true to say that the great majority of Germans across all sections of society are genuinely strongly opposed to a war. Such pacifist sentiments link back to the peace movement of the late 1970s and 1980s which saw an equally broad cross-section of society march side by side to protest against the military build-up of the Cold War, and which, among others, brought about the Green party itself. Critics have alleged then and now that such radical pacifism is both naive and the wrong lesson to be learned from Germany's omnipresent Nazi-past. Interestingly, the non UN-sanctioned intervention in Kosovo had the strong support of both this just re-elected government, as well as the general public, although the more mainstream adherents of a German ‘no’ to an Iraq intervention point to the very different circumstances in that case.
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Yilmaz, Hasan. "Analysis of Determining the Leadership Approach and Factors Influencing Managerial Perceptions of the Agricultural Organizations’ President: An Empirical Exploration." Cuadernos de Desarrollo Rural 15, no. 81 (February 14, 2019): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.11144/javeriana.cdr15-81.adla.
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The goal of this paper was to identify the leadership approach and dimensions influencing the managerial perceptions of the agricultural organization’s president. This research was carried out with agricultural organization presidents by using questionnaires. For this purpose, 29 items were given to presidents and a Likert scale used for the degree of agreement of each item. Factor analysis, Cronbach alpha coefficient was situated to be 0.933. To specify the dimensions influencing the managerial perception of agricultural organization’s president principle component analysis with varimax rotation was used. Eigenvalue belongs to seven of 29 items was calculated higher than one. As a result of this analysis, seven dimensions were examined. These dimensions clarified 75.75% of the total variance. The main aspects influencing the managerial perception of agricultural organization’s president were constructed to be motivation and team spirit, the power of initiative, put the organization interests over their individual interests, devotion to duty, entrepreneurial spirit, empathy ability and sense of belonging to an organization.
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Ludlow, Peter. "European Council Notes 2020/04-05 - May to July: The MFF and the Recovery Fund." European Council Studies 2020, no. 4 (July 17, 2020): 1–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.11116/ecs.2020.4-5.2.
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The present paper resumes where the previous paper in this series concluded. At its video conference on 23 April the European Council mandated the Commission to draft a Recovery Plan, and on 21 July, at the end of a fve-day meeting, it signed off on a Recovery Fund and a revised MFF.<br/> The size and economic signifcance of the package are illustrated in the text and tables. It is big money which, because it is targeted primarily at the more vulnerable member states, should have a considerable economic impact, particularly in the South. Talk of a crossing of the Rubicon is nonetheless misplaced. Firstly because, though large, it is still much smaller than member states' Covid-related spending. Secondly, more importantly, because the politics of the agreement, which are analysed at some length in the narrative section of the paper, confrm that the leading players in Europe's Union of sovereign states have little or no appetite for the huge systemic changes which would be required to deliver on the federalists' dream.<br/> Four features of the political narrative are of particular importance.<br/> Firstly, the making of the July agreement was a success story which, in the face of widespread scepticism, confrmed that the EU can deliver. As a result, both the self-confdence of the insiders and the standing of the EU with its citizens have been boosted.<br/> Secondly, the story vindicated the Union's European Council centred system of government. Media focus on the 18 May Statement by Merkel and Macron was misleading. The story begins on 23 April and ends on 21 July with the European Council.<br/> Thirdly, individuals and institutions matter too. In institutional terms, the European Commission, the Council's rotating Presidency as well as the European Council itself have been at the heart of the process. In individual terms, Angela Merkel was once again in a league of her own, von der Leyen and Michel performed well, and the leaders of the F4, reinforced for most of the time by the Finnish prime minister, left their mark in a positive still more than a negative sense. As too did Conte and Sanchez. Macron was also important needless to say, but not as important as the French government and the international media suggested.<br/> Fourthly, the story draws attention to the limits as well as the potential of the system. Two closely related episodes since July are cited by way of illustration. In the frst, the negotiations between the German Council Presidency and the European Parliament about the budget, the parliamentary negotiators over-estimated both the powers and the signifcance of the Parliament in the system. In the second, involving the Council, the Parliament and the Hungarian and Polish governments, the latter have, as often before, challenged the shared values on which the EU system is based. On this occasion however their interlocutors have considerable leverage and, rightly in our view, appear determined to stand frm, even if, as is still possible, this puts the MFF/NGEU package at risk.
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Ermakova, E. V. "Growing Significance of EU Institutions in Promotion of Inter-regional policies." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(37) (August 28, 2014): 222–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-4-37-222-230.
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The article explores the variety of tools and vehicles applied within the EU to expand the prerogative of the regions of the EU member states. The author uses as an example the inter-regional policies in Belgium in respect of the Flemish Region and the Walloon Region. The author analyzes the mechanisms of promotion of external regional relations in Belgium as a means of addressing different problems both on national and all-European level, supporting the arguments and conclusions by examples of relevant EU initiatives. The article details the activities of the EU Regional Committee (RC), the EU advisory body with the powers of political initiative, upholding the principle ofsubsidarity in the implementation of the EU member states' regional policies. The involvement of the Flemish Region and the Walloon Region in the activities of EU RC is described and summarized. As a case study, the article deals with Belgium's rotating six months presidency in the EUin 2010 when the country, which was going through a severe political crisis with no federal government in place, was represented by the two regions. The special focus of the article is on the strategic EU program "Europe2020" and its implementation by the regions of Belgium. There is an account of the initiatives undertaken by the Flemish Region and the Walloon Region within the framework of this program outlining the interaction of the two regions. The author provides a comprehensive analysis of the involvement of the Flemish Region and the Walloon Region with various EU institutions describing how each party achieves the promotion of its regional interests. Within this context, it is a noteworthy development that the Flemish Region is participating in the international program "Pact 2020" on energy all by its own. The article features quotations by Flemish and Walloon political figures which serve as an illustration of the prevailing attitudes in the Belgian society to the process of regionalization of their country. The EU structural funds aimed at funding these policies play a crucial role in the maturing of the regional dimension of the activities pursued by the EU institutions. The author finalizes with the review of the EU reasons for placing high importance on the promotion of the development of inter-regional ties between member states.
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Larionova, Marina. "A Brief History of the G20 Institutional Dynamics (2008-2021)." International Organisations Research Journal 17, no. 2 (July 1, 2022): 250–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2022-02-11.
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The Group of 20 (G20) brought together leaders of the key advanced and emerging market countries to manage the 2007–08 financial and economic crises, reform the international architecture, devise a new global consensus, ensure recovery, and promote strong, sustainable, and balanced growth. Established as an anti-crisis mechanism and designated by its members as a premier forum for international economic cooperation, the G20 transformed into a global governance hub. Since its first summit, the G20 has generated high expectations and has become a subject of research and assessment for analysts, mass media, and the general public. Each summit’s deliberations, decisions, and engagements have been scrutinized. Critics of the G20 claim it has lost relevance and was not capable of responding to the degradation of multilateralism, or the COVID-19 pandemic and the crisis it induced. In this article, the logic of historical institutionalism is applied to explore the confluence of dynamics in the G20’s evolution: demand for G20 leadership; agenda expansion and institutionalization; and legitimation, accountability, and engagements. It is concluded that the G20 changed global governance trends, creating a more inclusive global governance that integrates the G20’s own extensive and diverse cooperation networks with the networks of the other international institutions and engagement groups involved in G20 policy processes. The networked governance, alongside the rotating presidency, the Troika, and various outreach mechanisms, augment the G20’s authority and reduce the legitimacy gap perception. The benefits from the early decisions, established and expanding agenda, patterns of engagement, cognitive scripts, embedded ideas, and internalized norms became strong endogenous sources of stability, reinforced in positive feedback loops. Despite tensions between members, the value that the G20 provides and the global public goods it generates, real and expected returns, constitute significant incentives for the G20’s continued engagement, sustain its evolving dynamics, and consolidate its path-dependency. The downside of the G20’s resilience is its inability to undertake innovative initiatives in the wake of COVID-19 or to provide the powerful leadership the world needed to overcome the pandemic and the related economic and social crises. Notwithstanding these failures, the G20 remains the crucial hub of contemporary global economic governance. However, the lock-in may entail the risk of losing relevance to other institutions.
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Brzezinski, Aleksander, Chopo Ma, Véronique Dehant, Pascale Defraigne, Jean O. Dickey, Cheng-Li Huang, Jean Souchay, et al. "COMMISSION 19: ROTATION OF THE EARTH." Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 4, T27A (December 2008): 37–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743921308025271.
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The Commission supports and coordinates scientific investigations in the Earth rotation and related reference frames. Several changes had been introduced to the structure of Commission 19 since the IAU XXVI General Assembly in Prague, 2006. The Organizing Committee of Commission 19 has been substantially reduced. It consists now of six ex-officio members, the Commission president, vice-president, past president and representatives from the International Association of Geodesy (IAG), International Earth Rotation and Reference Systems Service (IERS), International VLBI Service for Geodesy and Astrometry (IVS), and five members at-large who are nominated by the OC, selected by the Commission members and elected by the IAU GA for a maximum of two terms. The modified terms of reference of Commission 19, the list of members and other details can be found at the Commission website <iau-comm19.cbk.waw.pl/>.
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Leconte, Cécile. "Eurosceptics in the Rotating Presidency’s Chair: Too Much Ado About Nothing?" Journal of European Integration 34, no. 2 (February 2012): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2012.641088.
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Rogowski, Ronald. "Annual Report of the Editors of the American Political Science Review, 2010–2011." PS: Political Science & Politics 45, no. 02 (March 14, 2012): 327–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096512000121.
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We report on the journal's operations during the year from July 1, 2010, to June 30, 2011. We once again express our thanks to the APSA: Presidents Brady and Pateman, the staff (especially Michael Brintnall and Polly Karpowicz), Council, and Publications Committee. (While we have enjoyed ready access to previous presidents, it has been a new experience to have an APSA president right down the hall from the lead editor.) Members of our Editorial Board, this year as last, have given us wise counsel on more than a few submissions. Joseph Riser, our senior editor, has continued his seemingly tireless and unflappable service; and our editorial assistants, Joslyn Barnhart, Darin Dewitt, and Beltrán Undurraga, have pulled together in harness as have few previous teams, keeping our technical processing rapid and our backlog almost always at zero. As rotation on the panel of co-editors continues, we express our profound gratitude to departing editor Jeff Lewis, who exhibited a new level of masochism by becoming UCLA department chair, but who also agreed to finish (and since has finished) all of his pending assignments and to be available for consultations on an “as needed” basis. We also thank, once again, the authors who submitted their papers for consideration, the referees who reviewed them, and the patience, dedication, and forbearance that all demonstrated.
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Cherepanov, Victor A. "On the rotation of persons holding the presidency: experience in scientific comprehension." Gosudarstvo i pravo, no. 3 (2022): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s102694520019385-4.
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On the basis of a comparative analysis of the constitutional models of different countries the approach, that considers the rotation of power not as a goal in itself, but as a means of avoiding the alienation of power from the people, has been proposed. Taking into account this analysis, the pattern of the presidential power, consisting of two interrelated parts, has been justified. Firstly, based on a critical rethinking of the optimality of two-term model of the rotation of the presidential power for all countries the author has formulated the provision that depending on the balance of political forces, historical experience, social traditions and values, different countries establish their own model which considered acceptable in a particular country on the condition of its legal legitimization. Secondly, the provision on the need to establish in Russian legislation the institution of recall of the President of the Russian Federation, who has not lived up to public expectations, by the will of the people, expressed in a national referendum, has been justified.
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Doliwa-Klepacka, Anna. "The President of the European Council – from Rotation to Election." Białostockie Studia Prawnicze 20/A en (2016): 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/bsp.2016.20a.en.08.
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Schuh, Harald, Chengli Huang, Florian Seitz, Aleksander Brzezinski, Christian Bizouard, Ben Chao, Richard Gross, et al. "DIVISION I: COMMISSION 19: ROTATION OF THE EARTH." Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 10, T28B (August 2013): 95–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743921315005517.
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During the XXVIII IAU General Assembly in Beijing IAU Commission 19 - Rotation of the Earth - held a business meeting and a scientific meeting. The business meeting was held on Wednesday, 29 August 2012 during session 1 (08:30-10:00). It was attended by about 35 participants, and six reports were given. First the activities of IAU Commission 19 during the past triennium (2009–2012) were highlighted by the Commission president. Afterwards, the Commission secretary presented the results of the elections for the next triennium (2012–2015) and a list of new members of the Commission. The designated Commission president provided an outlook into the next triennium, before the representatives of the international bodies and services IAG (International Association of Geodesy), IVS (International VLBI Service for Geodesy and Astrometry), and IERS (International Earth Rotation and Reference Systems Service) gave reports about recent activities. A summary of the business meeting is given below in Section 2. The scientific meeting was held on Thursday, 20 August 2012 during sessions 1 and 2 (08:30-12:30). Eleven presentations were given, and about 40 participants attended the sessions. Summaries of the presentations are provided below in Section 3.
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Mussatayeva, Assemgul, Kamilla Sheryazdanova, and Kuralay Nurbek. "Foreign experience of rotation of civil servants." Public Administration and Civil Service, no. 1(80) (March 30, 2022): 156–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.52123/1994-2370-2022-661.
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The success of the ongoing administrative reform in any country largely depends on the effectiveness of the state apparatus. In his speeches, the President of Kazakhstan K.-Zh. Tokayev repeatedly focuses on the issues of improving the system of civil service. Rotation often acts not only as one of the elements of the career management system, but also as a necessary tool to combat corruption. The presented article is devoted to the consideration of foreign experience in the application of the mechanism of rotation of civil servants. In this paper, the authors analyzed the content and features of rotation in the civil service in a number of foreign countries. Based on the results of the review, recommendations are given on the use of rotation, taking into account its positive and possible negative impacts in the civil service in Kazakhstan.
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Dollfus, Adouin. "Charles Boyer and the Rotation of Venus." International Astronomical Union Colloquium 98 (1988): 32–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0252921100092113.
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In August 1957, the magistrate Charles Boyer, who was President of the Court of Appeal at Brazzaville in Africa and an amateur astronomer, began to photograph the planet Venus systematically, using a violet filter and his own personal telescope, 256-mm in diameter, with an optical window. His aim was to study the positions of the dark, changing markings that had been detected in ultraviolet light by Ross at Mount Wilson in 1924. He was collaborating with Henri Camichel at the Pic-du-Midi Observatory, who was simultaneously observing with a 60-cm reflector. Over 68 days’ observation, Charles Boyer noted a periodicity of 4 days in the appearance of the markings. Alerted by this, Henri Camichel found the same effect on his series of images. Charles Boyer photographically added together the images on plates obtained at daily, 3-day, 4-day, and 5-day intervals (1). The combination of different images cause the markings to disappear. Only superimposition of 4-day images revealed any detail, the result of periodicity in the planet’s appearance.
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Young, John. "Assessing Cooperation and Change: The SFAA and the EPA." Practicing Anthropology 23, no. 3 (July 1, 2001): 47–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.23.3.vpn462452j8w110x.
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Barbara Johnston asked me to serve as her co-editor and write this endnote commentary as a logical conclusion to our five years of collaboration. As president-elect of the Society in June of 1996, I assisted then President Jean J. Schensul, Barbara, and others in the original negotiations with Theresa Trainor and the EPA about the provisions of the Cooperative Agreement. When I became President, I had the primary responsibility for oversight of the Agreement while Barbara served as Project Director. After rotating off the Board of Directors in March 2000, I have stayed in touch with the project as a member of the Advisory Committee and the SfAA Working Group on Contracts and Agreements. Although I was never involved in day-to-day management, Barbara and the current project director, Rob Winthrop, have kept me thoroughly informed in frequent reports and discussions. I am well qualified to say that in four years of service Barbara brought an extraordinary degree of competence, commitment, energy, and passion to her role as director. In addition to Barbara, those deserving special praise include: Theresa Trainor for her vision and guidance in working with the EPA; Tom May for providing accounting assistance in the SfAA Office; Ed Liebow for his expert advice on project management and his leadership in workshops presented for EPA administrators; and many Fellows and Interns for diligently carrying out their assignments in the field.
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Menger, Richard, Michael Wolf, Jai Deep Thakur, Anil Nanda, and Anthony Martino. "Astronaut Michael Collins, Apollo 8, and the anterior cervical fusion that changed the history of human spaceflight." Journal of Neurosurgery: Spine 31, no. 1 (July 2019): 87–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3171/2018.11.spine18629.
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In 1961, President John F. Kennedy declared that the United States would send a man to the moon and safely bring him home before the end of the decade. Astronaut Michael Collins was one of those men. He flew to the moon on the historic flight of Apollo 11 while Neil Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin walked on its surface. However, this was not supposed to be the case.Astronaut Collins was scheduled to fly on Apollo 8. While training, in 1968, he started developing symptoms of cervical myelopathy. He underwent evaluation at Wilford Hall Air Force Hospital in San Antonio and was noted to have a C5–6 disc herniation and posterior osteophyte on myelography. Air Force Lieutenant General (Dr.) Paul W. Myers performed an anterior cervical discectomy with placement of iliac bone graft. As a result, Astronaut James Lovell took his place on Apollo 8 flying the uncertain and daring first mission to the moon. This had a cascading effect on the rotation of astronauts, placing Michael Collins on the Apollo 11 flight that first landed men on the moon. It also placed Astronaut James Lovell in a rotation that exposed him to be the Commander of the fateful Apollo 13 flight.Here, the authors chronicle the history of Astronaut Collins’ anterior cervical surgery and the impact of his procedure on the rotation of astronaut flight selection, and they review the pivotal historic nature of the Apollo 8 spaceflight. The authors further discuss the ongoing issue of cervical disc herniation among astronauts.
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Parthasarathy, Ramya. "Ethnic Quotas as Term-Limits: Caste and Distributive Politics in South India." Comparative Political Studies 50, no. 13 (February 7, 2017): 1735–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414016688003.
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While ethnic quotas are primarily used to increase minority political representation, they also act like term-limits for majority-group incumbents, who cannot seek reelection after quota implementation. As such, quotas may have the perverse effect of making incumbents less accountable during their last term, particularly to minorities. Although majority-group incumbents may still have social reasons to distribute benefits to their coethnics, they have less reason to do so for minorities, from whom they derive little social reward. Using the systematic rotation of caste quotas in south India, this article shows that village presidents who expect to be ousted by quota spend significantly less on minorities than those who can run again; however, they do not reduce spending on goods that benefit their own communities. These findings suggest that quota policies must be evaluated not just by whom they bring into office but also by whom they force out.
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Artamonova, U. "Faceless Leadership of American Public Diplomacy: HR Crisis in the Post-Bipolar Era." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 12 (2021): 33–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-12-33-39.
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This article focuses on workforce policies trends in the American public diplomacy institutions. The author compares tendencies regarding HR policy, e. g. frequency of leadership change, length of timespans between nominations, the ratio of acting and confirmed nominees during the age of the United Stated Information Agency (USIA) and after its disbandment in 1999. Comparison demonstrates a considerable change of patterns: since 1999, persons in charge of the American public diplomacy institutions have been rotating more often, and positions themselves stayed vacant longer than they did in the 20th century. There have been many acting nominees during the past decade, whereas in the time of the USIA there has been none. In addition, the article studies characteristics of both the USIA directors and Under Secretaries of State for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs. The analysis of education, professional background, personal relationship with the U. S. President (or the lack of it) demonstrated that standards for the Under Secretary of State for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs position applicants are significantly lower than the ones that were applied to candidates for the directorship of the USIA. With the results obtained, the author arrived to a conclusion that the change of HR policy in the American public diplomacy sphere indicates the lack of interest in the particular dimension of foreign policy among the political leadership of the U.S. in comparison to the age of the Cold War. This conclusion agrees with the fact that since 1990s, the American public diplomacy remains in crisis: no major reforms of institutions since 1999, unsuccessful attempts to develop a comprehensive strategic document for public diplomacy, frequent piques of anti-Americanism in the international public opinion in the 21st century. The article argues that the absence of a prominent leader in the American public diplomacy who would have stayed in the office for considerable amount of time, been a confidant of the President and thus an active participant of the formation of a national political vision, possessed outstanding professional experience, is both the consequence of the crisis in the U.S. public diplomacy and the factor that contributes to this crisis remaining unsolved.
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DeBruijn, Gunnar. "Technology Focus: Cementing and Zonal Isolation (May 2021)." Journal of Petroleum Technology 73, no. 05 (May 1, 2021): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/0521-0065-jpt.
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Wow! What a year it has been! We have experienced enormous upheavals in our professional and social circles and wholescale changes in the way that we interact with each other. As engineers, though, we recognize that in every challenge there is an opportunity. I have been lucky to attend SPE online events, including a happy hour and a webinar on geothermal energy. As we witness a shift to renewable energy, I note that 2020 SPE President Shauna Noonan highlighted that our SPE professional expertise in the subsurface will be needed to both maintain existing energy production and develop new sources of energy. Cementing, zonal isolation, and well integrity continue to be an important piece of the puzzle. This year, in the presence of enormous challenges, the selected papers demonstrate step changes both in efficiency and in the results of cementing operations. Managed-pressure cementing extends the benefits of managed-pressure drilling, and a successful case is described in paper OTC 30481. Last year, we read about offline cementing in North America. Offline cementing continues to increase rig efficiency, and wellhead equipment that enables offline cementing is described in paper SPE 202439. Improving cementing results by enabling casing rotation with rotating cement heads is discussed in paper SPE 198970. Research that will enable future successful changes also continues. Although not summarized in this edition, extra reading is recommended for interesting discussions on proving shale as a barrier (SPE 200755), cement properties and initial state of stress in confined pressure conditions (SPE 201770), and the evaluation of neutron logging as a possible cement evaluation tool (SPE 202973). As an industry, we also continue to investigate materials that will provide effective isolation in the annulus. Papers about self-healing systems (SPE 203174), epoxy (SPE 202648), and expanding metal sealing systems (SPE 203354) are also recommended as extra reading. Although it has been a challenging year, operational improvements, research, and material investigation continue to provide engineering opportunities in cementing and zonal isolation. Recommended additional reading at OnePetro: www.onepetro.org. SPE 200755 - Innovative One-Trip System Helps Qualify Creeping Shale as Permanent Barrier for Plug and Abandonment of Wells on the Gyda Field by Thore Andre Stokkeland, Archer, et al. SPE 201770 - Laboratory Measurement of Cement Stress Before, During, and After Curing Under Undrained Condition With Constant Hydrostatic Pressure by Meng Meng, Los Alamos National Laboratory, et al. SPE 202973 - Potential Usage of Neutron Logging Technology for Casing Cement Evaluation—Feasibility Study by Espen Dommersnes, University of Stavanger, et al. SPE 203174 - A Game-Changing Technology for Cementing in Highly Deviated and Horizontal Wells Using Interactive Mud-Sealing Cement System by Choosak Orprasert, Mubadala Petroleum, et al. SPE 202648 - Primary Cementing Using Epoxy Resins as Additive: Experimental and Application by Khawlah Abdulaziz Alanqari, Saudi Aramco, et al.
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Panah, Abdul Masood, and Y. Muniraju. "DEMONETIZATION AND IMPROVISATION OF VALUE CHAIN DYNAMIC IN AFGHANISTAN: AN EXPLORATORY STUDY." International Journal of Accounting & Finance Review 5, no. 4 (November 17, 2020): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.46281/ijafr.v5i4.880.
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Demonetization is the elimination of the backing of the money granted by law to the notes is, therefore, legal tender. On Wednesday_ September 2002, the new president of the transition government announced from television to the people of Afghanistan that the decision had been reached in response to Afghan and foreign experts. They had advised the new Government to replace the currency and reform Afghanistan’s banking system. “This will help in controlling the massive inflation and stabilize the economy. A survey was conducted with a pre-tested questionnaire among the common public in Kabul and Parwan’s main two provinces to collect their views on factors associated with demonetization in Afghanistan. PCA (Principal component analysis) technique has been used for factor extraction and dimension reduction using the Varimax orthogonal rotation. The top key factors related to the implementation of demonetization have been identified as socio-economic factors, public hardships, challenges, and implementation challenges. The survey data’s descriptive analysis shows that most survey respondents either ‘strongly agree’ or ‘agree’ with the 19 measures on perception and opinion of the common man (general public) on demonetization in Afghanistan.
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Faisal, Faisal, Alfiansyah Yulianu, and Ella Mailianda. "Studi Peningkatan Intensitas Luas Dan Pola Tanam Pada Daerah Irigasi Krueng Jreue." Jurnal Arsip Rekayasa Sipil dan Perencanaan 1, no. 3 (September 11, 2018): 141–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.24815/jarsp.v1i3.11783.
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Krueng Jreue irrigation area is one of the oldest irrigation in Aceh Besar district, located in the District of Indrapuri, was inaugurated in 1972 by President Soeharto. Rice area irrigated by this irrigation is 4277.6 ha. Jreue Krueng irrigated areas have rice-rice cropping intensity of plants ranging from 158% to 156%. The intensity of these plants are still below the expected crop intensity, is equal to 200%. To increase the intensity of these plants, it is necessary to study the increased intensity of Krueng Jreue tanamana irrigation area by selecting the appropriate alternative cropping patterns according to the water balance. This study aims to determine the amount of discharge mainstay available on the weir, know the size of the crop water requirement for each alternative, determine optimal crop area that can be irrigated by water that is available, and conduct studies on water balance based cropping planned. Expected to describe the water balance of alternative cropping patterns were obtained. The method used in this research including data collection and data analysis to determine the mainstay discharge, water irrigation, cropping pattern and cropping intensity. The study results obtained by the intensity of the plants can reach 200% by the water supply system using the technical rotation irrigation area is divided into two groups. The first type, cropping season from October period to 2. The second class of the cropping season from November to 2.
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Gaivoronsky, Yu O., and Yu A. Balandin. "Recruitment of the Governor’s Corps in Contemporary Russia: Evolution of Patronal Networks (2017—2021)." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 107, no. 4 (December 23, 2022): 146–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2022-107-4-146-167.
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The article presents an attempt to study the structural dynamics of federal-regional political networks in the process of recruiting heads of the regions. The authors focus their attention on the current stage of the evolution of the federal center’s approach towards the formation of the governor’s corps, which began with the change of the team in the presidential administration in the second half of 2016. The theoretical framework of the study is the concepts of patron-client relations and patronal politics. For the empirical testing, the authors employ the apparatus of the Social Network Analysis (SNA), which makes it possible to assess both the political elite itself and the specific influence of individual figures. The conducted research documents a distinct tendency towards the growing structural complexity of the federal-regional patronal network, when an increasing number of federal actors are directly or indirectly involved in the process of recruiting regional leaders, which entails the formation of new intra-elite connections. However, despite the intensive personnel rotation, the tectonic shifts in the structure of patronage are not visible. The backbone of the network remains unchanged and contains on the stable basis a part of the federal political and economic elite, who looks to the leader of the state and enjoys his support. At the same time, the process of the growing complexity of the patronal network is accompanied by an increase in the importance of the President of the Russian Federation, primarily from the point of view of intra-network coordination, which, according to the authors, indicates a rising demand for such coordination in the modern Russia.
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Bobrow, Robert. "Reply to Bauer." Journal of Scientific Exploration 36, no. 2 (August 20, 2022): 340–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31275/20222637.
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“I don’t care if it’s horse piss. It works!”
President John F. Kennedy
I don’t know whom or what Dr. Bauer consults for his own medical care, but most of us rely on well-intentioned individuals, doing the best they can, with the tools they have on hand. Polymerase chain reaction (PCR), which can identify viruses and bacteria by their DNA or RNA within a few hours using a multiplication (amplification) technique, is such a tool. Identifying bacteria by culture takes several days, and viruses, which require living cells to reproduce, are difficult to culture at all. We use PCR to diagnose respiratory viruses such as influenza and Covid, as well as herpes viruses, bacteria that cause meningitis, sexually transmitted diseases, hepatitis B and C, and HIV. In the case of hepatitis and HIV, we measure “viral loads”—a quantification of virus particles using PCR. We can watch viral loads rise or fall as people become infected and then respond to treatment. This always correlates clinically: On becoming infected with HIV, the viral load rises rapidly coincident with flu or mononucleosis-like symptoms in at least 40% of people. The load reaches a peak at 6 months and plateaus (this is called the viral set point, and varies with individuals). HIV’s target, the CD4 immunoactive cell, starts to decrease in number as soon as infection begins, and continues to decline as long as the viral loads are high. The higher the viral set point, the faster the decline. It may take 8–10 years until the CD4 count is low enough to cause symptoms, and then people become quite ill. Before antiviral therapy, more than 90% died. When I did hospital rotations in the late 1980s, an adult medical service of 12–15 patients always included at least one dying of AIDS, and usually younger than myself.
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Dziewiałtowski-Gintowt, Bartosz. "One Belt, One Road between Three Seas: China’s soft-power policy towards ‘new’ EU members." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 17, no. 3 (December 2019): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2019.3.6.
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China’s soft-power practice in its international activity boils down to four areas: culture, education, diplomacy, and economy. The most important element of China’s soft-power policy seems to be the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Announced in 2013, the BRI is a complex, long-term and large-scale strategic political and economic project by the Chinese government with an infrastructure character. In this way, China is seeking to invest its capital surpluses in resurrecting the ancient Silk Road to create railroad and maritime networks with its most important trading partner – the European Union. In these circumstances, in September 2015, the presidents of Central and Eastern EU member states announced the establishment of the separate Three Seas Initiative (TSI), a political and economic project bringing together 12 EU states, including 11 ‘new’ members and Austria. These entities constitute an informal bloc of states between the Adriatic, Baltic and Black seas, though without a permanent secretariat but with rotating leadership. In addition to the lack of a formal structure, the TSI region, located mainly in the EU’s eastern part, is characterized by a weaker infrastructure network than Western Europe, lower GDP (except Austria), and high dependence on gas supplies from Russia (except Croatia). To overcome these disparities, the TSI has developed a catalogue of 48 investment priorities in three economic areas: energy, transport, and digitalisation. China’s soft-power policy towards the ‘new’ EU members may be decided by the American patronage of the TSI and the fact that one of the flagship projects is the North-South Gas Corridor, which will enable the sale of American LNG in Central Europe, which has been dependent on gas supplies from Russia, China’s partner in the BRI. In the context of the US-China trade war, White House planners recognise Central Europe as both a peripheral and key area for their policy and seek to strengthen the Three Seas project, which may lead to limiting areas of cooperation under the ‘17+1’ format, involving CEE countries and China. On the other hand, the development of better energy, transport and digital connections in the EU’s east clearly intersects with China’s idea of building a New Eurasian Land Bridge under the BRI to connect the most economically developed edges of Eurasia. The new US strategy towards the countries of the CEE seems to boil down to involvement in specific energy-related projects. Instead of blocking or diminishing BRI-related infrastructure projects in China, they seem in fact to complement the Chinese activity in the CEE. Increased investment by American enterprises in the region may allow the administration in Washington to maintain control of Chinese infrastructure investments, and the US involvement may even lead to the participation of American companies in projects originally started by Beijing.
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Bulgakov, A. I., R. I. Vishtalov, H. M. Muselemov, and O. M. Ustarkhanov. "CALCULATION OF THREE-LAYER LARGE DIAMETER PIPES ON THE PC «LIRA»." Herald of Dagestan State Technical University. Technical Sciences 45, no. 2 (December 17, 2018): 191–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.21822/2073-6185-2018-45-2-191-199.
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ObjectivesThis article discusses the evaluation of the possibility of application of three-layer pipelines. For this purpose, the stress-strain state of three-layer pipes under the action of internal pressure is investigated. The largest in the modern world are considered to be the main pipewater. They are mainly used to transport oil and gas from production sites to processing plants. Pipelines are intended for movement of liquid, gases and other environments and first of all it is water pipelines. As you know, main and technological pipelines are IP-elite club that cares only metal buildings, the construction of which consume Xia millions of tons of steel. On the other hand, one of the main indicators of efficiency of trunk pipelines is their material consumption. As a rule, trunk pipelines have a long length, and therefore an unreasonable increase in the even thickness of the pipe walls by at least 1 mm leads to an overspending of steel by de-siyatki and even hundreds of thousands of tons. In this regard, to the calculations of the main pipe wires for strength should be given the most serious attention.MethodsThe calculation is carried out by numerical methods, namely with the help of finite element meto-da (FEM), implemented in the PC "LIRA".ResultsThe calculation of the pipes is performed on the load from the transported medium applied to the inner contour of the pipe. In this case, for the three-layer pipe (the first option) and for the pipes of the second and third options, the ring tensile stresses and strains were determined. The isofields of tensile and shear stresses are given, the comparative graphical dependence of ring tensile stresses is constructed.Conclusion.The obtained numerical results showed that the selected calculation scheme (var.1), that is, the representation of the continuous section of the pipe in the form of a three-layer, is correct. The discrepancies between the data obtained are related to the rotation of the section along the radius of the pipe. In General, the results of calculations showed the possibility of using a three-layer pipe wall for transportation of various media.Acknowledgment.This work was supported by a grant from the President of the Russian Federation (MK-6112.2018.8)
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Lopes, Karoline Franciani Cardoso, Rodrigo Assunção Moura, Ricardo De Melo Germano, José Ricardo Pachaly, Isabela Carvalho Dos Santos, Lisiane De Almeida Martins, Marco Aurélio Cunha Del Vechio, and Daniela Dib Gonçalves. "Detection of Extended Spectrum Beta-Lactamases from a Pet Blue-Fronted-Amazon Parrot (Amazona aestiva)." Acta Scientiae Veterinariae 46 (July 20, 2018): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.22456/1679-9216.86779.
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Background: The indiscriminate use of antibiotics both in humans and in animals, has contributed to the development of bacterial resistance. One of the key mechanisms in the resistance of enterobacteria to antibiotics is the production of extendedspectrum β-lactamases (ESBLs), which reduce the therapeutic options available. Several studies have been performed in different animal species in order to isolate and identify multidrug-resistant strains and determine their antibiotic sensitivity profile. The purpose of this study was to detect ESBL-producing enterobacteria in isolates from a pet blue-fronted amazon parrot.Case: A 16-year-old pet blue-fronted-amazon parrot (Amazona aestiva) weighing 0.445 kg, from the city of Presidente Castelo Branco, Paraná, Brazil, was admitted into a specialized veterinary clinic in the city of Maringá. This parrot was presented with agitation and aggressive behavior. It was fed with sunflower seeds, and its cage was small and unsanitary especially in the feeding and drinking areas, which were heavily contaminated with feces. The parrot had been diagnosed with acute sinusitis approximately one year prior, with a history of treatment with tylosin, thuya (a herbal remedy popularly used for fowl pox), and a mineral-vitamin complex. The clinical symptoms included dyspnea and bilateral increase of facial swelling, with a mass in the peri-nasal region. A membranous red tissue not related to the nictitating membrane was observed in the lower left eyelid. To obtain a better clinical evaluation, the bird was anesthetized with an intramuscular injection of dextroketamine 50 mg/kg (KetaminS+™). Subsequently, physical examination, head radiographic examinations, and an attempt at sinus draining were performed. The radiographic examinations showed a decreased amount of air in the nasal sinuses. For treatment, oral itraconazole and vitamin A were prescribed, and a dietary improvement, prioritizing the offering of fruits and industrialized food for parrots was proposed. Samples were collected from the cloaca and choanae by making rotating movements with compressed sterile swabs in the corresponding locations. All samples were kept in Amies transport media with activated coal and forwarded under refrigeration to the Laboratory of Preventive Veterinary Medicine and Public Health in the Post-Graduation Program in Animal Sciences with Emphasis in Bioactive Products at Universidade Paranaense (UNIPAR).Discussion: The samples were subjected to phenotypic antimicrobial sensitivity tests and phenotypic testing for detecting ESBL-producing strains. Escherichia coli was identified and isolated from the cloacal sample. Phenotypic tests for antimicrobial sensitivity, detected resistance to the following antimicrobials: ceftriaxone, ceftiofur, cefotaxime, cefepime, ampicillin, amoxicillin, amoxicillin + clavulanate, and tetracycline. The phenotypic test for detecting ESBL-producing strains was positive. The findings in this study had no relation with the clinical symptoms presented by the parrot. However, in the samples collected, it was possible to detect the presence of ESBL-producing Escherichia coli, indicating that this parrot had strains in its cloacal microbiota that were either multidrug-resistant or at a subclinical stage of an infection. This knowledge is important, since the presence of this bacteria in a pet represents an important factor in the dissemination of multidrug-resistant strains into the environment, as well as being a source of contamination for both humans and other animals.
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Marchevskyi, S., N. Morhun, and О. Shevchuk. "Foreign experience of providing economic security of the state by law enforcement agencies." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law 2, no. 73 (December 15, 2022): 74–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.73.43.
Full textAbstract:
The author examines the foreign experience of ensuring the economic security of the state by law enforcement agencies. Topicality of the discussion lies in the fact that in the conditions of the country's military state, the problem of the development of the state's economy, and especially its external and internal protection, is becoming more acute. Through the effective activity of law enforcement agencies in ensuring the economic security of the state, the processes of forced decline in the level of the country's economy are being slowed down and indirectly, as much as possible, the development of the economy in such very hard time. The purpose of the article is to formulate recommendations that will contribute to the effective implementation of their functions by law enforcement agencies of Ukraine in ensuring the economic security of the state based on the study of foreign experience. Achieving this goal made it necessary to perform the following tasks: to analyze the works of domestic and foreign scientists on the chosen problem, to consider the foreign experience of ensuring economic security by law enforcement agencies of individual countries. The methodological toolkit was chosen in accordance with the set goal, specifics of the object and subject of the research. In particular, the following general scientific methods were applied: analysis (in terms of determining the components of economic security), generalization (during the research of foreign experience in ensuring economic security and for the purpose of providing recommendations), deductions (when providing recommendations aimed at the effective performance of their powers by employees Bureau of Economic Security of Ukraine, taking into account foreign experience). Special research methods are also applied, in particular, comparative legal research (during the analysis of the foreign experience of individual countries). Based on the examination of the works of scientists and the analysis of foreign experience, the author made the following recommendations: to include the Bureau of Economic Security of Ukraine in the Law of Ukraine "On National Security" the list of bodies of the security and defense sector; to amend to the Decree of the President of Ukraine No. 347/2021, enshrining other areas of ensuring the economic security of the state, namely: demographic, energy, food and social security; to provide in the Law of Ukraine "On the Bureau of Economic Security of Ukraine" the obligation of rotations of the management of this body and the mechanism of its implementation in departmental legal acts; to empower the employees of the Bureau of Economic Security of Ukraine regarding the possibility of analyzing the costs of state and local budgets, the movement of intrastate cash flows and financial markets.