Academic literature on the topic 'Rotating Presidency'

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Journal articles on the topic "Rotating Presidency"

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Vaznonytė, Austė. "The rotating Presidency of the Council of the EU – Still an agenda-setter?" European Union Politics 21, no. 3 (April 20, 2020): 497–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116520916557.

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What role does the rotating Council Presidency maintain a decade after Lisbon? This article argues that, regardless of institutional changes, the rotating Presidency still shapes the Council agenda to a large extent. Based on an original hand-coded dataset of rotating Presidency programmes between 1997 and 2017, I show that some policies are ‘stickier’ on the Council agenda, while the others exhibit significant changes in salience over time. Since the magnitude of these shifts varies from Presidency to Presidency, the analysis focuses on domestic political factors and the country positioning vis-à-vis the European Union to determine their relationship with agenda volatility. By means of a panel model, the examination demonstrates that the government issue salience can best explain the levels of issue salience in the Presidency programmes.
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Hollman, Michelle, and Zuzana Murdoch. "Lobbying cycles in Brussels: Evidence from the rotating presidency of the Council of the European Union." European Union Politics 19, no. 4 (September 7, 2018): 597–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518796306.

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The Council presidency holds direct responsibility for the Council’s functioning and moves between EU member states via a six-month rotation scheme. We argue that this rotating Council presidency causes a lobbying cycle among interest groups at the European level, whereby national interest groups from the country holding the presidency temporarily become active at the European level. Using a unique dataset including almost 16,500 registrations of interest groups in the European Transparency Register over the 2008–2017 period, we confirm that holding the Council presidency increases the number of interest groups from that member state in the Transparency Register. We also find that national interest groups generally have a higher likelihood to exit the register following the end of their country’s presidency.
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Magone, José. "A Presidência rotativa do Conselho e a governança multinível europeia: a peça-chave no processo de decisão intergovernamental." Relações Internacionais, no. 68 (December 2020): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.23906/ri2020.68a03.

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In the post-Lisbon constitutional architecture, the rotating presidency of the Council of Ministers of the European Union remains a vital part of intergovernmental decision-making. Its leadership activity is mainly behind closed doors to avoid the politicization of legislative processes. This study aims to contextualize the presidency as a crucial part of European integration due to its position between formal and informal processes. Informality gives the presidency time to create consensus and be flexible in its negotiation. Despite large countries’ attempts to reduce the importance of the rotating presidency, small states have resisted this temptation. In this contribution, the rotating presidency is seen from the point of view of European integration theory which is discussed in depth. Some notes follow on what can be expected in terms of the behaviour of the German and Portuguese presidencies in the new 2020-21 team presidency cycle.
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Cross, James P., and Austė Vaznonytė. "Can we do what we say we will do? Issue salience, government effectiveness, and the legislative efficiency of Council Presidencies." European Union Politics 21, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 657–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116520950829.

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Although agenda-setting dynamics in the European Union are a well-studied phenomenon, there is a gap in the literature between the current focus on issue attention dynamics (a policy input) and the impact attention dynamics have on policy outputs. This study examines how the rotating Council Presidency’s stated policy goals for their term in office affect EU decision-making efficiency. We show that the salience the rotating chair of the Council attaches to a given policy area affects legislative efficiency in that policy area. We also demonstrate how this effect is conditioned on government effectiveness in the state of the Presidency in question, and is independent of Commission policy priorities. This suggests that the Presidency can drive EU policy outputs and push for its priorities when it holds the chair, but that its ability to do so is contingent on the domestic organisation and effectiveness of the state.
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Elgström, Ole. "The Presidency: The Role(s) of the Chair in European Union Negotiations." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 1, no. 2 (2006): 171–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119006x149526.

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AbstractUsing role theory as its analytical basis, this article delineates and analyses the specific characteristics of the Chair in the European Union (EU). The focus is thus on the EU Council Presidency and on how expectations surrounding the office impact upon its performance as administrator, agenda manager, broker, leader and representative. The EU's institutional design is marked by a rotating Presidency, by relatively short Presidency periods and by a mix of unanimity and majority voting. These traits influence the ways in which the Chair performs its role. The major argument is, however, that existing structurally based expectations of the Presidency's role (that is, expectations of neutrality and impartiality, of effectiveness and of consensus-seeking) interact with the particular role conceptions that are brought to the office by individual member states to produce both common features and variety in role performance. Empirical illustrations are taken from recent EU Presidencies to highlight continuity and fluctuation in Presidency performances.
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Puetter, Uwe. "The Rotating Council Presidency and the New Intergovernmentalism." International Spectator 49, no. 4 (October 2, 2014): 18–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2014.962291.

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Ålander, Minna. "Die portugiesische EU-Ratspräsidentschaft: Budget, Brexit, Biden und andere Herausforderungen." integration 44, no. 1 (2021): 71–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0720-5120-2021-1-71.

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On 1 January 2021, Portugal took over the rotating Presidency of the Council of the European Union for the fourth time. The preceding German Presidency was able to broker agreements on crucial topics such as the EU budget, Brexit and the new EU climate goal. Nevertheless, due to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, the Portuguese Presidency is facing major challenges. History repeats itself as the German-Portuguese-Slovenian Trio Presidency again takes over at a time of crisis. Similar to the trio’s last presidencies in 2007/2008, Portugal has the responsibility to ensure a quick and smooth implementation of the decisions taken under the German Presidency.
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Schout, Adriaan. "The Dutch EU Presidency: The Continuing Relevance of the Rotating Presidency in a Political Union." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 55 (June 15, 2017): 54–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12576.

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Raimundo, António. "A Presidência e as estratégias dos pequenos Estados: O caso português nas relações UE-África." Relações Internacionais, no. 68 (December 2020): 77–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.23906/ri2020.68a06.

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The present article is based on an understanding of the rotating Presidency of the European Union (eu) as a channel of influence of special importance for smaller Member States. Its empirical focus is on Portugal’s role in eu-Africa relations, contextualising the Presidency in the broader range of strategies adopted by Portuguese authorities to exert influence in this domain of European external action. Thus, the use of the Presidency is examined in parallel with other strategies such as multilateralism, prioritization, specialization and coalition-building. Apart from contributing to a better knowledge and understanding of Portugal’s involvement in eu-Africa relations, this study helps appraising the possible relevance of future Portuguese presidencies in this realm, taking into account the important implications that the Lisbon Treaty had for the Presidency in foreign policy matters.
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Vidačak, Igor, and Tomislav Milošić. "Measuring the Success of the Presidency of the Council of the EU." Croatian international relations review 26, no. 87 (December 15, 2020): 32–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.37173/cirr.26.87.2.

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This paper aims to contribute to the ongoing debate on criteria for measuring the performance of the rotating Presidencies of the Council of the EU. The comparison between Austria and Croatia, two countries that concluded the two most recent Council Presidency Trios, can be illustrative in identifying the main factors that can influence the overall performance of rotating Presidencies. Based on the series of quantitative and qualitative indicators, the overall score of both countries’ Presidencies turned to be positive, despite some failures of these Presidencies to demonstrate a firm commitment to fundamental EU values. In view of the lack of evaluations of the Council Presidencies based on verifiable, measurable indicators, this paper seeks to contribute to the development of a more objective methodological framework for the assessment of the future Presidencies of the Council as a still under-researched area within EU studies.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Rotating Presidency"

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Bunse, Simone. "The value of the rotating Council presidency : small state entrepreneurship in the European Union." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.431013.

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Nasieniak, Magdalena. "Between institutional feedback and role making : role institutionalisation of the post-Lisbon EU Council rotating presidency." Thesis, University of Bath, 2017. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.715301.

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The Lisbon Treaty introduced one of the most far reaching reforms of the EU foreign policy system. This has been particularly noticeable in the example of the rotating Presidency of the EU Council. By transferring the functions formerly associated with the Presidency to the newly established actors, the President of the European Council and the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the Presidency’s role has been severely limited. Yet with only limited formal provisions, the practical arrangements were to be clarified in due course of the implication phase. This thesis explores this phase by tracing the processes of the implementation and informal adaptation of the Treaty’s provisions in the post-Lisbon context of EU foreign policy making. The analytical framework incorporating new institutionalist and role-based insights aims to capture the institutional development of the Presidency’s role as an outcome of the institutional feedback and particular role making of the first Member States in the chair. The proposed model of role institutionalisation is argued to explore mechanisms of institutional change in a more in-depth manner as a constitutive process at the structural and agential levels. The concept of role making is used to capture and explore the influence of Spain, Belgium, Hungary and Poland on the inter-institutional positioning and functional scope of the post-Lisbon Presidency. At the national level of analysis, the individual role enactment of these countries reflects their national preferences towards both the system of European foreign policy and national role conceptions. At the same time, however, their individual role making is both enabled and/or constrained by the emerging system of the post-Lisbon foreign policy making (institutional feedback), and by a set of factors at the national, European and international levels. Consequently, the analysis confirms the added value of applying role theory while studying the Presidency, as well as highlights its analytical usefulness in exploring the process of institutional change.
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VAZNONYTE, AUSTE. "MANY POLICIES, LITTLE TIME: REVISITING THE POWERS OF THE ROTATING PRESIDENCY OF THE COUNCIL OF THE EU." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/627512.

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The rotating Presidency of the Council of the European Union, once a key actor in the European decision-making process, was substantially weakened after the Treaty of Lisbon. Nonetheless, it maintains important competences, characterising the Presidency’s stance in the Council of the EU. Against this background, while focusing on one of the main responsibilities granted to the rotating chair – agenda control of the Council – this dissertation evaluates the extent to which the rotating Presidency is able to leave an imprint on the institution’s agenda, as well as the legislative outputs of the EU. In doing so, the research applies a widespread methodological approach, ranging from statistical analyses, quantitative text-analyses to qualitative comparative case studies. Throughout its four chapters, this dissertation addresses the key institutional assets possessed by the rotating Presidency: agenda-setting, agenda-structuring and agenda-exclusion powers, as presented by Tallberg (2003). Taking into consideration the lack of longitudinal analyses of rotating Presidency agendas, especially after the Treaty of Lisbon, this dissertation provides several contributions. First, it presents a novel, hand-coded dataset of 40 rotating Presidency programmes in 1997-2017. Throughout the dissertation, this dataset is employed as a proxy of their manifested agendas. By measuring issue salience across different rotating Presidency programmes, this research reveals attention shifts across different policies, and examines the main determinants (both at the national and supranational levels) influencing such punctuations. Furthermore, in order to measure the extent to which introducing issues on the agenda or changing their prioritisation can actually influence the legislative outputs, Chapter III explores the legislation adopted throughout the 20 years period under study. By employing a novel text analysis approach – a dynamic topic model – the study looks at the legislative outputs from a punctuated equilibrium perspective. In this regard, the research paves the way for future analyses of the EU legislation, especially aiming to establish a link between the input and output EU agendas, beyond the analysis of the Council Presidency. Finally, Chapter IV deals with often neglected negative face of power, i.e. agenda-exclusion. The chapter provides a step-by-step analysis of the legislative process to detect strategic delays and explores possible strategic explanations for such rotating Presidency behaviour in the post-Lisbon period. Overall, the dissertation shows that, despite the Treaty of Lisbon, the rotating Council Presidency has retained a degree of influence. This is expressed both in agenda management powers and chair’s leverage on the legislative outputs. Hereby, this thesis opens up trajectories for new research in the field of the rotating Presidency of the Council of the EU.
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Books on the topic "Rotating Presidency"

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Présidence rotative: Contre la corruption , la pauvreté, pour la paix, le développement durable en Afrique. Cotonou, Bénin: Cercle Louis Hunkanrin, 2005.

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Book chapters on the topic "Rotating Presidency"

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Duff, Andrew. "The Twin Executive." In Constitutional Change in the European Union, 9–22. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-10665-1_2.

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AbstractOne of the main flaws in the structure of governance of the EU is the lack of a single effective executive. The two presidents of the Commission and European Council, who risk duplication and confusion, should be merged. The system of rotating the presidency of the Council of ministers should be phased out. The role of the General Affairs Council should be enhanced. The Commission should be reduced in size and restructured to include a law officer and treasury secretary.
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Schout, Adriaan. "Beyond the Rotating Presidency." In Leaderless Europe, 269–87. Oxford University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199535026.003.0015.

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Mehlhausen, Thomas, and Ireneusz Paweł Karolewski. "Chapter 1: Introduction How to analyse the rotating EU Council Presidency after the Lisbon Treaty?" In Poland's EU-Council Presidency under Evaluation, 9–26. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783845246413-9.

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"What’s left of the rotating presidency? The future of ‘national’ presidencies." In The European Council and European Governance, 85–103. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315866987-12.

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Walker, Iain. "Federation, Separatism and Union." In Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea, 175–208. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190071301.003.0007.

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A further coup d’etat in 1995 did nothing to improve the national economy, mismanagement and the national Ngazidja-dominated government’s lack of sensitivity. It finally led to a declaration of independence instituted by the island of Ndzuani in 1997. An armed intervention to restore order was a disastrous failure, and following the death of president Taki a military government led by Azali Assoumani took over and negotiated an agreement between the islands that finally led to the establishment of a new structure – the Union of the Comoros – that was intended to guarantee the islands a degree of autonomy. A rotating presidency was largely symbolic and the political struggles of the early 21st century were personified by Ngazidja’s Azali and Ndzuani’s Sambi, the former, re-elected president, potentially for ten years, in 2019, becoming increasingly authoritarian. Meanwhile, Mayotte became a French department.
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Stavridis, Stelios. "The parliamentary dimension of the EU rotating presidency: bringing back national concerns through the “backdoor”?" In Parliamentary Cooperation and Diplomacy in EU External Relations, 188–204. Edward Elgar Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/9781786438850.00020.

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Coman, Ramona, and Daniel Kenealy. "4. EU Member States." In The European Union, 82–107. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198862246.003.0004.

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This chapter focuses on the member states of the EU. It begins by considering how two different theories—liberal intergovernmentalism and postfunctionalism—explain member states’ engagement with the EU and the different visions of EU integration held by the member states. It goes on to explore the important role of the member states in the EU’s decision-making processes with a focus on the coalitions and cleavages among the member states, the importance of the rotating presidency of the Council (of ministers), and the increasing role of the European Council in setting the EU’s political agenda. The chapter discusses key concepts such as Europeanization, euroscepticism, and differentiated integration, which help understand the challenges faced by a Union of 27 diverse member states.
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Lewis, Jeffrey. "10. The European Council and the Council of the European Union." In European Union Politics. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198708933.003.0010.

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This chapter provides an overview of the elements that make up the European Council and the Council of the European Union, including the strategic, executive-like authority of the European Council; the formal legislative role of the national ministers who meet in the policy-specific formations of the Council of the EU; and the preparatory and expert working committees involved in day-to-day negotiations. The chapter begins with a discussion of the Council system's evolving hierarchy and enigmatic traits, the layers of the Council system, and how the Council system works. It also looks at the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and goes on to examine the supporting roles provided by a shared, rotating presidency and the Council system's own bureaucracy, the General Secretariat of the Council.
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Knopf, Christina M. "Great Superheroic Powers and Great Presidential Responsibilities." In Politics in the Gutters, 38–55. University Press of Mississippi, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496834225.003.0003.

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This chapter begins with President John Kennedy’s 1963 team-up with Superman for the promotion of the President’s Council on Physical Fitness to explore the superheroic presidency as an American monomyth. With an analysis that expands from comics to also include superhero animation and live-action television series, the chapter indicates that the political spectacle with its cycle of enemies and leaders, threats and reassurances, is similar to the structure of the superhero serial, in which protagonists are locked into a pattern of saving society from a never-ending rotation of villains. But whereas superheroes are celebrated for their ability to work beyond the confines of the system, politicians who so publicly exceed their offices or break the laws are typically less ideal.
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"From Corruption to Rotation: Politics in Georgia before and after the Rose Revolution." In Presidents, Oligarchs and Bureaucrats, 185–202. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315602080-18.

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Conference papers on the topic "Rotating Presidency"

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Aristizábal Ceballos, Jaime Hernán, and Janeth Andrea Rojas Martínez. "Management of Climate Threat and External Forces Based on Knowledge Management." In ASME 2015 International Pipeline Geotechnical Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/ipg2015-8513.

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Geotechnical conditions in Colombia make the Weather-related and Outside Force Threat one of the principal threats to take into account in managing hydrocarbon transmission lines. This, along with the rotation of the personnel who support the management of this threat nationwide, has led the office of the Vice-president for Transportation and Logistics (VIT) at Ecopetrol S.A. to implement a knowledge assurance strategy that will ensure the sustainability of efforts in geotechnical matters made in recent years. This paper presents the experience of how it has been possible for management of the Weather-related and Outside Force Threat, by the office of Vice-president for Transportation and Logistics of Ecopetrol S.A., to be strengthened by proposing a prospective scenario of sustainability and knowledge that for five years has been contributing to strengthening the acquisition of knowledge and the management of the threat itself.
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