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Journal articles on the topic 'Rosenstrasse (Berlin, Germany) History'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Hammer, Jessica, and Moyra Turkington. "Designing Role-Playing Games that Address the Holocaust." International Journal of Designs for Learning 12, no. 1 (April 12, 2021): 42–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.14434/ijdl.v12i1.31265.

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Role-playing games offer powerful opportunities for players to engage with history, such as allowing players to fictionally situate themselves in a historical period. When it comes to the Holocaust, however, games face serious issues such as the potential trivialization of the Holocaust or players learning to blame the victims. In this design case, we show one way that these issues can be addressed through game design techniques. We bring together the literature on games and Holocaust education to define a set of design challenges for Holocaust-related historical role-playing games; we describe Rosenstrasse, a role-playing game in which players adopt the roles of Jewish and non-Jewish Germans in mixed marriages in Berlin between 1933 and 1943; and we illustrate specific game design decisions within Rosenstrasse that address the challenges identified in this paper. This work aims to help other designers address the same set of challenges in their own game design process.

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2

Gruner, Wolf. "The Factory Action and the Events at the Rosenstrasse in Berlin: Facts and Fictions about 27 February 1943 — Sixty Years Later." Central European History 36, no. 2 (June 2003): 179–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916103770866112.

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On 27 February 1943 in Nazi Germany the Gestapo brutally arrested more than ten thousand Jewish men and women. Martin Riesenburger, later the Chief Rabbi of the German Democratic Republic, recalled that day as “the great inferno.” This large-scale raid marked the beginning of the final phase of the mass deportations, which had been under way since October 1941. Also interned in Berlin were people who, according to NS terminology, lived in so-called mixed marriages. But new documents show that no deportation of this special group was planned by the Gestapo. In the past decade, in both the German as well as the American public, quite a bit of attention has been paid to the fact that non-Jewish relatives publicly demonstrated against the feared deportation of their Jewish partners. The scholarly literature as well has pictured this protest as a unique act of resistance that prevented the deportation of these Jews living in mixed marriages. The fact that during this raid an untold number of Jews, both women and men, fled and went underground has so far been ignored. Since we still know much too little, the following article will discuss all the events of the spring of 1943 and their background.

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3

Stoltzfus, Nathan. "Historical Evidence and Plausible History: Interpreting the Berlin Gestapo's Attempted “Final Roundup” of Jews (also known as the “Factory Action”)." Central European History 38, no. 3 (September 2005): 450–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916105775563616.

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Most historians who address it agree that the street protest by non-Jews for their Jewish family members constitutes the most plausible explanation for the Gestapo's release of intermarried Jews incarcerated at Berlin's Rosenstrasse. Had the women not protested, the Jews (or the overwhelming majority) most likely would have been deported to either death or labor camps. This view holds that regime leaders released the Jews for tactical reasons, not because it was cowed or had moral scruples. Although Wolf Gruner has characterized this long-established interpretation as “legend,’ his evidence on balance supports rather than challenges it.

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4

Gruner, Wolf. "A Historikerstreit? A Reply to Nathan Stoltzfus's Response." Central European History 38, no. 3 (September 2005): 460–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916105775563599.

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During the brutal factory raid at the end of February 1943, the Gestapo rounded up thousands of Berlin Jews at their forced labor sites and brought them to various collection points. The Gestapo immediately singled out two thousand Jews in “mixed marriages” and transferred them to a separate building in the Rosenstrasse. The traditional view of the events, which Stoltzfus promotes, is that after a week-long demonstration by their relatives, Goebbels ordered the release of the inmates on March 6, 1943. Based on a variety of hitherto overlooked documents, I provided the reader with a different interpretation in my Central European History article: that special Gestapo orders at this point still exempted the Jews in mixed marriages from deportation. I argue that the real purpose of the arrest was to facilitate the deportation of hundreds of employees of Berlin's Jewish institutions who would be replaced by the Jews in mixed marriages. This interpretation forces us to reconsider key elements of the traditional account.

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Anderson, Ben. "Three Germanies: West Germany, East Germany and the Berlin Republic." European Review of History: Revue europeenne d'histoire 19, no. 4 (August 2012): 637–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2012.702067.

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6

Fenemore, M. "Death in Berlin: From Weimar to Divided Germany." German History 29, no. 4 (May 27, 2011): 681–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghr010.

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7

Kundnani, Hans. "Germany Rethinks Its Role in the World." Current History 114, no. 770 (March 1, 2015): 115–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2015.114.770.115.

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8

Sackett, Robert E., and Thomas J. Saunders. "Hollywood in Berlin: American Cinema and Weimar Germany." American Historical Review 100, no. 3 (June 1995): 918. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168675.

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9

Hodgin, Nick. "Berlin is in Germany and good bye Lenin!" Debatte: Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe 12, no. 1 (May 2004): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0965156042000230106.

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10

Augustine, Dolores L. "The Business Elites of Hamburg and Berlin." Central European History 24, no. 2-3 (June 1991): 132–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900018902.

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In many respects, Hamburg and Berlin represent two societal models at work in Wilhelmian Germany. Hamburg and the other Hanseatic cities, Lübeck and Bremen, have traditionally been thought to represent bourgeois society as it might have been in Germany as a whole: self-assured, liberal, and antiaristocratic. Historians are generally in agreement with Richard J. Evans in his assertion that “neither the economic activity nor the social world nor finally the political beliefs and actions of the Hamburg merchants corresponded to anything that has ever been defined, however remotely, as ‘feudal.’” Berlin, on the other hand, was dominated by the imperial court and the aristocracy, which, it is said, seduced and fatally weakened not only the business elite of the capital, but in fact the most influential segment of the German bourgeoisie as a whole.

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11

Cary, Noel D. "From Yalta to Berlin: The Cold War Struggle over Germany." Central European History 39, no. 1 (March 2006): 163–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906350066.

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The Berlin Republic of the twenty-first century, writes W. R. Smyser, is destined to be unlike all previous German states. A status quo power and a stable democracy, it is neither the battleground of others nor dominant over them, neither reticent like Bonn nor arrogant like the Berlin of the late Hohenzollerns. The Cold War was “the essential incubator” of this “new Germany” (p. 402). It provided Germany with the tools of change—a role through which to overcome its past, and time to overcome old wounds. Aiding the incubation were contradictory Communist policies, astute Western statesmanship, and bravely pursued Eastern popular aspirations. Two Germans and two Americans, Smyser avers, stand at the heart of the eventual Communist defeat: East German leader Walter Ulbricht, West German Chancellor Willy Brandt, President Ronald Reagan, and Smyser’s onetime mentor, General Lucius Clay. Mighty assists go to British Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin, Soviet leaders Joseph Stalin and Mikhail Gorbachev, and the inspirational Polish Pope. Further down this idiosyncratic hierarchy stand Chancellors Adenauer and Kohl and U.S. President George H. W. Bush.

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12

Rossol, N. "Banned in Berlin. Literary Censorship in Imperial Germany 1871-1918." German History 28, no. 1 (March 1, 2010): 110–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghp097.

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13

Fuechtner, Veronika, and Paul Lerner. "Babylon Berlin: Media, Spectacle, and History." Central European History 53, no. 4 (December 2020): 835–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000771.

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Babylon Berlin (henceforth BB) premiered in Germany on the pay channel Sky TV in October 2017 and in the United States on the streaming service Netflix in January 2018. It is based on Volker Kutscher's series of crime novels set in late Weimar Republic and early Nazi-era Berlin. At its center are the lives and investigations of the laconic and tormented police detective Gereon Rath and his charismatic and irrepressible assistant Charlotte (Lotte) Ritter. In anticipation of the series premiere on public television, marathon screenings took place in 150 cinemas across Germany, where audience members dressed up in 1920s fashion and enjoyed a Currywurst break. Its viewership in the Federal Republic was topped only by the global fantasy behemoth Game of Thrones. The series is clearly modeled on American series such as Mad Men (2007–2015) and The Wire (2002–2008) as it unfolds a complex web of characters and subplots with loving attention to the history and fashions of the time. Indeed, this collaboration of seasoned directors Tom Tykwer, Achim von Borries, and Henk Handloegten is the most expensive German TV series to date. The fact that BB premiered on pay TV while having been largely produced with public funds drew some ire. German reviewers questioned both the circumstances of its production and its creative ambition. While Der Spiegel called it “a masterpiece,” one much debated blog review went so far as to call it “pure crap,” which neither reflected historical truth nor carried artistic merit. Many critics faulted the series for trading in postcard clichés and creating a 1920s “Berlin Disneyland.” The weekly Die Zeit complained that there was a little too much cute dialect, such as “icke” and “kiek ma,” which made the critic sometimes feel like wiping the dirt makeup off the proletarian faces. (And indeed, one of the numerous intertexts of this series are Heinrich Zille's unflinching depictions of proletarian misery.)

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Plum, Catherine. "Contested Namesakes: East Berlin School Names under Communism and in Reunified Germany." History of Education Quarterly 45, no. 4 (2005): 625–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2005.tb00059.x.

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Within weeks and months of the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989, numerous busts and portraits of school namesakes disappeared from the foyers, hallways, and “tradition rooms” (Traditionszimmer) of East Berlin schools and were relegated to trash bins. In 1990 municipal authorities formalized this spontaneous purge of school identities by eliminating the names of all schools in eastern Berlin. Over the course of the 1990s administrators, teachers, and students in the newly restructured schools began to discuss a wide range of new school identities.

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15

Harrison, Hope M. "The Berlin Wall after Fifty Years: Introduction." German Politics and Society 29, no. 2 (June 1, 2011): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2011.290201.

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Fifty years ago on 13 August 1961, the East Germans sealed the east-westborder in Berlin, beginning to build what would become known as theBerlin Wall. Located 110 miles/177 kilometers from the border with WestGermany and deep inside of East Germany, West Berlin had remained the“last loophole” for East Germans to escape from the communist GermanDemocratic Republic (GDR) to the western Federal Republic of Germany(FRG, West Germany). West Berlin was an island of capitalism and democracywithin the GDR, and it enticed increasing numbers of dissatisfied EastGermans to flee to the West. This was particularly the case after the borderbetween the GDR and FRG was closed in 1952, leaving Berlin as the onlyplace in Germany where people could move freely between east and west.By the summer of 1961, over 1,000 East Germans were fleeing westwardsevery day, threatening to bring down the GDR. To put a stop to this, EastGermany’s leaders, with backing from their Soviet ally, slammed shut this“escape hatch.”

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16

Lenhard, Philipp. "Zwischen Berlin und Paris." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 73, no. 1 (January 24, 2021): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700739-07301003.

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For Hegel’s German-Jewish disciples, the French Revolution marked the starting point of a history of freedom, which was to include legal and political emancipation. In many cases, however, the experiences of German-Jewish migrants in Paris were disappointing. The philosophical idea of “France” was not to be confused with its political reality. Nevertheless, the image of France served as a critical antithesis to the political situation in Germany throughout the 1820 and 1830s. The article discusses the impact of France on the political concepts of Jewish Hegelians with a focus on the jurist and political philosopher Eduard Gans.

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17

Prowe, D. "Behind the Berlin Wall: East Germany and the Frontiers of Power." German History 28, no. 4 (August 30, 2010): 605–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghq104.

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18

Rothenberg, Gunther E., and Michael V. Leggiere. "Napoleon and Berlin: The Franco-Prussian War in North Germany, 1813." Journal of Military History 66, no. 3 (July 2002): 844. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3093373.

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19

Schirmer, Dietmar. "Present Past: Culture and Memory in Berlin and Germany." German Politics and Society 27, no. 4 (December 1, 2009): 92–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2009.270405.

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Andrew J. Webber, Berlin in the Twentieth Century: A Cultural Topography (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008)Maja Zehfuss, Wounds of Memory: The Politics of War in Germany (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007)Dirk Verheyen, United City, Divided Memories? Cold War Legacies in Contemporary Berlin (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2008)

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20

Bungert, Heike, and W. R. Smyser. "From Yalta to Berlin: The Cold War Struggle over Germany." American Historical Review 106, no. 1 (February 2001): 282. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2652400.

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21

Szabo, Stephen F. "Germany: Hegemon or Free Rider?" German Politics and Society 37, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 109–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370206.

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Simon Bulmer and WIliam Paterson, Germany and the European Union: Europe’s Reluctant Hegemon (London: Red Globe Press, 2018)Paul Lever, Berlin Rules: Europe and the German Way (London: IB Tauris, 2017) Christoph von Marschall, Wir Verstehen die Welt nicht Mehr: Deutschlands Entfremdung von seinen Freunden (Freiberg: Herder, 2018)

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22

Landsberg, Hannelore, and Marie Landsberg. "Wilhelm von Blandowski's inheritance in Berlin." Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria 121, no. 1 (2009): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/rs09172.

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This article discusses Blandowski’s collections held in various libraries and museums in Berlin, Germany. Wilhelm von Blandowski (1822-1878) was a Prussian ‘Berliner’. He was born in Upper Silesia, a province of Prussia. He worked there in the mining industry and later attended lectures in natural history at the University of Berlin. Following a period in the army, he was influenced by the March Revolution in Germany in 1848. As a result, he left the civil service and migrated to Australia. Blandowski’s first approach to the Museum of Natural History in Berlin was an offer of objects, lithography and paintings ‘forwarded from the Museum of Natural History, Melbourne Australia’ in 1857. After returning to Prussia, Blandowski tried unsuccessfully to get support for publishing Australien in 142 photographischen Abbildungen. Today the Department for Historical Research of the Museum of Natural History owns more than 350 paintings as the ‘Legacy Blandowski’. The paintings illustrate Blandowski’s time in Australia, his enormous knowledge of natural history, his eye for characteristic details of objects and his ability to instruct other artists and to use their work. The text will show these aspects of Blandowski’s life and work and will give an insight into the database of Blandowski’s paintings held at the Humboldt University, Berlin.

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23

Ermolaeva, M. A. "“Russian libraries in Germany” – The essays in history." Scientific and Technical Libraries 1, no. 1 (March 18, 2021): 159–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.33186/1027-3689-2021-1-159-164.

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Review of the collection of works prepared by Gottfried Kratz (Gottfried Kratz. Russische Biblioteken in Deutschland. – Berlin : Peter Lang, 2020. – 231 s. (Arbeiten und Bibliographen zum Buch – und Bibliothekswesen. 17).The book in German comprises the papers by German and Russian researchers on public, academic, military and church libraries in the mid-19th century and up to present. The reviewer focuses on the works matching the profile of the “Scientific and Technical Libraries” journal. The presented works are based on vast archival materials and expand the knowledge of Russian-German library relationships within the mentioned historical period. The researchers of Russian diaspora abroad, book and library historians will make the readership of the book.

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24

Puaca, Brian M. "Navigating the Waves of Change: Political Education and Democratic School Reform in Postwar West Berlin." History of Education Quarterly 48, no. 2 (May 2008): 244–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2008.00142.x.

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In the aftermath of the Second World War, Germany found itself defeated, destroyed, occupied, and ultimately divided. The eastern portion of Germany fell under Soviet administration, while the western part came under joint occupation by the three victorious western Allies (the United States, the United Kingdom, and France). Recognizing at an early date that rebuilding Germany would promote political stability, economic growth, and peace in central Europe, the western Allies set out to reconstruct the defeated nation. The schools were an important part of this project. Many observers argued that without substantial reform to the educational system, German nationalism, militarism, and xenophobia might once again lead to conflict. In the western zones, particularly in the American zone, democratizing the schools took on great importance by 1947. This effort, however, was short-lived. The occupation of Germany ended in 1949, leaving many Americans with the sense that school reform was incomplete.

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25

STANGL, PAUL. "Revolutionaries' cemeteries in Berlin: memory, history, place and space." Urban History 34, no. 3 (December 2007): 407–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926807004920.

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ABSTRACTIn Germany, the Revolutions of 1848 and 1918/19 resulted in the martyrdom of opposition leaders and constituents, whose burial sites in Berlin became key sites of memory and commemoration for the working-class movement. Political turbulence and regime change throughout the twentieth century has resulted in contestation over the meaning and use of these places; a trajectory illustrating the dynamic, reciprocal relationship between popular memory and official history, and the interplay between representation, place-based associations and spatial relations in constituting social meaning in the urban landscape.

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26

Panayi, Panikos. "Racial Violence in the New Germany 1990–93." Contemporary European History 3, no. 3 (November 1994): 265–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300000898.

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After the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989 and the re-unification of Germany in the following year, the contemporary history of Germany was characterised by a rise in the more potent manifestations of racism, notably an increase in support for extreme right-wing parties and an enormous upsurge in the number of racial attacks which have taken place against minorities of all descriptions. In addition, as a reaction against the racist violence, specifically the attack upon a Turkish home in Solingen in June 1993, there was also a violent response on the part of the Turks.

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27

Lück, Heiner. "'Flemish law' in Central Germany." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'Histoire du Droit / The Legal History Review 78, no. 1-2 (2010): 37–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181910x487314.

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AbstractIn the general context of 12th- and 13th-century migrations in Europe, several communities from the Low Countries settled in central Germany, in territories now divided between the Länder Saxony, Saxony-Anhalt and Thuringia. Many of these settlements were concentrated in the region between Berlin and Wittenberg, still known today as the Fläming (from Flamen, German for Flemings, but also a generic name for populations from the Low Countries); the settlements also include areas around Burg and Magdeburg, a few localities around Leipzig and Naumburg, and the Goldene Aue, near the Kyffhäuser Hills. The law in those Flemish-Dutch settlements can to some extent be traced back through local customs and place-names, as well as through references in charters granting a distinctive legal status to the colonists. Characteristic features of the legal migration are the equal division of property after death and the terms Schulze and Schultheiß, which may in some cases go back to Netherlandish origins and influences.

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28

Crandall Hollick, Julian. "W. Berlin: Forty Years After." Worldview 28, no. 6 (June 1985): 7–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0084255900046957.

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If you want to understand West Berlin's history and present political reality, take the train from Hanover or Hamburg. The border crossing from West to East Germany gives the first clue. Barbed wire and high fences line the track; police line the station platform. The few East German civilians who are waiting for their own trains seem to look right through you as though you were invisible—a ghost train heading for Berlin.

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29

Kipp, Jacob W., and John Erickson. "The Road to Berlin: The Continuing History of Stalin's War with Germany." Military Affairs 49, no. 4 (October 1985): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1987553.

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30

Deshmukh, Marion F., and David Wetzel. "From the Berlin Museum to the Berlin Wall: Essays on the Cultural and Political History of Modern Germany." German Studies Review 21, no. 3 (October 1998): 654. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1431292.

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31

Gerstenberger, Katharina. "Reading the Writings on the Walls— Remembering East Berlin." German Politics and Society 23, no. 3 (September 1, 2005): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503005780979994.

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Between the end of the Cold War in 1989 and the sixtieth anniversary of the end of World War II more than fifteen years later, Germany witnessed not only a proliferation of events and experiences to be remembered but also of traditions of memory. Before the fall of the wall, remembrance of the past in West Germany meant, above all, commemoration of the Nazi past and the memory of the Holocaust. Germany's unification had a significant impact on cultural memory not only because the fall of the wall itself was an event of memorable significance but also because it gave new impulses to debates about the politics of memory.

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32

Livingston, Robert Gerald. "Russians, Americans, and Their Germanies." German Politics and Society 18, no. 2 (June 1, 2000): 110–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503000782486606.

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Hannes Adomeit, Imperial Overstretch: Germany in Soviet Policy from Stalin to Gorbachev (Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, 1998 )W.R. Smyser, From Yalta to Berlin: The Cold War Struggle over Germany (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1999)Angela E. Stent, Russia and Germany Reborn: Unification, The Soviet Collapse, and the New Europe (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton Uni- versity Press, 1999)

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33

Steege, Paul. "Holding on in Berlin: March 1948 and SED Efforts to Control the Soviet Zone." Central European History 38, no. 3 (September 2005): 417–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916105775563580.

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March 18, 1948 dawned cold and rainy in Berlin. Although the city government had proclaimed the hundredth anniversary of the 1848 revolution an official holiday, Berliners awoke to a day that seemed ill-made for personal or political celebrations. One century earlier, some nine hundred persons had died on Berlin's barricades, dramatically challenging the Prussian ancien regime but falling short of their aspirations for a free and unified Germany. After one hundred years that had seen only a brief interlude of tumultuous democracy between the world wars, competing forces in postwar Berlin both claimed the democratic legacy of those barricade battles in a new contest for the city. But that legacy proved difficult to control. For the Soviet-supported Socialist Unity Party (SED), Berlin represented at once the core of the party's expanding power and the greatest threat to its realization. Like the 1848 revolutionaries, the SED leadership in Berlin found the lines between victory and defeat decidedly blurred.

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34

Brian, Amanda M. "Art from the Gutter: Heinrich Zille's Berlin." Central European History 46, no. 1 (March 2013): 28–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938913000022.

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The quintessential Berlin artist Heinrich Zille, while remaining almost unrecognized outside Germany and certainly neglected in art historical circles on both sides of the Atlantic, nonetheless offers an important way to understand the modern city in late-nineteenth-century Europe. Zille, I argue, represents a proletarian modernism, a way of viewing and embracing a vibrant working-class domesticity—a milieu—that the Großstadt itself had created. In so doing, he offered intimate representations of Berlin for Berliners; he was decidedly grounded in the local and telescoped Berlin from its districts to its neighborhoods to its streets. What reemerged at this insider level, however, were glimpses of the wider world into which Berliners had been cast. Zille thus blurred distinctions between public and private spaces that marked the social boundaries of the city and drew from both the local and the global in ways that have gone unrecognized in his work. His perspective on the new capital, in other words, was accomplished by embracing the liminal, and he ultimately offered a kind of palatable social protest—a vision of reform without socialism—that was itself quite remarkable.

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35

Baer, Marc David. "Turk and Jew in Berlin: The First Turkish Migration to Germany and the Shoah." Comparative Studies in Society and History 55, no. 2 (April 2013): 330–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417513000054.

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AbstractIn this paper I critically examine the conflation of Turk with Muslim, explore the Turkish experience of Nazism, and examine Turkey's relation to the darkest era of German history. Whereas many assume that Turks in Germany cannot share in the Jewish past, and that for them the genocide of the Jews is merely a borrowed memory, I show how intertwined the history of Turkey and Germany, Turkish and German anti-Semitism, and Turks and Jews are. Bringing together the histories of individual Turkish citizens who were Jewish or Dönme (descendants of Jews) in Nazi Berlin with the history of Jews in Turkey, I argue the categories “Turkish” and “Jewish” were converging identities in the Third Reich. Untangling them was a matter of life and death. I compare the fates of three neighbors in Berlin: Isaak Behar, a Turkish Jew stripped of his citizenship by his own government and condemned to Auschwitz; Fazli Taylan, a Turkish citizen and Dönme, whom the Turkish government exerted great efforts to save; and Eric Auerbach, a German Jew granted refuge in Turkey. I ask what is at stake for Germany and Turkey in remembering the narrative of the very few German Jews saved by Turkey, but in forgetting the fates of the far more numerous Turkish Jews in Nazi-era Berlin. I conclude with a discussion of the political effects today of occluding Turkish Jewishness by failing to remember the relationship between the first Turkish migration to Germany and the Shoah.

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Sepahvand, Ashkan, Meg Slater, Annette F. Timm, Jeanne Vaccaro, Heike Bauer, and Katie Sutton. "Curating Visual Archives of Sex." Radical History Review 2022, no. 142 (January 1, 2022): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-9397016.

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Abstract In this roundtable, four curators of exhibitions showcasing sexual archives and histories—with a particular focus on queer and trans experiences—were asked to reflect on their experiences working as scholars and artists across a range of museum and gallery formats. The exhibitions referred to below were Bring Your Own Body: Transgender between Archives and Aesthetics, curated by Jeanne Vaccaro (discussant) with Stamatina Gregory at The Cooper Union, New York, in 2015 and Haverford College, Pennsylvania, in 2016; Odarodle: An imaginary their_story of naturepeoples, 1535–2017, curated by Ashkan Sepahvand (discussant) at the Schwules Museum (Gay Museum) in Berlin, Germany, in 2017; Queer, curated by Ted Gott, Angela Hesson, Myles Russell-Cook, Meg Slater (discussant), and Pip Wallis at the National Gallery of Victoria, Melbourne, Australia, in 2022; and TransTrans: Transatlantic Transgender Histories, curated by Alex Bakker, Rainer Herrn, Michael Thomas Taylor, and Annette F. Timm (discussant) at the Schwules Museum in Berlin, Germany, in 2019–20, adapting an earlier exhibition shown at the University of Calgary, Canada, in 2016.

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Beachy, R. "Banned in Berlin: Literary Censorship in Imperial Germany, 1871-1918, by Gary D. Stark." English Historical Review CXXVI, no. 520 (April 19, 2011): 732–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cer099.

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Turk, Eleanor L. "The Berlin Socialist Trials of 1896: An Examination of Civil Liberty in Wilhelmian Germany." Central European History 19, no. 4 (December 1986): 323–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900011146.

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Punctually at 8:00 A.M. on 26 November 1895, teams of police officers in Berlin began to search the homes of nearly eighty members of the Social Democratic Party, and the city offices of their organizations. These surprise raids, over by 10:00 a.m., were ordered by the Prussian Minister of Interior, Ernst Köller, to obtain evidence that the Socialist organizations had been working with one another to promote their political goals. In 1895 it was illegal in Prussia, and in most of the other states of the German Empire, for political associations of any kind to work together. Yet the evidence so efficiently confiscated on that gray November morning ultimately put not only the Socialists on trial, but government policy and the fundamental political rights of German citizens as well. Neither the national constitution nor the federal law codes provided protection for the rights of association or assembly at that time. In the absence of such guarantees, the political organizations had to cope with the particularities of the various state laws.

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PRITCHARD, GARETH. "Behind the Berlin Wall: East Germany and the Frontiers of Power - By Patrick Major." History 96, no. 323 (July 2011): 386–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2011.00524_27.x.

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Steinman, Jessica Hoai Thuong. "From North-South to East-West: The Demarcation and Reunification of the Vietnamese Migrant Community in Berlin." Journal of Migration History 7, no. 2 (August 23, 2021): 111–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00702002.

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Abstract In 1989, the Berlin Wall fell, marking the breakdown of the East-West demarcation and the reunification of the German Democratic Republic (gdr) and Federal Republic of Germany (frg). Consequently, thousands of predominantly Northern Vietnamese contract workers, who came to East Berlin under the bilateral agreement between the gdr and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (srv), stayed in the reunified Germany alongside thousands of Vietnamese thuyền nhân from South Vietnam, who were settled in West Berlin by the frg. Therefore, Berlin became the host of two Vietnamese communities. To this day, significant tension exists between the two Vietnamese communities in Berlin due to the geographical and ideological divisions linked to the deterritorialisation and consequently reterritorialisation of the imagined homeland and host-land within the diaspora. This tension is further exacerbated by the socioeconomic segregation in the Vietnamese diaspora due to the differences in settlement policies and reception by the host land. This article focuses on the migration paths, policies, and subsequent development of the Vietnamese diaspora in Berlin. Based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Berlin from 2016 to 2018, I argue that the differences in policies before and after reunification regarding two different groups of Vietnamese migrants ultimately shape the experiences and reinforce the pre-existing cleavages between them.

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Mannitz, Sabine. "Turkish Youths in Berlin: Transnational Identification and Double Agency." New Perspectives on Turkey 29 (2003): 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600006129.

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Migration research has often stressed the adverse circumstances of Turkish immigrants living in Germany. The situation of the so-called second and third generations in particular has been seen as entailing a problematic double-bind of living “between two cultures.” In this scholarship, the image of such youth trapped in a structural culture conflict creates the impression that serious personal and emotional crises are an inevitable part of Turkish migrant youths' coming of age in Germany. Moreover, former guest workers and their families have been treated with a less than hospitable attitude insofar as efforts to facilitate their incorporation, for example, by way of the German legal system. Although the hiring of foreign laborers undeniably contributed to the economic and social recovery of West Germany after National Socialism and World War II, immigration has never been treated as a favorable option in German politics. The project of hiring laborers from abroad on a temporary basis gradually developed into de facto immigration, unintended on the part of both Germans and Turks. The resulting demographic multi-nationalization has not (yet), however, become a self-evident ingredient of the German conscience collective (Schiffauer, 1993, pp. 195-98). The very ambivalence of this situation influences the prevalent conceptualizations of the various social groups, as the following brief account illustrates.

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Ahonen, Pertti. "The Berlin Wall and the Battle for Legitimacy in Divided Germany." German Politics and Society 29, no. 2 (June 1, 2011): 40–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2011.290204.

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The Berlin Wall was a key site of contestation between the Federal Republic and the German Democratic Republic in their Cold War struggle over political legitimacy. On both sides, the Wall became a tool in intense publicity battles aimed at building legitimacy and collective identity at home, and undermining them in the other Germany. The public perceptions and politicized uses of the barrier evolved through stages that reflected the relative fortunes of the two German states, moving gradually from extensive East-West parallels in the early 1960s toward a growing divergence by the 1970s and 1980s, which became increasingly indicative of East Germany's weakness.

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Laor, Dan. "Agnon in Germany,1912–1924: A Chapter of A Biography." AJS Review 18, no. 1 (April 1993): 75–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400004402.

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In October 1912, the twenty-four-year-old Hebrew writer Shmuel Yosef Agnon embarked on a ship in the port of Jaffa, then Palestine, the destination of his trip being Germany, or, to be more exact, the city of Berlin. Agnon left for Germany in the company of Dr. Arthur Ruppin, known as the “father of Zionist settlement in Eres Yisra'el.” The friendship between Agnon and Ruppin had developed in Jaffa, where Agnon had tutored both Ruppin and his wife in Hebrew. And it was probably with the support of Dr. Ruppin, himself a native of Germany and a graduate of a German university, that Agnon decided to leave Palestine, where he had resided for more than three years, to see the world, which in those days meant Berlin.

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Vogt, Sebastian, and Annika Maschwitz. "The Non-Cartesian Way." Journal of Cases on Information Technology 16, no. 2 (April 2014): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jcit.2014040102.

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Based on the seamless learning approach (Wong, 2012), this paper illustrates how media competence can be developed, what didactic design is necessary, and what features this design possesses for teaching media competence at university. The ‘Natural History Museum Berlin project' is considered as an example of this. In this project, during the 2009 summer term, students at the Carl von Ossietzky Universität Oldenburg (Germany) in cooperation with the Natural History Museum Berlin (Germany) developed and produced media products (magazine articles, audio and video podcasts) in which they explored and reflected on the topic of knowledge transfer in terms of constructivism in an authentic context. The closeness to research activities at the university, especially in the Department of Continuing Education, is one of the essential aspects.

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Laurence, Jonathan. "(Re)constructing Community in Berlin: Turks, Jews, and German Responsibility." German Politics and Society 19, no. 2 (June 1, 2001): 22–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503001782385580.

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An immigration dilemma has confronted the Federal Republic ofGermany since the early 1970s. Postwar labor migrants from predominantlyMuslim countries in the Mediterranean basin were notofficially encouraged to settle long-term, yet many stayed onceimmigration was halted in 1973. Though these migrants and theirchildren have enjoyed most social state benefits and the right to familyreunification, their political influence has remained limited forthe last quarter-century. Foreigners from non-EU countries may notvote in Germany, migrants are underrepresented in political institutions,and state recognition of Muslim religious and cultural diversityhas not been forthcoming. Since 1990, however, a much smaller butsignificant number of Jewish migrants from eastern Europe and theformer Soviet Union have arrived in Germany. This population ofalmost 150,000 has been welcomed at the intersection of reparationspolicy and immigrant integration practice.

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OTTE, T. G. "DÉTENTE 1914: SIR WILLIAM TYRRELL'S SECRET MISSION TO GERMANY." Historical Journal 56, no. 1 (February 1, 2013): 175–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1200057x.

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ABSTRACTBased on hitherto unused archival material, this article reconstructs the genesis of a clandestine mission to Germany by Sir Edward Grey's private secretary, Sir William Tyrrell, planned for the summer of 1914. The mission remained abortive, but it offers fresh insights into a growing sense of détente in Great Power relations on the eve of the First World War. Although the episode involved key officials in London and Berlin, the article emphasizes that, pace many recent scholars of the period, the Anglo-German antagonism was not the central concern of British policy-makers. Rather, relations between the two countries were a function of Anglo-Russian relations, and the revival of Russian power after 1912 provides the proper context to the attempts by British and German officials to place relations between their countries on a friendlier footing. The article thus also calls into question criticisms of the British foreign secretary as irrevocably ententiste, and provides an antidote to assumptions of the First World War as somehow inevitable.

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Repp, Kevin. "Book Review: Representing Berlin: Sexuality and the City in Imperial and Weimar Germany." European History Quarterly 36, no. 1 (January 2006): 155–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569140603600133.

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Harjes, Kirsten. "Stumbling Stones: Holocaust Memorials, National Identity, and Democratic Inclusion in Berlin." German Politics and Society 23, no. 1 (March 1, 2005): 138–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503005780889237.

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In 1997, Hinrich Seeba offered a graduate seminar on Berlin at the University of California, Berkeley. He called it: "Cityscape: Berlin as Cultural Artifact in Literature, Art, Architecture, Academia." It was a true German studies course in its interdisciplinary and cultural anthropological approach to the topic: Berlin, to be analyzed as a "scape," a "view or picture of a scene," subject to the predilections of visual perception in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. This course inspired my research on contemporary German history as represented in Berlin's Holocaust memorials. The number and diversity of these memorials has made this city into a laboratory of collective memory. Since the unification of East and West Germany in 1990, memorials in Berlin have become means to shape a new national identity via the history shared by both Germanys. In this article, I explore two particular memorials to show the tension between creating a collective, national identity, and representing the cultural and historical diversity of today's Germany. I compare the Denkmal für die ermordeten Juden Europas (Memorial for the Murdered Jews of Europe, or "national Holocaust memorial") which opened in central Berlin on May 10, 2005, to the lesser known, privately sponsored, decentralized "stumbling stone" project by artist Gunter Demnig.

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Hildesheimer, Meir. "Religious Education in Response to Changing Times Congregation Adass-Isroel Religious School in Berlin." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 60, no. 2 (2008): 111–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007308783876064.

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AbstractDuring the 19th century, various frameworks were established in Germany for the purpose of providing Jewish students with religious education. The article deals primarily with the orthodox Congregation Adass-Isroel Religious School. Established in 1869 in Berlin, the school had a major impact on the development of supplementary religious instruction throughout Germany and served as a model in this area. The school's background, history, basic principles and method of instruction, as well as study subjects (Hebrew, Bible, Talmud, Religious instruction, History) are discussed and compared to corresponding religious schools. Research is based on the school's annual reports, archival material, scholarly literature, memoirs, and newspapers.

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Lambert, A. "Naval Intelligence from Germany: The Reports of the British Naval Attaches in Berlin, 1906-1914." English Historical Review CXXV, no. 513 (March 24, 2010): 479–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cep329.

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