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1

Swanson, Ryan A. "“I Never Was a Champion at Anything”: Theodore Roosevelt’s Complex and Contradictory Record as America’s “Sports President”." Journal of Sport History 38, no. 3 (October 1, 2011): 425–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jsporthistory.38.3.425.

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Abstract The historical memory of Theodore Roosevelt as an athlete and as a builder of America’s modern sporting landscape is an enduring one. Scholars and lay historians alike have often recounted Roosevelt’s athletic feats. And indeed many connections do exist. The National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) links Roosevelt to its earliest days. Fans of the Army-Navy football game tout Roosevelt as a forefather. Journalists covering Roosevelt’s time in the White House have left behind dozens of stories describing the president’s wrestling, hiking, sparring, and tennis matches. Despite these connections (and others), however, the broadly accepted historical memory is imprecise—at times exaggerating Roosevelt’s impact on the sporting world and at other times failing to appreciate the complexity and contradictions inherent in Roosevelt’s “athletic doctrine.” This article begins to remedy that imprecision by examining the historiography and historical memory of Roosevelt the athlete and identifying the tenets of Roosevelt’s athletic doctrine. Then, and most significantly, the study examines several examples of Roosevelt’s limited influence over the development of modern sporting culture in the United States. The goal of the study is not to knock Roosevelt from his pedestal within U.S. sports history but rather to reconsider the intricacies of Roosevelt’s athletic biography and to recalibrate our understanding of Roosevelt’s influence over sporting culture.
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2

Pytlovana, Liliia. "Theodore Roosevelt’s visit of 1910 to the UK in Punch magazine cartoons." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 15 (2023): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2023.15.3.

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This article aims to trace Roosevelt’s visit to the UK in 1910 and its representation in Punch magazine; to analyze the features of Roosevelt’s iconology in cartoons and the reception of his figure through the prism of visual satire. The research methodology. The analysis of cartoons as specific visual texts was based on E. Panofsky’s iconological scheme. The interpretation involved reading out their plot, composition, stylistic, and symbolic content, as well as their creation’s political and cultural context. The scientific novelty. The study elucidates the peculiarities of the representation of the former president’s activities in the media and the possibilities of satirical publications to shape the historical narrative of T. Roosevelt. Considering the genre specificity, the analysis of the Punch’s materials allowed us to track the British public’s perception of Roosevelt, which was unrestricted by the formalities and rules inherent in the official press and serious analytical editions. Conclusion. Punch magazine closely followed Roosevelt’s visit to Great Britain. Good interstate relations with the United States and attention to Roosevelt’s opinion as to British rule in Africa encouraged its interest. The Punch cartoonists adopted stereotypical American models of Roosevelt’s representation formed in the 19th century (courage, determination, masculinity, «rough rider» other). The image of Roosevelt as a fearless African hunter has been added to this collection. The positive image of T. Roosevelt in Punch cartoons indicates a high appreciation of him as a statesman and a person. The evaluative effect was achieved by comparing Roosevelt to President Taft; assessments did not favour the last. All of the magazine’s ironic attacks on Roosevelt were benevolent. Even in cartoons dedicated to T. Roosevelt, Punch highlighted the shortcomings of the British social system, which could refer readers to Roosevelt’s reformist activities in US domestic policy.
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3

Lévai, Dániel. "Roosevelt és Truman: a második világháborús amerikai külpolitikai tervezés és valóság Kelet-Ázsia kontextusában." Külügyi Szemle 22, no. 4 (2023): 7–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.47707/kulugyi_szemle.2023.4.2.

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Franklin Delano Rooseveltet és Harry Spencer Trumant az amerikai globális szerepvállalás történetében az alapító atyákként tartják számon. A két elnök a második világháború során az Amerikai Egyesült Államokat a szuperhatalmi pozícióba vezette. Néhány ciklussal előttük a hivatalt Thomas Woodrow Wilson töltötte be, aki 1918-ban fektette le az ország külpolitikai alapvetését: a világ biztonságosabbá tételét a demokrácia számára. Roosevelt az ő örökségét fejlesztette tovább és valósította meg. A világégés idején, a realitásokat figyelembe véve dolgozta ki a háború utáni világrend koncepcióját, amelynek a gyakorlati megvalósítását azonban már nem élhette meg. Az utódja, Harry S. Truman 143 nap alatt képes volt elérni a roosevelti célkitűzéseket, mégpedig egy rohamosan romló szövetségesi együttműködés keretében. A jelen tanulmány a kelet-ázsiai kontextuson keresztül, a korabeli amerikai külpolitikai stratégia akkori kulcsterületének számító régió helyzetének az elemző bemutatásával vizsgálja meg Roosevelt és Truman második világháború alatti külpolitikáját.
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4

Peterecz, Zoltán. "Roosevelt on Roosevelt: Nicholas Roosevelt’s Views on Franklin Delano Roosevelt and His New Deal." Eger Journal of American Studies 17 (2022): 125–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.33036/ejas.2023.125.

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5

BUTLER, Susan. "Roosevelt and Stalin at Yalta." Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no. 2 (22) (2020): 101–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2020-2-101-106.

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The article focuses on Franklin Roosevelt’s aims and positions at the Yalta Conference of the Allied powers in February 1945. The American president was kind of the glue that kept W. Churchill and I. Stalin connected. When there were differences of opinion, Roosevelt typically worked by trying to find common ground and plaster over the differences. The most brilliant thing Roosevelt did at Yalta was to make Stalin and Churchill join in creating a world security organization before the war was won—while the allied nations were still in harness. At Yalta Roosevelt and Stalin worked together as partners for the mutual benefit of their nations. When Roosevelt died April 12 that partnership ended.
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6

Neuzil, Mark. "Hearst, Roosevelt, and the Muckrake Speech of 1906: A New Perspective." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 73, no. 1 (March 1996): 29–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909607300104.

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This study uses a functionalist perspective to investigate the political struggle between Theodore Roosevelt and William Randolph Hearst, focusing on Roosevelt's 1906 “muckrake” speech. Hearst spent most of the Progressive Era running for president and battling Roosevelt over issues like trust-busting and the anthracite coal strike. Roosevelt recognized Hearst as his most powerful opponent; part of the president's response was the muckrake speech. The manifest function of the speech was to slow Hearst politically, but its latent function was a delegitimization of all muckrakers while the president solidified control over the direction of reform.
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7

Skocpol, Theda. "The G.I. Bill and U.S. Social Policy, Past and Future." Social Philosophy and Policy 14, no. 2 (1997): 95–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500001837.

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The fiftieth anniversary of the death of President Franklin Delano Roosevelt arrived only months after the 1994 U.S. elections brought to power conservative Republican congressional majorities determined to reverse key legacies of Roosevelt's New Deal. At this juncture of special poignancy for many of those assembled at the “Little White House” in Warm Springs, Georgia on April 12, 1995, President Bill Clinton offered remarks on “Remembering Franklin D. Roosevelt.” “Like our greatest presidents,” Clinton eulogized, Roosevelt “showed us how to be a nation in time of great stress” and “taught us again and again that our government could be an instrument of democratic destiny.”
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8

MURPHY, GARY. "“Mr. Roosevelt is Guilty”: Theodore Roosevelt and the Crusade for Constitutionalism, 1910–1912." Journal of American Studies 36, no. 3 (December 2002): 441–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875802006904.

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In February 1912 Theodore Roosevelt sought the Republican nomination for president on a radical platform of reform that had a devotion to the Constitution as its central plank. Such an analysis differs from the standard historical explanation for Roosevelt's challenge to the incumbent Republican president, William Howard Taft, which argues that, bored with private life after his return from big game hunting in Africa in 1910 and consumed by an obsessive pursuit of presidential power, he ran to seek revenge on the successor who had failed to live up to the mentor's hopes. By initiating anti-trust suits against US Steel and International Harvester, which Roosevelt had examined when president but had not filed suit against, and by letting the Republican Party be dominated by regulars rather than Progressives, Taft had earned Roosevelt's unyielding enmity; Roosevelt's response was to seek the presidency.1 This article argues that far more important than any personal motivation, however, was Roosevelt's conviction that the issue at stake in 1912 was in essence a crusade for constitutionalism.Throughout Roosevelt's long career constitutional issues played a primary role in formulating his political views. This was particularly true of the period after he left the presidency in 1909 when his interpretation of the Constitution was used as a means to advance various political ends. The debate about the Constitution, one which had become deep rooted in the national psyche by the close of the first decade of the twentieth century, and the judiciary's role in its interpretation was central to Roosevelt's political philosophy.
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9

Sterling, Keir B. "Early twentieth-century mammal collecting in Africa: The Smithsonian-Roosevelt East African Expedition of 1909–1910." Archives of Natural History 32, no. 1 (April 2005): 64–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.2005.32.1.64.

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This paper deals with the scientific contributions made by Colonel Theodore Roosevelt (1858–1919) and the three mammalogists attached to the Smithsonian-Roosevelt East African Expedition of 1909–1910. These individuals included Lieutenant-Colonel (retired) Edgar Alexander Mearns (1856–1916), an old friend of Roosevelt's and a retired Army surgeon-naturalist; Edmund Heller (1875–1947), long-time field naturalist with previous experience in Africa, and J. Alden Loring (1871–1947), a veteran field collector in the United States. They joined Roosevelt and his son Kermit (1889–1943), in the senior Roosevelt's efforts to collect large game mammal specimens for the United States National Museum, Washington, DC. The group also observed and collected more than 160 species of carnivores, ungulates, rodents, insectivores, and bats. Departing New York shortly after Roosevelt's tenure as President of the United States ended in March 1909, the party debarked at Mombasa in April, and spent most of the next year in Kenya and Uganda. They also visited Sudan before the expedition ended at Khartoum in March 1910. Other subjects discussed include the expedition's objectives and fi nancing, the information gathered by expedition members and the publications which resulted.
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10

Sterling, Keir B. "Early twentieth-century mammal collecting in Africa: The Smithsonian-Roosevelt East African Expedition of 1909–1910." Archives of Natural History 32, no. 1 (April 2005): 70–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.2005.32.1.70.

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This paper deals with the scientific contributions made by Colonel Theodore Roosevelt (1858–1919) and the three mammalogists attached to the Smithsonian–Roosevelt East African Expedition of 1909–1910. These individuals included Lieutenant-Colonel (retired) Edgar Alexander Mearns (1856–1916), an old friend of Roosevelt's and a retired Army surgeon-naturalist; Edmund Heller (1875–1947), long-time field naturalist with previous experience in Africa, and J. Alden Loring (1871–1947), a veteran field collector in the United States. They joined Roosevelt and his son Kermit (1889–1943), in the senior Roosevelt's efforts to collect large game mammal specimens for the United States National Museum, Washington, DC. The group also observed and collected more than 160 species of carnivores, ungulates, rodents, insectivores, and bats. Departing New York shortly after Roosevelt's tenure as President of the United States ended in March 1909, the party debarked at Mombasa in April, and spent most of the next year in Kenya and Uganda. They also visited Sudan before the expedition ended at Khartoum in March 1910. Other subjects discussed include the expedition's objectives and financing, the information gathered by expedition members and the publications which resulted.
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11

Eggertsson, Gauti B. "Great Expectations and the End of the Depression." American Economic Review 98, no. 4 (August 1, 2008): 1476–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.98.4.1476.

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This paper suggests that the US recovery from the Great Depression was driven by a shift in expectations. This shift was caused by President Franklin Delano Roosevelt's policy actions. On the monetary policy side, Roosevelt abolished the gold standard and—even more importantly—announced the explicit objective of inflating the price level to pre-Depression levels. On the fiscal policy side, Roosevelt expanded real and deficit spending, which made his policy objective credible. These actions violated prevailing policy dogmas and initiated a policy regime change as in Sargent (1983) and Temin and Wigmore (1990). The economic consequences of Roosevelt are evaluated in a dynamic stochastic general equilibrium model with nominal frictions. (JEL D84, E52, E62, N12, N42)
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12

Eden, Robert. "On the Origins of the Regime of Pragmatic Liberalism: John Dewey, Adolf A. Berle, and FDR's Commonwealth Club Address of 1932." Studies in American Political Development 7, no. 1 (1993): 74–150. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000699.

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This essay stems from a prolonged study of Adolf A. Berle's drafts for the address “On Progressive Government” which Franklin Roosevelt gave in San Francisco during the 1932 presidential campaign. The essay compares Dewey'sIndividualism Old and New(Part I below) with the Commonwealth Club Address (Part II). The need for such a sustained comparison and commentary became clear only when I began to wonder whether Roosevelt's pragmatism—or rather the pragmatist teaching Berle formulated in responding to Roosevelt—was really idiosyncratic and philosophically derivative, as students of my generation had been taught to suppose. Like most journeymen, I had heard Justice Holmes's characterization of Roosevelt: “a first class temperament but a second class mind.” Coming from the oracle of pragmatist jurisprudence, that remark deflected my attention from Roosevelt's executive character and delayed my study of its effect on younger, more impressionable pragmatists like Berle. I also shared the common opinion of New Deal pragmatism as an encore for reform or a revanche for interventionism. I did not foresee that it might present an occasion for theoretical advance.
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13

Reed, Marvin. "Simpson, Franklin D. Roosevelt." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 16, no. 2 (September 1, 1991): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.16.2.112.

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This is an admirable synthesis and condensation of the existing literature enriched by the author's own shrewd assessments of Roosevelt the man and his achievements. Despite sparing use of anecdote, a clear and convincing portrait both of Roosevelt's character and of his major policies, foreign and domestic, emerges from Simpson's narrative. This is no small accomplishment in so few pages.
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14

RUSSELL, GREG. "Theodore Roosevelt, geopolitics, and cosmopolitan ideals." Review of International Studies 32, no. 3 (July 2006): 541–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210506007157.

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The central argument of this article is that Theodore Roosevelt’s worldview was formed at the intersection of geopolitics and cosmopolitan morality. The intellectual roots of his political and foreign policy convictions contributed to a diplomatic style for which the conventional labels of realism or idealism are both inadequate and misleading. Contrary to the stereotypical caricature of Roosevelt as an American architect of realpolitik, or ruthless man on horseback, he held a complex set of beliefs about international relations that transcends familiar academic theorising about either power politics or universal principles of morality. Neither the vision of international anarchy, nor the calculation of state capabilities, do justice to Roosevelt’s sense of the interplay between values and power in foreign policy conduct. Moral principles, Roosevelt claimed, help make clear the inescapable tension between ideals and reality. The moral problem persists, he thought, because foreign policy involves political choices obscured by faulty perception, controlled by national interests, and complicated by multiple purposes and goals. Roosevelt’s more nuanced worldview underscores the need for a revised historiography of international relations, one that builds upon the recognition that realists and idealists were never divided into clearly-identifiable camps either before or after the First World War.
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15

James, Scott C. "Building a Democratic Majority: The Progressive Party Vote and the Federal Trade Commission." Studies in American Political Development 9, no. 2 (1995): 331–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00001358.

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On 30 May 1914, Theodore Roosevelt fired the opening shots of the midterm elections against the party of Woodrow Wilson. Roosevelt framed the off-year elections as a referendum on the failures of the New Freedom, the Democrats' three-pronged program to curb the power of the trusts. Rather than bringing monopolies to heal, the former president asserted, Democratic policy had simply driven the economy into recession. “[T]he Democratic party,” Roosevelt explained on another occasion “has been engaged in what is fundamentally an effort to restore the unlimited competition of two generations back and to subject this to only an ineffective and weak government control”. To all, Roosevelt's counsel was constant: the prudent course of citizens that fall was to register a vote for social and industrial progress, to support the Progressive party candidate for Congress.
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16

Kohn, Edward. "Crossing the Rubicon: Theodore Roosevelt, Henry Cabot Lodge, and the 1884 Republican National Convention." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 5, no. 1 (January 2006): 19–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400002851.

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In 1884, a twenty-five-year-old Theodore Roosevelt attended the Republican National Convention in Chicago as a delegate-at-large from New York. There, he and his new friend, Massachusetts delegate Henry Cabot Lodge, backed George Edmunds of Vermont against their party's overwhelming choice, the “Plumed Knight,” James G. Blaine. Despite their energetic efforts, which received national attention, Blaine easily secured the nomination, and both Lodge and Roosevelt eventually backed the party's choice. For Lodge biographers, the Chicago convention represented Lodge's “personal Rubicon,” the “turning point” of his career, leading to “the greatest crisis of Lodge's political life.” Roosevelt historians also see the convention as “one of the crucial events of Theodore's life,” “the great and deciding moment of TR's life,” leading to “the most agonizing dilemma of his political career.” The usual story of the convention is that by backing Blaine against the wishes of other Independent Republicans, both Lodge and Roosevelt did great damage to their immediate careers by alienating their natural allies. This led to Lodge losing his race for Congress that same fall and to Roosevelt fleeing west to his Dakota ranch with his political future uncertain. Moreover, Roosevelt's decision is often depicted as the moment he became a professional politician. David McCullough writes that the convention “marked the point at which he chose—had to choose—whether to cross the line and become a party man, a professional politician,” while John Morton Blum asserts that by campaigning for Blaine, “Roosevelt declared not only for Blaine but also for professionalism.”
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17

Cullinane, Michael Patrick. "THEODORE ROOSEVELT IN THE EYES OF THE ALLIES." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 15, no. 1 (January 2016): 80–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781415000559.

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As Woodrow Wilson traveled across the Atlantic to negotiate the peace after World War I, Theodore Roosevelt died in Long Island. His passing launched a wave of commemoration in the United States that did not go unrivaled in Europe. Favorable tributes inundated the European press and coursed through the rhetoric of political speeches. This article examines the sentiment of Allied nations toward Roosevelt and argues that his posthumous image came to symbolize American intervention in the war and, subsequently, the reservations with the Treaty of Versailles, both endearing positions to the Allies that fueled tributes. Historians have long depicted Woodrow Wilson's arrival in Europe as the most celebrated reception of an American visitor, but Roosevelt's death and memory shared equal pomp in 1919 and endured long after Wilson departed. Observing this epochal moment in world history from the unique perspective of Roosevelt's passing extends the already intricate view of transnational relations.
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18

Conti-Brown, Peter, and Sean H. Vanatta. "The Logic and Legitimacy of Bank Supervision: The Case of the Bank Holiday of 1933." Business History Review 95, no. 1 (2021): 87–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680520000896.

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The U.S. banking holiday of March 1933 was a pivotal event in twentieth-century political and economic history. After closing the nation's banks for nine days, the administration of newly inaugurated president Franklin D. Roosevelt restarted the banking system as the first step toward national recovery from the global Great Depression. In the conventional narrative, the holiday succeeded because Roosevelt used his political talents to restore public confidence in the nation's banks. However, such accounts say virtually nothing about what happened during the holiday itself. We reinterpret the banking crises of the 1930s and the 1933 holiday through the lens of bank supervision, the continuous oversight of commercial banks by government officials. Through the 1930s banking crises, federal supervisors identified troubled banks but could not act to close them. Roosevelt empowered supervisors to act decisively during the holiday. By closing some banks, supervisors made credible Roosevelt's claims that banks that reopened were sound. Thus, the union of FDR's political skills with the technical judgment of bank supervisors was the key to solving the banking crisis. Neither could stand alone, and both together were the vital precondition for further economic reforms—including devaluing the dollar—and, with them, Roosevelt's New Deal.
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19

Arnold, Peri E. "Policy Leadership in the Progressive Presidency: The Case of Theodore Roosevelt's Naval Policy and His Search for Strategic Resources." Studies in American Political Development 10, no. 2 (1996): 333–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00001516.

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Theodore Roosevelt established a new, and puzzling, form of public policy leadership during his presidency. In this respect, Roosevelt's presidency breaks with past presidential practice. So marked is this change that it is commonly identified as a foreshadowing of the “modern presidency,” implying a path of development from Roosevelt's leadership practice to the institutionalized presidency at midcentury.
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20

Oyos, Matthew. "Courage, Careers, and Comrades: Theodore Roosevelt and the United States Army Officer Corps." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 10, no. 1 (January 2011): 23–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781410000022.

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Theodore Roosevelt made reform of the U.S. Army Officer Corps a priority during his presidency. He felt compelled to act because of the problems that the army experienced during the war with Spain. As a volunteer soldier, Roosevelt had witnessed the shortcomings of many of the top-ranking officers in meeting the physical and organizational demands of the fighting, but he also acted because he wanted high-minded, intelligent, and physically fit leaders who could inspire his fellow citizens to a greater sense of duty in post-frontier America. Roosevelt's efforts to promote promising army officers to top commands and mandate physical fitness standards would prove disruptive, as he elevated officers out of the normal line of promotion. These practices would, in turn, generate protests in Congress and from within the military. The resulting controversies would cause Roosevelt to fall short of his goals for improving army leadership, roil civil-military relations, and demonstrate his limits as a political leader.
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21

Любезнова and N. Lyubeznova. "Past Master of Psychological and Pedagogical Methods Impact." Modern Communication Studies 4, no. 4 (August 10, 2015): 20–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/12859.

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The article is devoted to the oratory of Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Roosevelt’s speech had not only convincing, but also inspiring character. The magical influence of his words due to the fact that he was the finest social psychologist.
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22

Polziehn, R. O., J. Hamr, F. F. Mallory, and C. Strobeck. "Phylogenetic status of North American wapiti( Cervus elaphus) subspecies." Canadian Journal of Zoology 76, no. 6 (June 1, 1998): 998–1010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/z98-026.

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By the turn of the century, North American elk, or wapiti (Cervus elaphus), had been extirpated from all regions ofthe continent and two subspecies were extinct. The recovery of wapiti is largely a response to the large number of relocatedRocky Mountain (C. e. nelsoni) and Manitoban wapiti (C. e. manitobensis). A phylogenetic study was performed to determinethe present genetic relationships among tule (C. e. nannodes), Roosevelt (C. e. roosevelti), Rocky Mountain, and Manitobansubspecies, using sequences from the D-loop region of the mitochondrial DNA of 28 individuals. All Roosevelt wapiti weregrouped together, as were tule wapiti, which supports the classification of tule and Roosevelt subspecies. Yellowstone, ElkIsland, and Riding Mountain National Parks have not introduced wapiti into their indigenous populations. When thesepopulations were used, Manitoban wapiti were found to be monophyletic and Rocky Mountain wapiti to be paraphyletic.However, including animals from the Canadian Rocky Mountains places Rocky Mountain wapiti in clades by themselves orgrouped with Manitoban wapiti. The clade containing a mixture of Manitoban and Rocky Mountain wapiti suggests that bothtypes recently descended from a common ancestor. Hybridization or insufficient time for separation may explain the presenceof the two types in the same clade.
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23

KOTLOWSKI, DEAN. "Ratifying Greatness: Franklin D. Roosevelt in Film and Television." Journal of American Studies 53, no. 1 (April 26, 2017): 252–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875817000500.

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Scholars rank Franklin D. Roosevelt as a great President, and Hollywood agrees. During his presidency and in the decades that followed, Roosevelt appeared in various film and television productions, emerging as an idealized leader who overcomes physical disability, inspires the public, and pursues wise policies. The origins of, reasons behind, and manifestations of this tenaciously consistent image are the subject of this article. The process began with FDR's own successful leadership and media (including film) savvy. It was sustained by the influence of Roosevelt's family and admirers in the entertainment industry. It seldom has been challenged, even as portraits of FDR widened across of a variety of film and television genres from the 1970s onward.
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24

Roberts, Alasdair. "The Brownlow–Brookings Feud: The Politics of Dissent Within the Academic Community." Journal of Policy History 7, no. 3 (July 1995): 311–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600003821.

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In January 1937, President Franklin Roosevelt submitted an ambitious plan for administrative reform of the national government to Congress. Roosevelt's reorganization bill was based on a report produced by the President's Committee on Administrative Management–a panel of three “specialists in public administration” appointed by Roosevelt in March 1936 and led by Louis Brownlow, who was perhaps the best-known expert in the field. The Brownlow recommendations produced intense debate in Congress; and the reorganization proposals were ultimately defeated in March 1938 in what historian William Leuchtenburg has described as “the worst rebuff Roosevelt was ever to suffer” in his twelve years as president. The public aspects of the battle over the Brownlow proposals have already received extensive scholarly attention. Some of the most important skirmishes in this battle, however, were not fought in public, and even after half a century they remain largely obscured from public view. One such skirmish was the contest within the academic community about the recommendations on administrative reform that were to be put before Congress.
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25

Rauchway, Eric. "The New Deal Was on the Ballot in 1932." Modern American History 2, no. 02 (February 22, 2019): 201–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mah.2018.42.

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During the 1932 campaign, Franklin Roosevelt explicitly committed himself to nearly all of what would become the important programs of the New Deal. In the months before his March 4, 1933, inauguration, he made his proposed policies even clearer. Yet many Americans have forgotten this clarity of purpose, led in large measure by histories of the New Deal and biographies of Roosevelt that echo old misconceptions of this critical election. Such texts are far more likely to describe Roosevelt's campaign as so devoid of substance and full only of “sunny generalities” that at the time he took the oath of office his “plans remained largely unknown to the public.” He had “no larger philosophy or grand design.” He stood only for “action, any action, with little or no thought given to the long-term consequences.” One historian recently declared, “The notion that when Franklin Roosevelt became president he had a plan in his head called the New Deal is a myth that no serious scholar has ever believed.”
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Neal, Donn. "Maney, The Roosevelt Presence - The Life And Legacy Of FDR." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 24, no. 2 (September 1, 1999): 98–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.24.2.98-99.

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I commend Patrick J. Maney's work to the teacher who is looking for a compact yet thorough treatment of Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal. The Roosevelt Presence is clear, lively, penetrating, and a pleasure to read. It presents a judicious blend of narrative, anecdotes, and analysis, and moves skillfully from personal details to the larger picture and back again. A well-conceived organizational structure and deft transitions--as from the effects of Roosevelt's polio to his resumption of a political career--also show that Maney is a writer of uncommon ability. Moreover, Maney's book is filled with thought-provoking asides (had the voters foreseen the onset of the Great Depression, they probably would have found Herbert Hoover even more appealing}, finely drawn vignettes of key players (Harry Hopkins and Oliver Wendell Holmes), and a recognition that today's readers are far removed from those of Roosevelt's time (identifying Molotov with the "cocktail" that bears his name and noting that the Pan Am Clipper landed on water). More to the point, Maney provides balanced and perceptive analyses of some rather complicated issues, ranging from the nature of Roosevelt's administrative style to the strategic considerations surrounding when and where to open a second front during World War II.
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Dou, Xiaoli. "Modal Operators and Personal Pronouns in Roosevelt’s Inaugural Addresses." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 9, no. 8 (August 1, 2019): 984. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.0908.14.

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This paper tries to apply the interpersonal function of Halliday’s systemic functional grammar to analyze the interpersonal meanings of modal operators and personal pronouns in Roosevelt’s four inaugural addresses, that is, the dynamic and close relationship between the speaker and the hearers. By means of statistic method and stylistic analysis, this paper takes Roosevelt’s four inaugural speeches as objects of study, and mainly explores the interpersonal meanings of modal operators or linguistic forms so as to bring home Roosevelt’s linguistic techniques and stylistic effects. Roosevelt shows great interest in modal operators and personal pronouns to appeal to his audience’s emotional responses, to strengthen his in-group intimacy, and to convince his audience of his political purposes.
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FAZZI, DARIO. "A Voice of Conscience: How Eleanor Roosevelt Helped to Popularize the Debate on Nuclear Fallout, 1950–1954." Journal of American Studies 50, no. 3 (August 20, 2015): 699–730. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875815001188.

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This article looks at Eleanor Roosevelt's role within the intense debate on nuclear fallout as it developed in the US in the early 1950s. In particular, the article analyzes Mrs. Roosevelt's position on nuclear weapons, deterrence, and disarmament; her condemnation of nuclear testing; and her role as both a public intellectual and a mass educator who helped people to understand the real consequences of nuclear fallout. Here, Mrs. Roosevelt emerges as an active voice that, by defending freedom of speech, also contributed to popularizing the issue of nuclear fallout and making American citizens aware of the urgency of a ban on nuclear testing.
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Cottle, Katherine. "Baltimore's Hidden Communication: (Un)written Words by Harriet Tubman and Eleanor Roosevelt and Her Journalist, Lorena Hickok." Popular Culture Review 28, no. 2 (December 2017): 45–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.2831-865x.2017.tb00330.x.

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Abstract“Baltimore's Hidden Communication: Un(written) Words by Harriet Tubman and Eleanor Roosevelt and her Journalist, Lorena Hickok” explores the hidden words used to divert secret communication around the societal and geographical borders and boundaries of 19th‐ and 20th‐ century America. Tubman's unwritten words and Eleanor Roosevelt's and Lorena Hickok's written (but inaccessible and/or destroyed) words passed through and influenced the Baltimore landscape; however, these communicative routes remain absent from standard public histories.
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30

Black, Allida, Sue Williams, and Kathryn Dietz. "Eleanor Roosevelt." Journal of American History 88, no. 3 (December 2001): 1204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2700573.

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31

Clements, K. A. "Colonel Roosevelt." Journal of American History 98, no. 2 (September 1, 2011): 558–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jar220.

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&NA;. "Eleanor Roosevelt." Journal of Developmental & Behavioral Pediatrics 22, no. 5 (October 2001): 343. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00004703-200110000-00030.

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33

spiller, harley. "Roosevelt Roasters." Gastronomica 7, no. 1 (February 2007): 76–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2007.7.1.76.

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Randel, Charles. "Roosevelt elk." Journal of Mammalogy 100, no. 2 (April 24, 2019): 611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jmammal/gyz012.

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35

Guo, Ziyou. "Exploring Charismatic Leadership Based on the Case Study of Franklin. D. Roosevelt." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 8 (February 7, 2023): 2439–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v8i.5010.

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This paper is based on the theory of charismatic leadership from Max Weber, analyzing several aspects of charisma and its use in politics. Such research would provide suggestions for political leaders in modern days to improve their public image. The paper takes Franklin Roosevelt’s presidency as a case study, using the methods of the case study. In the research, Roosevelt’s personal factors of his communication, vision, and expertise are examined and discussed. Besides, the paper also takes the social background into account. The study gains the conclusion that communication, vision, and expertise are three factors of charismatic leadership. In this study, the author finds that Roosevelt had great communicative skills, including his use of media. He also formed a great vision to prepare for the Great Depression and Wartime. Additionally, the power of Roosevelt’s presidency was of socialized orientation that he took advice from the public, especially the scholars in universities. In conclusion, political leaders in modern days should learn from Roosevelt’s experience to become excellent communicators, making full use of modern media. They should also take suggestions from experts and the public to form a strong vision and gain professional knowledge.
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Merriman, Scott. "Cohen, Ed., Dear Mrs. Roosevelt - Letters From Children Of The Great Depression." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 29, no. 2 (September 1, 2004): 107–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.29.2.107-108.

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Robert Cohen, in Dear Mrs. Roosevelt, presents an edited collection of letters from youth (children and teenagers alike) written to Eleanor Roosevelt during the Great Depression. The volume opens with a discussion of why these youth wrote to Roosevelt, and it notes how hard the Great Depression impacted children. Cohen includes a discussion in his introduction of what the New Deal did for children, why so many letters were written (he notes that up to 300,000 letters were written to Mrs. Roosevelt annually), and why these letters were written to Eleanor rather than to FDR.
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37

Sheppard, Si. "“A Common Interest:” Franklin Roosevelt, Frank Hague, and the Presidential Election of 1936 in New Jersey." New Jersey Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 2, no. 1 (January 13, 2016): 120. http://dx.doi.org/10.14713/njs.v2i1.30.

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<p>The Great Depression and the New Deal forged a mutually beneficial alliance between President Franklin D. Roosevelt and Mayor Frank Hague of Jersey City. Each needed the other. Hague benefited from the federal funds he was allocated by the New Deal relief agencies. Channeling this government assistance through his political machine in Jersey City enabled him to consolidate his control over Hudson County and ultimately become the dominant figure of the Democratic Party in New Jersey. In return, Hague pledged to secure New Jersey for Roosevelt in his reelection campaign. Ironically, Hague got the better of this arrangement. Roosevelt’s personal popularity would have ensured his reelection in 1936 regardless of Hague’s level of commitment. But by entrenching Hague’s authority, as the New Deal tide ebbed over the ensuing years, and elections in New Jersey became more competitive, the President became ever more dependent on the capacity of the Mayor to deliver the votes he needed. This necessitated a policy of willful indifference towards Hague’s increasingly autocratic and corrupt maladministration.</p>
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38

Simoncic, Steven. "Teddy and Roosevelt." After Dinner Conversation 2, no. 1 (2021): 32–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/adc2021215.

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What does it mean to be a friend? What role do heroes play in forming our values and ethics? In this work of philosophical short story fiction, Roosevelt is a young black child who is obsessed with the life and philosophies of President “Teddy” Roosevelt. He is new at the school and due to an issue with other students he is forced into the “Friends Group;” a social adjustment group for students the school have deemed at-risk. While in the group he meets Teddy, an overweight boy who has been in the group for years because he pulled an X-ACTO knife in art class on a fellow student who continued to bully him about his weight. The two misfit boys develop a friendship. Roosevelt teaches Teddy how to fight, as well as imparting bits of wit and wisdom from his hero, Teddy Roosevelt. Things go awry when they are caught swimming naked in Teddy’s pool. The school rumor mill spreads that they are gay. This leads to the school forcing the two boys to fight after school. Roosevelt decides that Teddy has more to lose and is less prepared to deal with the consequences of the altercation, so he allows himself to lose the fight. As Teddy Roosevelt said, “No man is worth his salt who is not ready at all times to risk his body – to risk his well-being – to risk his life – in a great cause.”
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39

Simoncic, Steven. "Teddy And Roosevelt." After Dinner Conversation 4, no. 6 (2023): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/adc20234657.

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What does it mean to be a friend? What role do heroes play in forming our values and ethics? In this work of philosophical short story fiction, Roosevelt is a young black child who is obsessed with the life and philosophies of President “Teddy” Roosevelt. He is new at the school and due to an issue with other students he is forced into the “Friends Group;” a social adjustment group for students the school have deemed at-risk. While in the group he meets Teddy, an overweight boy who has been in the group for years because he pulled an X-ACTO knife in art class on a fellow student who continued to bully him about his weight. The two misfit boys develop a friendship. Roosevelt teaches Teddy how to fight, as well as imparting bits of wit and wisdom from his hero, Teddy Roosevelt. Things go awry when they are caught swimming naked in Teddy’s pool. The school rumor mill spreads that they are gay. This leads to the school forcing the two boys to fight after school. Roosevelt decides that Teddy has more to lose and is less prepared to deal with the consequences of the altercation, so he allows himself to lose the fight. As Teddy Roosevelt said, “No man is worth his salt who is not ready at all times to risk his body – to risk his well-being – to risk his life – in a great cause.”
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40

Hawley, Ellis W., and Patrick J. Maney. "The Roosevelt Presence: A Biography of Franklin Delano Roosevelt." American Historical Review 99, no. 5 (December 1994): 1776. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168568.

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41

Craig, Douglas, and Patrick J. Maney. "The Roosevelt Presence: A Biography of Franklin Delano Roosevelt." Journal of American History 81, no. 1 (June 1994): 325. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081122.

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42

Jr., Otis L. Graham, and Patrick J. Maney. "The Roosevelt Presence: A Biography of Franklin Delano Roosevelt." Journal of Southern History 60, no. 4 (November 1994): 835. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2211120.

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43

Schlesinger, Arthur M., and Patrick Maney. "The Roosevelt Presence: A Biography of Franklin Delano Roosevelt." Political Science Quarterly 108, no. 3 (1993): 543. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151703.

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44

Thompson, John M. "Theodore Roosevelt and the Politics of the Roosevelt Corollary." Diplomacy & Statecraft 26, no. 4 (October 2, 2015): 571–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2015.1096658.

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45

Burton, David H., and H. Paul Jeffers. "Colonel Roosevelt: Theodore Roosevelt Goes to War, 1897-1898." Journal of American History 83, no. 4 (March 1997): 1424. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952978.

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46

Williams, Denis. "Early Pottery in the Amazon: A Correction." American Antiquity 62, no. 2 (April 1997): 342–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/282516.

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Based on submission forms and other documents deposited in the Smithsonian Institution archives on termination of the Smithsonian Radiocarbon Dating Laboratory in 1986, Anna Roosevelt argues that shell middens on the coast of Guyana and northeastern Brazil contain pottery, and that the dates support her argument that “Amazonian early pottery is the most securely dated early pottery in the New World” (1995:128). Pending publication of a detailed monograph, I maintain that the Guyana sites in question are preceramic and thus offer no support to Roosevelt's thesis.
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47

Dou, Xiaoli, and Wendi Yang. "The Modality System and the Emotional Appeals: An Interpersonal Interpretation of Roosevelt’s Speeches." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 8, no. 4 (April 1, 2018): 393. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.0804.05.

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This article takes Franklin D. Roosevelt’s four inaugural speeches as objects of study, and mainly uses the modality system in Halliday’s systemic functional grammar as theoretical framework. This paper, from a functional-stylistic perspective, tries to investigate the close relationship between the modality system and the interpersonal function, i.e. its emotional appeals to the audience, underlying those typical linguistic markers, hence to uncover Roosevelt’s unmatched linguistic competence and speaking techniques. Our study shows that Roosevelt prefers modalization to modulation. As for modulation, obligation covers 18.70% signaling the speaker’s degree of pressure on the audience to take positive action, and inclination appears frequently, covering 13.01%, and is mainly realized by finite modal operators or adjectives, showing Roosevelt’s willingness to do something for his country and people. Through these sparkling speeches, his wisdom and intelligence, capability and responsibility, prestige and power are fully demonstrated.
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48

Chalberg, John C., and Amos Perlmutter. "Revising Roosevelt ... Again." Reviews in American History 22, no. 2 (June 1994): 305. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2702902.

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49

Buruma, Ian. "Churchill ou Roosevelt ?" SAY N° 4, no. 2 (April 1, 2021): 101–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/say.004.0101.

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50

Cox, Thomas R., Norman M. Littell, and Jonathan Dembo. "My Roosevelt Years." Journal of American History 76, no. 1 (June 1989): 306. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1908470.

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