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Journal articles on the topic 'Romaniots'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 28 February 2023

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1

GURGU, Elena, and Raluca ZORZOLIU. "Romania’s Main Role in the Current Global Economic Context." Annals of "Spiru Haret". Economic Series 16, no. 3 (September 30, 2016): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.26458/1632.

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The purpose of this article is to highlight Romania’s role in the current international economic context. The analysis herein refers to the domestic macroeconomic developments of our country in 2015, which will influence in the future the evolution of the Romanian economy. In this article we will cover Romania’s current international position, Romania's external position, the developments in the labour market from Romania, as well as the international context in which our country finds itself also.

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2

Martí-Badia, Adrià. "Els postulats de la filologia romànica internacional sobre l’origen, la identitat i el nom de la llengua catalana (1806-1906)." SCRIPTA. Revista Internacional de Literatura i Cultura Medieval i Moderna 13 (June 27, 2019): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/scripta.13.15436.

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Resum: Aquest treball analitza els postulats dels romanistes no catalanòfons sobre l’origen, la identitat i el nom de la llengua catalana entre 1806 i 1906. Al segle xix es situa l’inici de la filologia romànica, i cada vegada més erudits cataloguen i estudien les diferents llengües romàniques. Progressivament, en aquest període els romanistes prenen en consideració la llengua catalana, i realitzen afirmacions sobre el seu origen —compartit amb la llengua occitana o independent des de l’inici—, la seua identitat —subordinada a l’occità o autònoma com la resta de llengües romàniques— i el nom amb què cal referir-s’hi. Abstract: This paper analyses the postulates of the non-Catalan-speaking Romanists about the origin, the identity and the name of the Catalan language between 1806 and 1906. Romance philology emerges in the 19th century and scholars started to categorize and study the different romance languages. Progressively, during this period, Romanists take into consideration the Catalan language and make statements about its origin —shared with the Occitan language or independent from the beginning—, its identity —subordinated to Occitan or autonomous as the other romance languages— and the name with which the language should be mentioned.

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Nae, Andrei. "The “Pure” Romanian: (Re)writing Romanian National Identity in Dan Puric’s Romanian Soul." Journal of Romanian Studies 4, no. 2 (October 1, 2022): 187–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/romanian.2022.13.

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This paper investigates Romania’s auto-image as described by Dan Puric in his book Suflet Românesc (Romanian Soul). By employing imagology, this article first shows how Romanian national identity is constructed in opposition to Western culture and modernity. And by drawing on imagology and Hayden White’s approach to historiography, I provide a discursive analysis of the Romanian auto-image provided in the text. I show that Puric’s writing of Romanian national identity is a Romantic one rendered in the anarchist mode. The author alleges that Romanians are born with a “Romanian soul,” which guarantees their adherence to a Christian Orthodox worldview, one to which Western culture and modernity are inimical. The dominant metaphor used to represent Romanianness is the folktale, whose main traits—being set in illo tempore, a focus on a stark moral antithesis between good and evil where the former prevails, and favouring intuition over reason—are allegedly shared by “pure” Romanians. After revealing the pillars of Romanianness in Puric’s view, I trace the intellectual and cultural continuities between his Romanian auto-image and Romania’s far-right views on nation and nationhood, as well as the national communist view on Romanianness. As far as the former is concerned, I highlight the structural similarities between Puric’s nationalism and anti-Semitic discourse. With respect to the latter, I draw attention to Puric’s reliance on two of the several national communist myths identified by Romanian historian Lucian Boia: the myth of continuity and the myth of conspiracy. Puric’s book dovetails with national communist discourse by postulating the alleged continuity between the peoples and cultures that have existed in Romania’s current geographic location across the centuries and retains its communist fears of foreign conspiracy.

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Cesereanu, Ruxandra. "The Final Report on the Holocaust and the Final Report on the Communist Dictatorship in Romania." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 22, no. 2 (May 2008): 270–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325408315764.

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On 22 October 2003, with the initiative of Romania's president Ion Iliescu, the International Commission for the Study of the Holocaust in Romania (ICSHR) was set up. Nobel laureate for peace and American writer of Romanian origin Elie Wiesel was appointed as its president. In spring 2006, with the initiative of Romania's president Traian Băsescu, the Presidential Commission for the Analysis of the Communist Dictatorship in Romania (CPADCR) was formed. Vladimir Tismăneanu, the American political scientist of Romanian origin, became its president. Both commissions were established with the purpose of producing a final report on the two forms of totalitarianism in Romania: the extreme right totalitarianism between 1940 and 1944, and the extreme left totalitarianism between 1944 and 1989. Both commissions rested on legal and ethical grounds and they addressed Romanians' expectations and dilemmas linked to their recent traumatic history.

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5

Sâsâiac, Andi. "From Woods and Water to the Gran Bazaar: Images of Romania in English Travelogues after WWI." Linguaculture 2015, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 79–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lincu-2015-0046.

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Abstract Although globalization brings different countries and cultures in closer and closer contact, people are still sensitive when it comes to aspects such as cultural specificity or ethnicity. The collapse of communism and the extension of the European Union have determined an increase of interest in Romania’s image, both on the part of foreigners and of Romanians themselves. The purpose of this paper is to follow the development of Romania’s image in English travelogues in the last hundred years, its evolution from a land of “woods and water” in the pre-communist era to a “grand bazaar” in the post-communist one, with clear attempts, in recent years, to re-discover a more idyllic picture of the country, one that should encourage ecological tourism. The article is also intended to illustrate the extra-textual (historical, economic, cultural) factors that have impacted, in different ways, on this image evolution.

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6

Colgrove, Nick. "Subjects of ectogenesis: are ‘gestatelings’ fetuses, newborns or neither?" Journal of Medical Ethics 45, no. 11 (July 24, 2019): 723–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/medethics-2019-105495.

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Subjects of ectogenesis—human beings that are developing in artificial wombs (AWs)—share the same moral status as newborns. To demonstrate this, I defend two claims. First, subjects of partial ectogenesis—those that develop in utero for a time before being transferred to AWs—are newborns (in the full sense of the word). Second, subjects of complete ectogenesis—those who develop in AWs entirely—share the same moral status as newborns. To defend the first claim, I rely on Elizabeth Chloe Romanis’s distinctions between fetuses, newborns and subjects of ectogenesis. For Romanis, the subject of partial ectogenesis ‘is neither a fetus nor a baby’ but is, instead, a ‘new product of human reproduction’. In this essay, I begin by, expanding upon Romanis’s argument that subjects of partial ectogenesis are not fetuses while arguing that those subjects are newborns. Next, I show that the distinction that Romanis draws between subjects of partial ectogenesis and newborns needs to be revised. The former is a kind of the latter. This leads us to an argument that shows why different moral statuses cannot be justifiably assigned to subjects of partial ectogenesis and subjects of complete ectogenesis, respectively. As subjects of partial ectogenesis share the same moral status as newborns, it follows that subjects of complete ectogenesis share the same moral status as newborns as well. Iconclude by considering implications that this essay may have for the research and development of AW technology and conceptual links between a subject’s moral status and birth.

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7

Verdery, Katherine. "Nationalism and National Sentiment in Post-socialist Romania." Slavic Review 52, no. 2 (1993): 179–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2499919.

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For western observers, a striking concomitant of the end of communist party rule was the sudden appearance of national movements and national sentiments. We were not alone in our surprise: even more taken aback were party leaders, somehow persuaded by their own propaganda that party rule had resolved the so–called "national question." That this was far from true was evident all across the region: from separatism in Slovenia, Croatia, Slovakia and the Baltic and other Soviet republics; to bloodshed between Romania's Hungarians and Romanians, and between Bulgaria's Turks and Bulgarians; to Gypsy-bashing in Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania, Poland and Bulgaria; and widespread anti-Semitism–even in countries like Poland where there were virtually no Jews.

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8

Mann, Jesse D. "The Devilish Pope: Eugenius IV as Lucifer in the Later Works of Juan de Segovia." Church History 65, no. 2 (June 1996): 184–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3170287.

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Early in his career, when he still trusted in the power of councils to effect reform, Martin Luther wrote: [The Romanists] are not empowered to prohibit a council or, according to their pleasure, to determine its decisions in advance, to bind it and to rob it of freedom. But if they do so, I hope to have shown that of a truth they belong to the community of Antichrist and the devil.” Some seventy years before Luther's appeal to the German nobility, however, the Spanish theologian and noted conciliarist, Juan de Segovia, who championed the authority of councils throughout his career, had already drawn a more startling connection between the chief “Romanist” opponent of councils and the spiritual adversaries of Christendom. For, in several works written in the 1450s, Segovia identified Pope Eugenius IV with Lucifer.

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Lascu, Stoica. "THE ROMANIAN DIPLOMAT OF EUROPEAN STATURE NICOLAE TITULESCU IN THE VISION OF SOME CONTEMPORARIES." Analele Universităţii din Craiova seria Istorie 27, no. 1 (July 15, 2022): 49–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.52846/aucsi.2022.1.04.

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The Romanian diplomat of European stature, born on March 4, 1882 (died abroad, on March 17, 1941 in Cannes, France) on the coast of France, in a family of Oltenian owners; left without a father (former Deputy and Prefect) at just one year old, Nicolae Titulescu will study law in Paris, and when he returns to the country he will enter political life, in Take Ionescuʼs party (the Conservative-Democratic Party). He will be a Deputy, Minister of Finance (1917-1918), Minister of Foreign Affairs (1927-1928, 1932-1936), Romaniaʼs Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to London (1921-1927, 1928-1932), Romaniaʼs representative in the League of Nations and its President (twice: 1931 and in 1932). He was member of the Romanian Academy (elected in 1935). This paper presents some opinions (with more recent detailed bibliographic references) excerpted from the book – in 3 volumes, published (under the auspices of the European Titulescu Foundation) in 2012, Pro și Contra Titulescu, edited by George G. Potra – of some people politicians, diplomats, and journalists, Romanians and foreigners – contemporaries of him –, relative to the personality of the greatest diplomat of Romania, and one of the most famous of interwar Europe, whose birth marks, in 2022, 140 years.

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Stavinschi, Magda. "The Astronomer Nicolae Donitch, a Pioneer of the International Astronomical Union." Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 13, S349 (December 2018): 167–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743921319000279.

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AbstractNicolae Donitch gave a special role to Romania’s membership of the IAU, even though it had basically adhered to it in 1922, but only on the 12th of July 1928 was Romania’s membership in the IAU recognized. He was a passionate observer of eclipses, of the zodiacal light, and a good instrument builder. His tortuous destiny was somehow similar to the destiny of many Romanians from Eastern Moldova: he was born in Chişinău, the capital of Bessarabia at that time; he studied in Odessa; after the first revolution in February 1917 he left Russia and remained in Odessa until the arrival of the Bolsheviks in 1920, who would completely destroy his laboratory. He then moved to his private Astrophysics Observatory in Dubăsarii Vechi, which he had set up in 1908, and stayed until 1940, when Bessarabia was once again torn away from Romania. He relocated to Bucharest, but soon after, when communists came to power, he had to leave the country on a permanent basis. As he severed all the ties with people from the country that had fallen into the red zone of communism, we completely lost track of him. It was only recently that, after thorough research, we could discover his traces, and learn of his last years of life.

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Słapek, Dariusz. "Solidaryzm vs marksizm czyli o „Poglądach prawnych niewolników i proletariuszy rzymskich” Borysa Łapickiego raz jeszcze." Studia Iuridica Lublinensia 30, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 265. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/sil.2021.30.1.265-288.

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<p>In the history of Polish Romanist studies in the period of the Polish People’s Republic, Borys Łapicki attracts considerable attention due to his controversial monograph <em>Legal Views of Slaves and Roman Proletarians</em> from 1955. It seems that the work is not quite rightly treated as a breach in the career of the Romanist from Lodz. Reasons for this uniqueness are usually sought in a complicated biography of the author which is treated as a kind of a “sign of the times”. Meanwhile, reviews of the work published right after it had been issued unequivocally showed that the dogmatic Marxism was in a way assessed as an adaptation by Łapicki, trying to reconcile it with the ideas of solidarism he had long accepted and belief in ethical values of the Roman law. Loyalty to these ideas made this amalgam of barely reconcilable concepts (class struggle in the light of harmony based on freedom and brotherhood) impossible to be accepted. It seems that this eclectic formula was never imposed by anyone on Łapicki – it was not a manifestation of the author’s conformism or opportunism. Despite very severe criticism, he did not abandon it even in the times when historical materialism left the dogmatic phase of its development. This article is a case study – a contribution to the studies on a broader problem of identity and attitude of Polish Romanists in the period of Stalinism.</p>

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12

Fichter, Madigan. "Rock ‘n’ roll nation: counterculture and dissent in Romania, 1965-1975." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 4 (July 2011): 567–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2011.585146.

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A vibrant countercultural and dissident movement developed in Romania between 1965 and 1975. Young Romanians combined elements of the global youth movement with local cultural and political practices. Thus, Romanian counterculture and dissent shared the era's hippie aesthetic and anti-authoritarianism, but was highly isolationist, vehemently antisocialist and heavily couched in the language of the nation and nationalism. Furthermore, during this early Ceauşescu period, the socialist regime attracted some level of nonconformist support through a program of reform, opposition to Soviet interference, and nationalist rhetoric. These conclusions demonstrate that the rubric of 1960s counterculture needs to be extended to include a variety of ideological and cultural positions beyond the New Left that scholars generally emphasize. Furthermore, scholarly avoidance of Ceauşescu's early period has obscured the existence of an alternative culture, and has led to an un-nuanced interpretation of Romania's postwar history.

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13

King, Charles. "Remembering Romanian Communism." Slavic Review 66, no. 4 (2007): 718–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20060381.

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The report of the Presidential Commission for the Analysis of the Communist Dictatorship in Romania, issued in December 2006, is the most serious attempt to understand Romania's communist experience ever produced. Coordinated by the American political scientist Vladimir Tismaneanu, the report covers virtually every aspect of communism as a lived system, from the installation of Communist Party officials during the postwar occupation, through the instruments of coercion, to the fate of religious institutions, the economy, national minorities, and education. The release of the report also contributed to a major political crisis, during which the parliament attempted to unseat the president, Traian Basescu, who had lauded the report and officially condemned communism as an illegitimate system. The question now is whether the commission's report will be used as yet another opportunity to reject history or as a way of helping Romanians learn, at last, how to own it.

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Lăculiceanu Popescu, Oana. "Danish Perceptions of Interwar Romania." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 1, no. 1 (November 15, 2009): 99–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v1i1_7.

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In the interwar period, Romania andDenmarkwere two distant countries, which were separated by great cultural, social,political and economic differences and which had just begun to discover eachother. Their diplomatic relations were established in 1917, when a Romanianenvoy was appointed to Copenhagen whereas thefirst Danish minister was appointed to Bucharestin 1924. The establishment of the diplomatic offices in the two capitals led toa strengthening of bilateral Danish-Romanian relations. The two people startedto know each other`s cultural, social and political patterns. In this article Ilook at the representations generated by Romanians in the Danish conscience,which I assume is interesting for the study of Romania's bilateral relationswith the peoples from this part of Europe. The Danish image of the Romanianspace during the first half of the 20th century is characterized by a series ofprejudices and stereotypes formed along time because of a scanty knowledgeabout the realities in this space.

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15

Stoica, Cătălin Augustin. "Once upon a Time There Was a Big Party: The Social Bases of the Romanian Communist Party (Part I)." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 19, no. 4 (November 2005): 686–716. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325405281092.

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Employing survey data, this article highlights the following characteristics of the Romanian Communist Party (RCP): With an estimated membership of 33 percent of Romania's employed population, the late RCP was proportionally the largest Leninist party in Eastern Europe. Consistent with the socalled “deproletarianization” thesis, the RCP manifested a marked preference toward recruiting well-educated individuals and professionals among its ranks. The RCP also tended to recruit from among disadvantaged classes (in particular, peasants and their offspring). Despite some prowomen “ affirmative action” policies, women were underrepresented among Party members. Some ethnic minorities had fewer chances of joining the RCP than ethnic Romanians. As compared to other communist parties, the RCP had one of the highest rates of intergenerational political reproduction among its ranks. This article suggests that the amorphous character of the RCP and its closed elite could also explain why Party members did not bother to save their historically obsolete leader.

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CLODNIȚCHI, Roxana. "Energy Efficiency in the Romanian Industry." Review of International Comparative Management 19, no. 5 (December 1, 2018): 516–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24818/rmci.2018.5.516.

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Romania's energy intensity is almost double compared to the EU average. The country is the sixth most energy-intensive country in the EU-28 and there is a great need for energy efficiency in all economic sectors. Energy efficiency represented a significant part of each of Romania’s energy strategies over the past decades. In order to achieve the goals set out here, many measures have been taken to increase efficiency in all areas of the country's economy. Economic growth has apparently decoupled from energy consumption. However, this fact can be rather explained due to the structural change of the economy towards tertiarization and low energy intensity industries. The present article presents a critical overview of the development of Romania and it’s economic sectors with regard to their energy intensity. It addresses both economic and political and legal frameworks, with a focus on energy policy. Special attention will be given to industry, with a focus on energy-intensive industrial sectors.

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Stoica, Cătălin Augustin. "Once upon a Time There Was a Big Party: The Social Bases of the Romanian Communist Party (Part II)." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 20, no. 3 (August 2006): 447–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325406290179.

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Employing survey data, this study highlights the following characteristics of the Romanian Communist Party (RCP): with an estimated membership of 33 percent of Romania’s employed population, the late RCP was proportionally the largest Leninist party in Eastern Europe. Consistent with the so-called “deproletarianization” thesis, the RCP manifested a marked preference toward recruiting well-educated individuals and professionals among its ranks. The RCP also tended to recruit from among disadvantaged classes (in particular, peasants and their offspring). Despite some prowomen “affirmative action” policies, women were underrepresented among Party members. Some ethnic minorities had fewer chances of joining the RCP than ethnic Romanians. As compared to other communist parties, the RCP had one of the highest rates of intergenerational political reproduction among its ranks. This article suggests that the amorphous character of the RCP and its closed elite could also explain why Party members did not bother to save their historically obsolete leader.

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18

Stanciu, Cezar. "Fragile Equilibrium: Romania and the Vietnam War in the Context of the Sino-Soviet Split, 1966." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 1 (January 2016): 161–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00623.

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How many powerful allies should a small country have? This was a question to which Nicolae Ceauşescu of Romania had a specific answer. Romania's policy of autonomy in the Soviet bloc was based on a delicate balance between Moscow and Beijing, as Romanians claimed that all Communist parties were equal and none had the right to question the others’ policy choices. Such a political course involved numerous risks for a Soviet satellite, and the Vietnam War added one more. Moscow was in favor of negotiations and a peaceful settlement of the conflict, whereas China was vehemently against negotiations and in favor of military victory on the battlefield. Whose side was Romania going to take? To preserve an autonomous position in the Soviet bloc, Romania was compelled to maintain a fragile equilibrium between the two leading powers of the Communist world and prevent Moscow from rallying the Communist movement against China on many divergent issues, including the Vietnam War.

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Iacob (Bâra), Raluca. "Brain Drain Phenomenon in Romania: What Comes in Line after Corruption?" Romanian Journal of Communication and Public Relations 20, no. 2 (July 1, 2018): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.21018/rjcpr.2018.2.259.

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Romanians’ rapidly increasing exodus over the borders, in the last years, propelled Romania to the top countries with the highest international migration rates worldwide. A rate of 7.3% per annum, recorded between 2000 and 2015, placed Romania second, after Syria (United Nations, 2016). Between 1990 – 2017, Romania registered the highest rise in the migration stock among all EU states – 287 per cent (The World Bank, 2018a). The boost of the migration phenomenon was supported by significant changes, including in the migrants’ profiles, in terms of their level of education, consequently the loss of human capital represented by the highly skilled Romanians already has an impact on the key sectors of the Romanian economy. The highly skilled manpower shortage has been a constant topic on the public agenda, especially after Romania’s integration in the European Union (2007), and after the burst of the most recent financial crisis (2008). The number of highly educated employees (tertiary education and upper secondary and post-secondary attainment) decreased in Romania, negatively affecting the key sectors of the economy. Furthermore, research shows that Romania has the lowest percentage of tertiary education graduates from the EU, with 26.3% for the age segment of 30 – 34 years (Eurostat, 2018a). The paper aims to show recent data on the determinant causes of the brain drain phenomenon in Romania (push factors) and to generate a classification of the three categories of mainly possible determinants: economic, socio-political and organizational factors, based on the results of an online survey addressed to Romanian high-skilled migrants.

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Krauss, Joachim. "Roma in der Europäischen Union und der sozialen Wirklichkeit Rumäniens / Romanies in the European Union and in Romania’s Social Reality." Comparative Southeast European Studies 56, no. 4 (April 1, 2008): 503–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2008-560406.

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Harsanyi, Doina Pasca. "Romania's Women." Journal of Women's History 5, no. 3 (1994): 30–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2010.0230.

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Lüsebrink, Hans-Jürgen. "Trajectoires romanistes." Revue germanique internationale, no. 19 (May 22, 2014): 25–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rgi.1463.

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Tekavčić, Pavao. "Los idiomas iberorrománicos en los elementos de lingüística románica de Petar Skok." Verba Hispanica 2, no. 1 (December 31, 1992): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/vh.2.1.79-95.

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La cultura hispánica, una de las más prestigiosas del mundo, está presente también, desde hace mucho tiempo, entre las naciones eslavas meridionales. Además de evidentes influencias literarias (véase el recientemente aparecido primer tomo de nuestra revista), un elemento de esta presencia es el conocimiento de las lenguas romanicas de la Península Ibérica, en primer lugar naturalmente del castellano. En las páginas que siguen entendemos el estudio de las lenguas iberorrománicas a nivel universitario, lo que abarca además la evolución de los tres idiomas desde el latín hasta su estado actual: es decir, su gramática histórica (el termíno es, desde hace algún tiempo, un tanto odioso, pero clara y cómodo). Más aun, el estudio histórico de las lenguas iberorromanicas incluye tambien Ia comparaci6n con otros idiomas emparentados (gramatica romanica comparativa) y Ia determinacion del Iugar de los idiomas romanicos de Iberia en la Romania. Estas disciplinas, que a primera vista pueden parecer reservadas a especialistas de lingüística histórica románica, son en realidad importantes partes de la cultura de una nación, y son una de las no mínimas piedrezuelas del gran mosaico llamado Romania.

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Bobircă, Ana, and Paul-Gabriel Miclăuş. "Benchmarking Romania’s Creative Competitiveness." JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES 6, no. 1 (May 20, 2013): 22–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.14254/2071-8330.2013/6-1/2.

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Clodnitchi, Roxana, and Cristian Busu. "Energy poverty in Romania –drivers, effects and possible measures to reduce its effects and number of people affected." Proceedings of the International Conference on Business Excellence 11, no. 1 (July 1, 2017): 138–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/picbe-2017-0015.

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Abstract Nowadays, over 10% of the population of the European Union is facing energy poverty. Energy poverty is defined as the situation where a consumer cannot access energy services in his household up to a socially and materially necessitated level. Although Romania is characterized, according to official European statistics, by a high number of persons at risk of poverty or social exclusion – 40.3% in 2014 – as compared to the other Member States – 24,4% for EU27 – recent studies of the European Commission show that only 12.3% of Romanians were suffering in 2014 of energy poverty. Still energy poverty is considered by several national and international institutions a major problem in Romania, just like in the other “new” EU Member States. So we ask ourselves what is energy poverty and what are the drivers of energy poverty in Romania. Energy poverty has recently drawn the attention of both academic research and policy makers, fact that has led to an mainly uncoordinated excess of national and international studies regarding this topic. This article aims to restrain the concept of energy poverty from the perspective of national and EU policies and regulations by reviewing the existing knowledge and critical approaches in this field. Also the study aims to analyse Romania’s development linked to the development of national and EU policies, laws and regulations in order identify the appropriate measures to reduce energy poverty, with regard to its main drivers and effects. Further, the paper explores possible policies that could be implemented to reduce the number of people affected by energy poverty, tailored on the specifics of the Romanian energy sector and Romania’s overall economy. Based on the findings, recommendations are drawn. The research relies on the current body of literature as well as on data available at national and at international level in this field.

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Endresen, Cecilie. "Romania’s Saving Angels." Bulletin for the Study of Religion 41, no. 2 (April 12, 2012): 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsor.v41i2.16.

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In Romania, a Christian, ultranationalistic movement known as The Legionary Movement has before and after the Communist period called for a national, spritual revolution. Perceiving themselves as front fighters protected by the Archangel, Legionaries endeavour to purify the nation so that it can live in its God-given fatherland. In order to assure national resurrection, Legionaries want to create a “New Man”, understood as a new male. This ideal combines the qualities of a Christian martyr, a working hero, a monk and a militant and as such both complex and ambiguous. In practice, Legionaries have a lot in common with other European “boot boys”. Based on field studies, this article discusses the role of men in this movement: their role models, male bonding, rituals and myths, as well as their concepts of family, brotherhood and blood relations, all with reference to a particular ethnonationalistic, christocentric worldview.

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Bascom, Kay. "Romania's Nursing Crisis." Journal of Christian Nursing 8, no. 3 (1991): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00005217-199108030-00009.

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Aligica, Dragos Paul. "Romania's Structural Crisis." Peace Review 12, no. 2 (June 2000): 299–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402650050057997.

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Gallagher, Tom. "Romania's communist Dystopia." Journal of Communist Studies 7, no. 4 (December 1991): 552–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279108415120.

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Yen, William M. "Rehabilitating Romania's Research." Physics Today 43, no. 4 (April 1990): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.2810542.

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Westecker, Mathias. "Romaniaʼs forgotten children." International Journal of Rehabilitation Research 15, no. 1 (March 1992): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00004356-199203000-00012.

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Sandu, Corina. "Romania's Revista Muzeelor." Museum International 42, no. 4 (December 1990): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0033.1990.tb00890.x.

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Moses, Alfred H. "Romania's Nato Bid." SAIS Review 18, no. 1 (1998): 137–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sais.1998.0012.

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Feltman, Rachel. "Romania's Abandoned Children." Scientific American 310, no. 1 (December 17, 2013): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/scientificamerican0114-78b.

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Taranu, Liviu. "THE VFW 614 FOKKER PROJECT AND THE ROMANIAN AERONAUTICAL INDUSTRY IN THE 1970s." Review of the Air Force Academy 19, no. 2 (December 29, 2021): 49–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.19062/1842-9238.2021.19.2.7.

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n a ‘70s meeting of the Socialist Republic of Romania’s (RSR) Defense Council, Nicolae Ceausescu decided to have Romanians build a short-courier aircraft capable of ensuring passenger traffic, domestic and foreign, over short distances. Based on these indications, a contact was designed and several offers were obtained for the joint construction of such an aircraft: the British company "BAC" for an aircraft to be designed and developed at the request of the Romanian side, the British company "Hawker Siddeley, for the HS 748 aircraft, already manufactured in a military version, subject to obtaining the approval of the English government, the French company “SNIAS”, for the Nord-262-Fragatte aircraft which did not meet the Romanian requirements and, finally, from the West German company VFW Fokker, initially for the F. 98 aircraft, manufactured in the Netherlands, and then for the VFW 614 aircraft, both of which were introduced in Bucharest in September 1972 and May 1973, respectively. In the following study, the evolution of the negotiations with the West German side and the causes of the final failure in taking over the VFW-614 model for Romanian domestic production are presented and analyzed

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Cheregi, Bianca Florentina. "The discursive construction of Romanian immigration in the British media: Digitized press vs. Television documentaries." Romanian Journal of Communication and Public Relations 17, no. 2 (July 1, 2015): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21018/rjcpr.2015.2.34.

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<p>This paper looks at how the media – particularly the British press and television – frames the issue of Romanian immigrants in Great Britain, in the context of the freedom of movement for workers in the European Union. The study focuses on the frames employed by the British journalists in constructing anti-immigration discourses in the digital and the TV sphere, comparatively. This study analyzes the stereotypes about Romanian people used in two British media formats and the way in which they affect Romania’s country image overseas. Using a mixed research approach, combining framing analysis (Entman, 1993) with critical discourse analysis (Van Dijk, 1993), and dispositif analysis (Charaudeau, 2005) this article investigates 271 news items from three of the most read newspapers in the UK (The Guardian, Daily Mail and The Independent), published online during January 2013 – March 2014. Also, the paper analyzes three film documentaries from BBC (Panorama – The Romanians are Coming? – BBC1, The Truth About Immigration – BBC2 and The Great Big Romanian invasion – BBC World News). The analysis shows that the British press and television use both similar and different frames to coverage Romanian migrants. The media also infer the polarization between “Us” (the British media) and “Them” (the Romanian citizens).</p>

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Pérez-Perdomo, Rogelio. "Lost in Translation? Latin American Lawyers-Students in American Law Schools: Transplants and Globalization." Oñati Socio-legal Series 9, no. 6 (October 3, 2019): 1078–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1082.

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In the 1960s, law graduates from Latin American and other civil law countries started flocking to American law schools. Comparative law scholars have discussed the wide differences between American and civil law systems of legal education and predicted trials and tribulations for students going to the United States. This article argues that such students do not experience the predicted shock mainly because American law schools have undergone major changes themselves and legal education in civil law countries has also changed. These changes are part of globalization. The article also speculates about other possible consequences of the globalization of legal education. En la década de 1960 graduados en derecho de América Latina y de otros países de tradición romanista comenzaron a frecuentar las escuelas de derecho de los Estados Unidos. Los comparatistas predijeron graves dificultades de adaptación por las diferencias en la concepción del derecho y en la educación jurídica. El artículo sostiene que la adaptación ha sido más fácil de lo esperado tanto por las transformaciones de las escuelas de derecho de los Estados Unidos como los cambios en la educación jurídica en los países romanistas. Esto es parte de la globalización de la educación jurídica. El artículo examina otras consecuencias posibles de la globalización.

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Michelson, Paul E., Vlad Georgescu, Alexandra Bley-Vroman, and Matei Calinescu. "The Romanians: A History." American Historical Review 97, no. 4 (October 1992): 1246. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165611.

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Adams, Jefferson. "Targeted by Romania’s Securitate." International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 32, no. 3 (July 3, 2019): 629–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08850607.2019.1607699.

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Pop-Eleches, Grigore. "Romania's Politics of Dejection." Journal of Democracy 12, no. 3 (2001): 156–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2001.0055.

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Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina. "Romania's Too-Free Press." Foreign Policy, no. 121 (November 2000): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1149628.

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Antohi, Sorin. "COMMUNIST ROMANIA'S BODIES POLITIC." East Central Europe 26, no. 1 (1999): 157–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633099x00103.

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Chirica, Codrin-Valentin, and Coralia Costas. "The Romanians' National Identity1." Southeastern Europe 29, no. 1 (2002): 105–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633302x00124.

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Frucht, Richard, and Keith Hitchins. "The Romanians, 1774-1866." American Historical Review 103, no. 2 (April 1998): 552. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2649860.

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Kemp-Welch, Klara. "‘The Romanians are Coming’." Third Text 34, no. 2 (March 3, 2020): 255–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09528822.2020.1765601.

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Dworkin, Steven N. "Do Romanists need to reconstruct Proto-Romance?" Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 132, no. 1 (January 1, 2016): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2016-0001.

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Forte, Angelo D. M. "A Great Future Behind it? Scottish Commercial Law and the Millenium." European Review of Private Law 2, Issue 3/4 (December 1, 1994): 375–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/erpl1994042.

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Abstract. Has Scottish commercial law become Anglicised and lost its separate identity? The major exponents of the ‘civilian’ school of thought, with their emphasis on Roman Law, thought that it had but that the victim might still be rescued provided Scots lawyers remembered their civilian heritage. This paper challenges the view that a civilian and Romanist approach has anything to offer modem Scottish commercial lawyers. It argues that economic imperatives outweight nationalist and parochial arguments and that not only Scots but also English commercial law has to make compromises. The paper also asserts the importance of marketing commercial law and argues that, in this respect, Scottish lawyers have shown themselves to be no less adept than their English counterparts. Far from being moribund, Scottish commercial law is thriving and vigorous and, most importantly, relevant to the needs of commerce in the UK, Europe, and beyond. Résumé. Le droit commercial écossais a-t-il commencé à être anglicisé et a-t-il de ce fait perdu son identitité? Les principaux tenants de l’école de pensée civiliste, qui insistent sur leur héritage romaniste, le pensent mais estiment que la victime pourrait en être sauvée si les juristes écossais se souvenaient de leur héritage civiliste. Le présent article défend l’idée selon laquelle une approche civiliste et romaniste a encore aujourd’hui quelque chose à offrir aux commercialistes écossais. Il y est en particulier soutenu que les impératifs économiques ont plus de poids que les arguments provinciaux et nationalistes et que ce n’est pas seulement le droit commercial écossais, mais aussi le droit anglais, qui doivent faire des compromis. L’auteur mentionne en outre l’importance du droit commercial relatif au marché et soutient à cet égard les juristes écossais ont montré qu’ils n’étaient pas moins habiles que leurs confrères anglais. Loin d’être moribond, le droit commercial écossais démontre ainsi sa vigueur et, ce qui est plus important, se révèle adapté aux besoins du commerce en Grande-Bretagne, en Europe, et au-delà.

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Daba-Buzoianu, Corina, and Cristina Cirtita-Buzoianu. "Stereotypes of Romanians: Analyzing the Image of Romanians in the National Press." Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 81 (June 2013): 206–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2013.06.414.

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Crețu, Șerban-Costin. "The Left and Romania’s Social Agenda." Sociologie Romaneasca 17, no. 1 (June 17, 2019): 168–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.33788/sr.17.17.

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Băloi, Alexandra-Iulia. "Politica de securitate națională a României 1990-2020." Sociologie Romaneasca 19, no. 1 (May 31, 2021): 168–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.33788/sr.19.1.9.

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Security is a complex, multi-dimensional approach context. In broad terms, it represents the ability to protect its citizens. The sole holder of the legitimate right to use intra-state and inter-state force is obliged through the consequence and expression of its sovereignty to protect and guarantee its citizens’ rights and freedoms and ensure the conditions for the exercise of their rights and freedoms. After the dissolution of the communist political and military bloc, security develops as a global concept that tends to include traditional political and military dimensions, new dimensions, such as economic, energy or security, individual rights, and freedoms. This study addresses Romania’s security policy, its evolution after 1990 and until now. The paper aims to highlight Romania’s position as a territory and its role in the regional context regarding security. Its statute as a NATO and E.U. member, and strategic partner of the United States, determined a permanent update of its security policy and proposed objectives, correlated with those of the entities to which it belongs. From the point of view of security policy, Romania has an important geostrategic role and can stand out as a regional leader due to the threats it could be subjected to. The study will highlight that its security policy provides many beneﬁts for the country’s citizens and its institutions.

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