Journal articles on the topic 'Romanies – Europe'
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1
Katalin Forray, R. "Romani catching up in East-Central Europe: Alternative strategies." Hungarian Educational Research Journal 11, no. 2 (July 14, 2021): 210–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/063.2021.00031.
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AbstractAccording to our initial assumption, there would be two characteristic strategies for Romani catching up. One strategy is to lift the Romanies out of poverty and bring their living conditions closer to the average living conditions of the majority society. According to the other strategy, Romanies create a national minority in the majority society. It should be supported so that the members of the community could preserve their national characteristics and exercise their minority rights. By reviewing the literature (e.g., Armillei 2014; Boscoboinik & Giordano 2008; Ladányi & Szelényi 2016) we searched in which country which strategies are being followed by current governments. The result is that these strategies coexist within a country and are increasingly intermingled according to existing governments. The reason for this phenomenon is the recent changes in Romani societies and the emergence of new middle classes. There are both economic and cultural conditions for emerging these middle classes. A successful Romani strategy has to contain therefore, both economic and cultural actions. The governments of the region must contribute not only to the catching-up of the Romanies but also to the formation of their Romani middle classes.
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Joskowicz, Ari. "The Age of the Witness and the Age of Surveillance: Romani Holocaust Testimony and the Perils of Digital Scholarship." American Historical Review 125, no. 4 (October 2020): 1205–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhaa379.
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Abstract For over half a century, historians have made ample use of witness testimonies. Efforts to preserve the accounts of marginalized people in particular have broadened the range of voices available to us and significantly expanded the field. Yet we have paid too little attention to the potentially disturbing consequences of the creation and distribution of such testimonies. Focusing on the experiences of Romani Holocaust survivors, this essay argues that new practices of surveillance and victim-witnessing developed in tandem, from the mid-twentieth century to the present. Beginning in the 1960s, prosecutors asked Romani survivors to testify about the crimes committed against them under Nazism even as state authorities continued to criminalize and surveil Romanies across Europe. These and related experiences have meant that different Romani witnesses—or potential witnesses—have often had to balance the desire to have their stories heard against the fear of being listened in on. As surveillance becomes increasingly pervasive and as personal information is increasingly monetized, the lessons that European Romanies learned as early victims of targeted policing remain salient for historians today. Despite its potential to empower, victim-witnessing also creates new vulnerabilities—both those we can currently anticipate and those we can’t yet fully imagine.
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Ferrer Lloret, Jaume. "La protección internacional de las minorías nacionales en Europa: el caso de los romaníes." Anuario Español de Derecho Internacional 22 (August 16, 2018): 205–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/010.22.28381.
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I. INTRODUCCIÓN. II. LAS ACTUACIONES EN EL SENO DE LA ORGANIZACIÓN PARA LA SEGURIDAD Y LA COOPERACIÓN EN EUROPA (OSCE). III. LA UNIÓN EUROPEA Y LA PROTECCIÓN DE LAS MINORÍAS NACIONALES. IV. LAACCIÓN DEL CONSEJO DE EUROPA. 1. Las competencias del Comisario para los Derechos Humanos, y de la Comisión Europea contra el Racismo y la Intolerancia. 2. La Convención-Marco para la protección de las minorías nacionales. 3. Las demandas colectivas ante el Comité Europeo sobre Derechos Sociales. 4. La jurisprudencia del TEDH. A) Las dificultades para la aplicación del art. 8. B) Las dificultades para la aplicación del art. 14. V. LA PRÁCTICA DE ESPAÑA ANTE EL CONSEJO DE EUROPA. VI. CONSIDERACIONES FINALES.
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SZEMAN, IOANA. "Finding a Home on Stage: A Place for Romania in Europe?" Theatre Research International 28, no. 2 (June 26, 2003): 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883303001068.
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Home, a pioneering theatrical production in post-communist Romania, cast homeless/orphaned youth in the Youth Theatre in Bucharest. The ‘orphan problem’ has been one of the most covered topics on Romania in western media, and one of the signs of Romania's ‘backwardness’, while neglect and indifference have characterized local press coverage. The significance of the production in changing the Romanian public's perception of these young people, many of whom are from the Roma ethnic group, is analysed, as are much wider political implications. Emma Nicholson, the European Parliament rapporteur for Romania, saw Home and afterwards expressed her support for Romania's acceptance into the European Union. The production and its reception permit a tracing of the historical relationship between the performance of Romanian marginality and national identity in relation to Europe.
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Lăculiceanu Popescu, Oana. "Danish Perceptions of Interwar Romania." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 1, no. 1 (November 15, 2009): 99–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v1i1_7.
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In the interwar period, Romania andDenmarkwere two distant countries, which were separated by great cultural, social,political and economic differences and which had just begun to discover eachother. Their diplomatic relations were established in 1917, when a Romanianenvoy was appointed to Copenhagen whereas thefirst Danish minister was appointed to Bucharestin 1924. The establishment of the diplomatic offices in the two capitals led toa strengthening of bilateral Danish-Romanian relations. The two people startedto know each other`s cultural, social and political patterns. In this article Ilook at the representations generated by Romanians in the Danish conscience,which I assume is interesting for the study of Romania's bilateral relationswith the peoples from this part of Europe. The Danish image of the Romanianspace during the first half of the 20th century is characterized by a series ofprejudices and stereotypes formed along time because of a scanty knowledgeabout the realities in this space.
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Stoica, Cătălin Augustin. "Once upon a Time There Was a Big Party: The Social Bases of the Romanian Communist Party (Part I)." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 19, no. 4 (November 2005): 686–716. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325405281092.
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Employing survey data, this article highlights the following characteristics of the Romanian Communist Party (RCP): With an estimated membership of 33 percent of Romania's employed population, the late RCP was proportionally the largest Leninist party in Eastern Europe. Consistent with the socalled “deproletarianization” thesis, the RCP manifested a marked preference toward recruiting well-educated individuals and professionals among its ranks. The RCP also tended to recruit from among disadvantaged classes (in particular, peasants and their offspring). Despite some prowomen “ affirmative action” policies, women were underrepresented among Party members. Some ethnic minorities had fewer chances of joining the RCP than ethnic Romanians. As compared to other communist parties, the RCP had one of the highest rates of intergenerational political reproduction among its ranks. This article suggests that the amorphous character of the RCP and its closed elite could also explain why Party members did not bother to save their historically obsolete leader.
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Dunlap, Tanya. "Astra and the Appeal of the Nation: Power and Autonomy in Late-Nineteenth-Century Transylvania." Austrian History Yearbook 34 (January 2003): 215–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800020506.
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An Enthusiastic Group of Romanians gathered in Sibiu at the 1905 annualassembly of Astra, the largest Romanian cultural association in Transylvania, to celebrate their nation and their future. Moved by the gathering and the festivities, the editor of the association's paper, Transilvania, expressed a hope he and thousands of his compatriots shared: “Never before has this people been in a more favorable position as a superiorethnic element, as an important factor of civilization, and as a gifted nation with vitality, character, and great talents that guarantee it a bright future and a distinguished place among the peoples of eastern Europe.”1 Like many prominent Romanians of his time, the editor firmlybelieved that his nation would enjoy equal status with other European national groups in the near future. Equal standing had been a central goal of theRomanian intellectuals and clergy who founded the Transylvanian Associationfor Romanian Literature and the Culture of the Romanian People, or Astra, in 1861. Since the eighteenth century, Romanian elites in Transylvania had worked to obtain recognition for their national community so that they couldparticipate fully in the political life of the region. Two centuries later Astra members still hoped they were on the verge of forming a Romanian nation that could achieve the right to control its own destiny.
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Stanciu, Cezar. "Scandinavian Perspectives. Overcoming the Cold War Pressures in Romania’s Policy towards Northern Europe." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 1, no. 1 (November 15, 2009): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v1i1_4.
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During the first years of the Cold War, Romania was isolated in terms of foreign policy, and forced to develop relations mainly with the USSR and other socialist states. During the de-Stalinization period, the East-West relations improved and Romania started to rebuilt its relations with the West, especially economic relations. This article briefly presents the re-establishment of Romania's relations with the Scandinavian states, in the context of the improved Romanian-West relations.
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Korzeniewska-Wiszniewska, Mirella. "11th Congress of South-East European Studies. Sofia 2015." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 4 (December 31, 2015): 153–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2015.010.
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11th Congress of South-East European Studies. Sofia 2015The 11th Congress of South-East European Studies took place in Sofia, Bulgaria, between 31 August and 4 September 2015. It was organised by the International Association for Southeast European Studies (orig. in French: AIESEE – Associacion Internationale d’ Études du Sud-Est Européen).South-Eastern Europe is an area looked upon by world powers with a large amount of ambivalence. As the region’s states are not considered to be key global players, the events that occur in this part of the continent draw interest that is cyclical in nature and that is usually triggered by cyclical issues, too. Though relatively small, the area has been a point of interest for many researchers for over 100 years due to its ethnic diversity and the related inherent multi-nationality the scale of which is not encountered anywhere else in Europe. The cultural, linguistic, and religious pluralism of this region often produces specific social amalgams. With the cyclical interest aside, for a little more than a century the main European (and not only European) political powers have been making efforts to exert influence in the region, understanding the significance of its geographic location, where East meets West. Regardless of the changing dynamics of interest in South-Eastern Europe, the region will certainly remain one of the most fascinating focus areas for researchers and academics across the world, who will meet again not in five, but in four years at another congress this time to be held in Romanian Constanţa to discuss issues and topics related to this corner of the world. 11. Kongres AIESEE, Sofia 2015W dniach od 31 sierpnia do 4 września 2015 r. w Sofii (Bułgaria) odbył się 11 Kongres Studiów nad Europą Południowo-Wschodnią, zorganizowany przez Międzynarodowe Stowarzyszenie Studiów nad Europą Południowo-Wschodnią (AIESEE - Associacion Internationale d’ Études du Sud-Est Européen).Europa Południowo-Wschodnia jest obszarem, do którego światowe mocarstwa podchodzą z dużą dozą ambiwalencji. Kraje tego regionu nie są głównymi graczami na arenie światowej, przez co wydarzenia związane z tą częścią Europy spotykają się z cyklicznym zainteresowaniem powstającym zazwyczaj w obliczu problemów, które - równie cykliczne wywoływane - zwracają uwagę świata na ten relatywnie nieduży region. Jest on jednak bezsprzecznie obszarem, który wzbudza zainteresowanie badaczy od ponad stu lat ze względu na swoje zróżnicowanie etniczne, pociągające za sobą rdzenną wielonarodowość regionu, niewystępującą na taką skalę gdzie indziej w Europie. Związana z tym wielość kultur, języków i religii generuje często specyficzne dla tej szerokości geograficznej amalgamaty społecznościowe. Również od nieco ponad stu lat o wpływy w tym regionie (abstrahując od wspomnianej cykliczności zainteresowania) zabiegają główne europejskie siły polityczne (a obecnie nie tylko europejskie) ze względu położenie geograficzne, w którym Zachód spotyka Wschód. Bez względu na dynamikę zainteresowania Europą Południowo-Wschodnią jest i będzie ona bezsprzecznie fascynującym obszarem badań naukowców całego świata, którzy ponownie spotkają się za cztery lata na kolejnym kongresie, tym razem w rumuńskiej Constanzy, aby pochylić się nad zagadnieniami związanymi z tą częścią świata.
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Deutsch, James I. "Runaway Romances: Hollywood's postwar tour of Europe." Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 32, no. 2 (June 2012): 305–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01439685.2012.669198.
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Leon, Crina. "Jardar Seim and the history of a Norwegian-Romanian story." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 8, no. 1 (August 15, 2016): 91–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v8i1_7.
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Jardar Seim is a historian and member of The Norwegian Historical Association, a specialist in Eastern European history which he taught at the University of Oslo between 1983 and 2002, and moreover a keen speaker of the Romanian language. He is the author of the works Øst-Europas historie/The History of Eastern Europe (Aschehoug, Oslo, 1994) and Øst-Europa etter murens fall/Eastern Europe after the Fall of the Wall (Aschehoug Forum, Oslo, 1999) and co-editor of the book Romanian-Norwegian Relations. Diplomatic Documents, 1905-1947 (Romanian Cultural Institute, Bucharest, 2007), one of the very few works dealing with the Norwegian-Romanian diplomatic relations. He was also a teacher of history, Norwegian and social studies at the High School in Ski, Norway, and responsible for the pupils’ exchange between the above-mentioned high school and Unirea High School (later Unirea National College) in Braşov, Romania, in the period 1993-2008.
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Ilie, Mihaela. "THE RISE OF A NATIONALIST-POPULIST PARTY IN ROMANIA – THE ALLIANCE FOR THE UNION OF ROMANIANS (AUR)." Srpska politička misao 78, no. 4/2022 (November 8, 2022): 143–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/spm.7842022.9.
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During the last few years, while, in many countries, political leaders and supporters of liberal democracy were facing new and unexpected challenges due to the rise of populist radical right tendencies, Romania seemed to be immune to such temptations. The latest development of the political landscape in other countries from Eastern Europe like Hungary or Poland, apparently, didn’t matter either. Therefore, after the downfall of the Greater Romania Party, more than a decade ago, and some other less successful attempts, the far-right side of the Romanian political spectrum remained empty. Things suddenly changed in the 2020 legislative elections when, as a surprise for Romanian citizens, political analysts, and media as well, the Alliance for the Union of Romanians – an unknown political party with nationalist-populist views – managed to obtain more than 9% of the votes and thus became the fourth largest party in the Romanian Parliament. The aim of the paper is to analyse the main factors that led to this outcome and to observe to what extent the anti-vaccination and anti-restrictions rhetoric promoted by the representatives of the Alliance for the Union of Romanians during the Covid-19 pandemic enhanced the party’s chances to obtain this unexpected result.
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Sirbu-Jakobsen, Vasilica. "The Nobel Peace Prize from a Romanian perspective – the interwar period." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 3, no. 2 (December 15, 2011): 275–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v3i2_6.
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The Nobel Prizes are widely regarded as the ultimate achievement by researchers, writers and politicians. Due to its uniqueness and the values it stands for, the Nobel Peace Prize seems increasingly important in the modern world. To this point, no Romanian citizen was awarded this prize, but how many of them were nominated and how close were those nominated to winning this prize? Based on the archives of the Nobel Institute, this paper presents the Romanian nominees during the interwar period, their image and their activity as it appears in the nomination letters. The documents show that the name of some Romanians appears in the letters of nomination for the Nobel Peace Prize, their works and ideas being of a real interest. Those who nominated them tried to influence the decisions of the Nobel Committee in favor of their candidate. The results were not positive, but Romanians, the nominees as the nominators, were among those keeping pace with the events, the politics and the peace movements in Europe during a troubled time.
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Anton, Lorena. "On Memory Work in Post-communist Europe." Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 18, no. 2 (September 1, 2009): 106–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ajec.2009.180207.
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Taking the memory of pronatalism in contemporary Romania as a case study, this article is an attempt to view the national politics of memory of contemporary Europe with regard to its communist past from an anthropological perspective. From 1966 to 1989, the communist regime imposed extreme policies of controlled demography in Romania, as it was imputed, for 'the good of the socialist nation'. Profamily measures were developed in parallel to the banning of abortion on request and the making of contraception almost inaccessible. The social remembering of such a difficult past is still a taboo in contemporary Romanian society. This general lack of public remembering, which is still playing a role in the current situation of Romania's reproductive health, is influenced by the interrelations between the different forms of pronatalist memory. The analysis is based on oral history fieldwork conducted between 2003 and 2008, and is theoretically informed by the interdisciplinary field of Memory Studies.
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Chiciudean, Ion, and Nicoleta Corbu. "Saved by the Union: Romanians’ Attitudes toward the European Union." Romanian Journal of Communication and Public Relations 17, no. 3 (December 1, 2015): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21018/rjcpr.2015.3.169.
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<p>In this study we show that, in the aftermath of the economic crisis, Romanians remain among the most enthusiastic citizens of the European Union, in what concerns trust in the European institutions, projections for the future, the image of the EU and general attitudes toward the union. Relying on data provided by eurobarometers since the Romanian integration, we argue that the reasons for this peculiar position of Romanians within the EU is largely due to how people evaluate the economic and political performance of their own country: from evaluations of the economy to trust in national institutions, Romanians are very pessimistic about how their country handles the present situation and about perspectives for the future. In this context, they turn to the European Union as to a Savior, who represents their hope and promise for a better future, for economic prosperity and security. This is the reason why, more than five years after the beginning of the financial crisis, Romanians are still among the most optimistic citizens of Europe.</p>
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Stoenescu, Roxana-Alice. "The Political Culture of Romania." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 66, no. 2 (December 2021): 333–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2021.2.12.
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"In addition to Romania's economic backwardness, the experiences of repressive political culture have contributed to restricting society's ability to act by impairing the development of its own identity for centuries. The background to the emergence of totalitarian regimes can be derived from the context of the European modernization processes, which have gripped the whole of Europe through the industrialization and consequently secularization and rationalization process. By reproducing these processes, political situations and the experiences of Romanian society on which they are based, reveals the significance of their political culture. The aim is to put together the political culture of modern Romanian society in order to ultimately understand what the problems are for their current political consciousness. Keywords: Political Culture, Romania, Religion, Orthodox Church, Post-socialism, Modernity, Tradition, Democracy, Civil Society "
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Sawicka, Irena. "Syllabic patterns in South-Eastern Europe." Slavia Meridionalis 15 (September 25, 2015): 220–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2015.018.
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Syllabic patterns in South-Eastern EuropeWhereas in most of the world’s languages syllable patterns are built according to the principles of sonority theory (they have the one-peak syllable pattern), in some Balkan languages, there occur deviations from the one-peak syllable pattern of a systemic nature. Such deviations occur also in the northern Slavic languages. They mainly concern the distribution of nasal consonants and appear either in the onset (Albanian) or coda (Romanian). At the very south of Europe the open syllable pattern occurs. Struktury sylabiczne południowo-wschodniej EuropyPodczas gdy zdecydowana większość języków świata preferuje tzw. sonorycznościowy (jednoszczytowy) model sylaby, to południowo-wschodnia Europa jest pod tym względem dość zróżnicowana. Odstępstwa od zasady jednoszczytowości występują w językach północnosłowiańskich. Na Bałkanach natomiast odstępstwa takie dotyczą głównie dystrybucji sonantów nosowych i występują albo w nagłosie, albo w wygłosie. Samo południe Europy (dialekty występujące na południowych częściach półwyspów Morza Śródziemnego) ma natomiast niesymetryczny model sylaby – w wygłosie wyrazów występują głównie sylaby otwarte.
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Colăcel, Onoriu. "Self-Censorship (of the Pre-Emptive Kind): English-written Discourses as a Lens into Romanian Self-Identification." Caietele Echinox 39 (December 1, 2020): 105–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/cechinox.2020.39.08.
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"In the aftermath of the Great War, the view of the English-speaking world on the Balkans posed a challenge to Romanian self-identification patterns. English-language memoirs by US servicemen and that of Marie, Queen of Romania, capture the spirit of the times. They spell out, on the one hand, the conviction that the Romanian kingdom was part and parcel of a new, thoroughly Balkanized Europe, and demonstrate, on the other hand, how the path forward for a new-found home country can be shaped. Their stories feature the Romanians as yet another imagined community in the making, a nation whose identity is otherized as a marginal offshoot of emerging national traditions in the Balkans. In the process, they reveal productive censorship and selfcensorship on a discursive scale commonly seen in colonial matrices of power."
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Constantin, Cristian. "Romanian grain market in the British Russophobia context (1829–1853)." Hiperboreea 2, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 95–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.2.1.0095.
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Abstract In this paper the author present the rivalry of the mouths of Danube market and the south Russian hinterland. The Russo-Turkish treaty of Adrianople (1829) marked the beginnings of a new era in the history of the Romanians, opening significant perspectives of political, institutional or national development, although Russia's status as protector of Wallachia and Moldavia overshadowed these prospects. The Danube River was the most appropriate artery for connect the Romanian market with central Europe, Black Sea and the Mediterranean markets. The Sulina channel was still the only way of access of commercial ships to and from the Danubian ports. Two cities, Galati in Moldavia and Braila in Wallachia, personify the interests and hopes of the principalities regarding the Danube. These ports are the result of the Romanian and British economic policies of this era.
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Iovan, Marţian. "Simion Bărnuţiu – Pioneer in the development of the law sciences and of the legal education in Romania." Journal of Legal Studies 20, no. 34 (December 1, 2017): 52–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jles-2017-0016.
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Abstract The author analyses in this paper S. Bărnuţiu’s contribution to the establishment of the legal education and to the development of the sciences of the Law in the Romanian area during the mid-19th century. Adept of the natural law philosophy, ardent promotor of human and people’s rights, Bărnuţiu remains a personality of reference in the Romanians’ history not only for being the political leader and ideologist of the Transylvanian 1848 Revolution, but also for establishing the legal education at the University of Iasi by inspiring himself from the curriculum of the profile schools of law from the Western Europe. Having a unitary conception on the law and on the history of law, considering the law from a systemic perspective, Bărnuţiu contributed into the edification of a modern, constitutional, and democratic State in the united Romanian Principalities.
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Staşac, Marcu, Ioana Albu, and Marius Stupariu. "The Geo-Demographic Dimension of Romanian Rural Space." Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series 13, no. 13 (January 1, 2010): 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10089-010-0002-5.
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The Geo-Demographic Dimension of Romanian Rural Space Knowing, researching into and developing the rural space are activities of utmost importance for a country, both by the dimension of the rural space, expressed by the surface as such, and by the dimension of the demographic component (of the rural population). Referring to Romanian rural space, this is dominant, representing almost 94% of Romania's total surface (93.7%). In what concerns the demographic component (population), as it is known, this confers a particular dynamics to the rural space, generating a series of quantitative and qualitative aspects. At present the share of the rural population reaches 47% out of the total of Romania's population. Generally speaking, we can assert that the village and generally the Romanian village remains further on the main propeller of life. Thus the share of the rural population, besides the whole range of socio-demographic indicators, which can outline the degree of stability or instability of the rural space, as well as other basic indicators, such as the share of the rural population occupied in productive activities, socio-cultural services, tourism activities, etc., enhance the importance of the rural life from one country or another, reason for which the development of the rural space remains a problem of a national and international level. Consequently, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe has raised the issue of the rural space at the level of European and Community policy.
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Gledhill, John. "States of Contention: State-Led Political Violence in Post-Socialist Romania." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 19, no. 1 (February 2005): 76–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325404270967.
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Throughout the 1990s, Romania's transition from authoritarianism was witness to repeated instances of intense collective violence. Specifically, miners from the country's Jiu Valley region descended on Bucharest—attacking civilians, offices of the free press, and the headquarters of opposition parties. This article attends to the strikes of June 1990 and, in so doing, addresses the broader issue of political violence during the early phases of a political transition. As one of the few cases of (nonethnic) transitional violence in Central and Eastern Europe, the miners' strikes have been put forward as evidence of an oft-cited Romanian “exceptionalism.” However, this article's focus on the perceived extrainstitutional threat to the weakly legitimate National Salvation Front government, and the violent response to that threat by the government (which coordinated the miners' attacks), leads to a conclusion in which Romania's posttransition violence is seen as a rational—albeit devastating—manifestation of regular politics, by “other means.”
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Costăchescu, Adriana. "Les soviétismes en roumain et dans les langues romanes." Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 134, no. 1 (March 7, 2018): 219–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2018-0009.
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AbstractThe article focusses on the fate of Sovietisms in modern Romanian, i.e. the situation of words or phrases borrowed from Russian in the period of Soviet control over Eastern Europe (1945–1989). The borrowings reflect relevant concepts of Soviet-Communist economics, culture, politics and propaganda. Romanian received the largest number of Sovietisms of all Romance languages, mainly because of its close political relationship with the URSS. The use of terms which implicated a critical attitude towards the Soviet-Communist dictatorship (samizdat ‘samizdat’, aparatcic ‘apparatchik’, gulag ‘goulag’, etc.) was forbidden both in the URSS and in socialist Romania, but they passed into Russian and Romanian through western radio broadcasts, mainly Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. Today, most of those Sovietisms are no longer in use in Romanian.
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Graebner, William. "Runaway Romances: Hollywood's Postwar Tour of Europe (review)." American Studies 50, no. 3-4 (2009): 180–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ams.2009.0048.
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Otovescu, Adrian. "The Main Difficulties and Problems of the Romanian Immigrants from Europe." International Journal of Scientific Research 2, no. 9 (June 1, 2012): 415–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/22778179/sep2013/145.
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Chireac, Silvia-Maria, and Anna Devis Arbona. "Improving and protecting human rights: A reflection of the quality of education for migrant and marginalized Roma children in Europe." Regions and Cohesion 6, no. 3 (December 1, 2016): 52–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2016.060303.
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[Full article is in English]English: Estimated at 12 million, the Roma population constitutes one of the largest and most disadvantaged ethnic minority groups in Europe and the most socially marginalized and stigmatized group in the European Union (Council of Europe, 2009, 2010). In recent years, following the two waves of EU expansion in 2004 and 2007, the problem of Roma integration into educational systems generated great attention among EU member states. The European Commission’s policy of promoting multilingualism and cultural diversity to foster European citizenship has led to promising results. However, the current economic crisis and lack of effective political integration within EU member states have promoted policies of protectionism. This article provides an analysis of the current situation of Roma children from Eastern Europe, highlighting the opportunities for improving instruction and protecting human rights for this highly vulnerable school-age population. We propose specific measures based on a bilingual and cross-culturally inclusive educational model.Spanish: Estimada en doce millones, la población romaní es uno de los grupos étnicos minoritarios más numeroso, desfavorecido, marginalizado y socialmente estigmatizado de la Unión Europea (Consejo de Europa, 2009, 2010). Después de las dos olas de ampliación de la UE en 2004 y 2007, el problema de la integración de los romaníes en los sistemas de educación generó gran atención entre los estados miembros. La política de la CE para promover el multilingüismo y la diversidad cultural a fin de fortalecer la ciudadanía europea ha llevado a resultados prometedores. Sin embargo, ante la crisis económica actual y la falta de una política efectiva de integración en la UE, predominan políticas de proteccionismo. Este artículo analiza la situación actual de los niños romaní en Europa del Este, subrayando las oportunidades para mejorar la instrucción y protección de los derechos humanos de esta sumamente vulnerable población en edad escolar. Proponemos medidas específi cas basadas en un modelo escolar bilingüe y transculturalmente inclusivo.French Estimée en 12 millions, la population rom constitue un des plus grands groupes ethniques défavorisés minoritaires en Europe et le groupe le plus marginalisé socialement et stigmatisé de l’Union Européenne (Council of Europe, 2009, 2010). Au cours des années récentes, suite à deux vagues d’expansion de l’EU en 2004 et 2007, le problème de l’intégration des Roms dans les systèmes éducatifs a provoqué une att ention soutenue dans les États membres de l’UE. La politique de la Commission Européenne en matière de promotion du multilinguisme et de la diversité culturelle destinée á favoriser la citoyenneté européenne a abouti à des résultats promett eurs. Cependant, la crise économique actuelle et l’absence d’une intégration politique réelle entre les États membres de l’UE ont favorisé des politiques protectionnistes. Cet article présente une analyse de la situation actuelle des enfants roms d’Europe de l’Est et met en lumière les opportunités d’améliorer l’instruction et de protéger les droits humains pour cett e population scolaire très vulnérable. Nous proposons des mesures spécifi ques fondées sur un modèle éducatif bilingue et ouvert à l’interculturel.
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Sorea, Daniela. "Characteristics of the Romanians' Religiosity Highlighted in Their Children's Drawings." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 24, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 394–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2018-0121.
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Abstract The religiosity of the contemporary Western World is marked by the process of secularization that strengthens atheism, but it evolves to a post-secular stage of recovering the values of Christianity in models of good social practices. Contemporary Western religiosity is also characterized by the revival of pre-Christian local beliefs and practices and the spread of new, imported forms of spirituality. Religiosity is a hard to tackle research topic, due to the reluctance of people to talk about their beliefs. Analyzing how children draw God is a way to overcome this difficulty. In the former socialist states of Europe, these characteristics intertwine with the effects of exiting from an atheistic programmatic political regime. Theoretical coding of drawings made on request by Romanian primary school pupils in 2004 and 2016 provides information on children's religiosity. They provide information on how Romanians see themselves on account of their religiosity compared to the trends of evolution of Western religiosity, as well as on the effects of introducing religion as a subject of study in Romanian schools
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Tăut, Mădălin Vasile. "A Personal Meditation on the Cultural Ecumenism of the Romanian Orthodox Immigrants in Western Europe." Roczniki Teologiczne 69, no. 7 (August 24, 2022): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rt22697.4.
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Migration of peoples is a phenomenon whose existence is lost in the mist of history. People have always traveled from one country to another for political, economic, social, cultural, climatic or demographic reasons, and the story continues also today. The intention of this essay is not to analyze the migration of the Orthodox Romanians from a strictly historical or sociological perspective, because numerous scientific studies have already been written on this topic, but rather to understand their process of soul alienation. Therefore, after making a mention of the social and economic evolution of Western society by moving from one system of philosophical values to another, which practically marked its thinking and development, I will try to explain the versatility of the Romanian Orthodox in terms of their desire for material prosperity, by assuming the culture of the capitalist economy, with the risk of giving up even only apparently the values inherited by birth and Christian tradition.
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van de Port, Mattijs. "The articulation of soul: gypsy musicians and the Serbian Other." Popular Music 18, no. 3 (October 1999): 291–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143000008886.
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In his Moeurs et Coutumes des Tziganes (1936), the French ethnologist Martin Block notices thatwhen a Hungarian or Romanian feels sad, or when, on the contrary, he wants to celebrate, he needs Gypsy music to exteriorize the state of his soul. (Block 1936, p. 136)Block's conclusion that Gypsy musicians are in the business of articulating other people's ‘soul’ confronts us with an intriguing conundrum. Given the fact that in eastern Europe, group boundaries between Gypsies and non-Gypsies are strictly defined and zealously kept up, one wonders how Gypsies would be able to articulate musically an intimate knowledge about their non-Gypsy customers. And why would Hungarians, Romanians – and, as I will argue in this paper, Serbs as well – need Gypsy musicians to ‘exteriorize their state of soul’?
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Ritivoi, Andreea Deciu. "Surviving on Soy Salami: Dissidents, Exiles, Prisoners, and the Rhetoric of Affect in Postcommunist Romania." Journal of Romanian Studies 4, no. 2 (October 1, 2022): 165–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/romanian.2022.12.
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After decades of being seen, or rather heard, through Radio Free Europe as moral and political authorities preserving Romania’s values and hopes from abroad, exiles of the Cold War had a disappointing political career in the postcommunist transitional society. The main figures hailing on behalf of historic pollical parties failed to win the election in 1990, and failed to convince the electorate that they could lead them to freedom and democracy. The former dissidents who had lived overseas likewise did not manage to become opinion leaders, at least not compared to local intellectuals, and eventually damaged each other’s reputation in public fights and scandals. Why weren’t these exiles, once so full of promise for a democratic future in Romania, more impactful? The answer may point to their systematic undermining orchestrated by the neo-communist power brokers of the transitional era. Yet the answer is rather more complicated, one that this paper offers by focusing on the rhetoric of the early postcommunist decade and its emphasis on the shared deprivation experienced under communism. The slogan built around hunger—“who ate soy meat with us”—was part of a larger effect of political survivalism that viewed exiles as outsiders. I show that the contest of moral superiority, pitting those who had been imprisoned against those who had fled, fed a rhetoric of suffering that would eventually marginalize the exiles and any political contribution they could have made after 1989.
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Zaharia, Marian. "Packaging waste recycling in Europe. What is Romania's place?" Journal of Research and Innovation for Sustainable Society 3, no. 1 (March 24, 2021): 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.33727/jriss.2021.1.5:33-43.
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Cojanu, Valentin. "Optimum Competitive Area: Romania's Economic Integration in Southeast Europe." Transition Studies Review 13, no. 1 (May 2006): 175–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11300-006-0104-1.
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Pavel, Cătălin, and Daniel Citirigă. "History of states, history of individuals. Eminescu on Austria and the Romanian Principalities." Swedish Journal of Romanian Studies 5, no. 1 (May 15, 2022): 178–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.35824/sjrs.v5i1.23805.
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The present article aims to offer excerpts f an essential article by the Romanian “national poet” Mihai Eminescu in the English translation, with a historical commentary. The translation aims to make Eminescu’s text available to an international audience of scholars, helping to write a more accurate social and cultural history of 19th century Europe. In turn, the commentary aims to show that Eminescu’s political vision, although substantially conservative, incorporated a number of tenets that were to become an inspiration for a number of politicians of highly diverse backgrounds, from the Iron Guard nationalists to the Socialists and Communists. Eminescu’s work was used, in ways he could no longer control, in order to legitimize their varied, and at times downright contradictory, claims. The article discussed here, on “The Austrian influence on the Romanians in the Principalities” (1876) offered Eminescu the opportunity to cast a critical eye on the state organization of the Romanians. His conclusion is exceedingly pessimistic: their state organization is presented as a failure, with the main sources of this failure being the personal interests of the Romanians themselves, compounded by the influence of foreigners. Hence the society based on corruption, rather than on principles, a society where having a job meant ruling, and not having one, being in opposition. In this gloomy picture, the author singled out a class on whose back the whole people lived: the Romanian peasants. The future of this class could not possibly be bright, as Eminescu expected that it be crushed from within, and “along with it, the state and the nation”. Did he also envisage a solution? In order to escape the situation in which “the proximity of Austria is devastating for us, unless we wake up soon”, Eminescu pinpointed three redeeming elements: stability, labour and economy. In other words, hereditary monarchy, the revocation of privileges for the “proletariat of the pen” and the careful spending of public budgets. The alternatives were the Austrian rule, or the Russian rule, none of which comes across to Eminescu as a solution.
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Lascu, Stoica. "THE ROMANIAN DIPLOMAT OF EUROPEAN STATURE NICOLAE TITULESCU IN THE VISION OF SOME CONTEMPORARIES." Analele Universităţii din Craiova seria Istorie 27, no. 1 (July 15, 2022): 49–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.52846/aucsi.2022.1.04.
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The Romanian diplomat of European stature, born on March 4, 1882 (died abroad, on March 17, 1941 in Cannes, France) on the coast of France, in a family of Oltenian owners; left without a father (former Deputy and Prefect) at just one year old, Nicolae Titulescu will study law in Paris, and when he returns to the country he will enter political life, in Take Ionescuʼs party (the Conservative-Democratic Party). He will be a Deputy, Minister of Finance (1917-1918), Minister of Foreign Affairs (1927-1928, 1932-1936), Romaniaʼs Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to London (1921-1927, 1928-1932), Romaniaʼs representative in the League of Nations and its President (twice: 1931 and in 1932). He was member of the Romanian Academy (elected in 1935). This paper presents some opinions (with more recent detailed bibliographic references) excerpted from the book – in 3 volumes, published (under the auspices of the European Titulescu Foundation) in 2012, Pro și Contra Titulescu, edited by George G. Potra – of some people politicians, diplomats, and journalists, Romanians and foreigners – contemporaries of him –, relative to the personality of the greatest diplomat of Romania, and one of the most famous of interwar Europe, whose birth marks, in 2022, 140 years.
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Alexandrache, Carmen. "At the „Margin” of the Romanian Pre-Modern Society. The Jews." Hiperboreea 4, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 41–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.4.1.0041.
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Abstract This paper shows the attitudes of Romanian society regarding to the ethic category considered at the social margin. In this case were, for example, the Jews, “excluded”. Towards those “marginalized”, Romanian society in the 17th-18th centuries did not show the “Christian pity”. Its attitudes were argued by the religious convictions ideas and by the transferring clichés from Western Europe to Eastern Europe.
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Snochowska-Gonzalez, Claudia. "Od melancholii do rozpaczy. O prozie Andrzeja Stasiuka." Studia Litteraria et Historica, no. 2 (June 30, 2014): 298–330. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/slh.2013.013.
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From melancholy to despair. About Andrzej Stasiuk’s prose worksIn Moja Europa, Jadąc do Babadag and Fado Andrzej Stasiuk describes his travelling to the countries of the East-Central Europe: its diminished, forgotten part, lying on the margins of History and Progress. It is a land of melancholy, of the eternal emptiness and lack. To praise it means to give an ironic response to the enthusiasm of a “return to the West”, to the attempts to meet East-European stigma and to the West’s fear of East-European ferocity. What is the source of this melancholy? Stasiuk refers to Cioran, his philosophy of history, his resignation and his belief in the bankruptcy of the European civilization. We know, however, that in the case of Cioran melancholy covers the memory of philosopher’s commitment to Romanian fascism; his subsequent melancholy replaces responsibility. What are the wounds and silenced victims hiding in Stasiuk’s melancholic landscape? What kind of responsibility does he not want to accept? In his next book, Dziennik pisany później, Stasiuk comes back to the same countries, this time not trying to escape the hell of questions about the East-European ethnic carnage. The author of the article analyses his turning point, using the terminology developed in Peter Hallward’s Absolutely Post-colonial to describe the dynamics between two tendencies: singular and specific. Od melancholii do rozpaczy. O prozie Andrzeja StasiukaW Mojej Europie, Jadąc do Babadag i Fado Andrzej Stasiuk podróżuje po krajach Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej. To Europa pomniejsza, zapomniana, na marginesie Historii i Postępu. Jest to kraina melancholii, pustki i wiecznego braku. Opiewanie jej staje się ironiczną odpowiedzią na entuzjazm „powrotu do Zachodu”, na próby sprostania wschodnioeuropejskiemu piętnu i na zachodnie przerażenie wschodnioeuropejską dzikością. Skąd się jednak bierze spowijająca ją melancholia? Stasiuk powołuje się na Ciorana, na jego filozofię historii, rezygnację i przekonanie o bankructwie cywilizacji europejskiej. Wiemy jednak, że w przypadku Ciorana melancholia przykrywa pamięć o przemilczanym romansie filozofa z faszyzmem, który miał się stać radykalnym wyrwaniem się ku nowemu światu i nowej historii. Jakie rany i przemilczane ofiary kryją się w melancholijnym krajobrazie u Stasiuka? Jakiej odpowiedzialności nie chce przyjąć? W kolejnej książce, Dzienniku pisanym później, Stasiuk wraca w te same miejsca, by tym razem nie umknąć przed pytaniami o wschodnioeuropejskie piekło etnicznej jatki. Autorka przedstawia ten zwrot, korzystając z terminologii Petera Hallwarda i opisanej przez niego dynamiki między tendencjami singular i specific.
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Wetzl, Ana. "Digital Education in Eastern Europe: Romania's Modern Affair with Technology." Computers and Composition 27, no. 2 (June 2010): 112–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.compcom.2010.03.006.
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Otovescu, Assoc Prof Adrian. "Dominant Elements on Addressing the Thought and Affectivity of the Romanian Immigrants from Europe." Indian Journal of Applied Research 3, no. 10 (October 1, 2011): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/2249555x/oct2013/159.
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Ploscariu, Iemima D. "The struggle of Fortinbras and Horatio in Romania: removal and re-collection of the communist past in Romanian museums." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 42 (June 16, 2015): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2013.002.
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The struggle of Fortinbras and Horatio in Romania: removal and re-collection of the communist past in Romanian museumsOver twenty years after the dismantling of communist regimes began in Central and Eastern Europe, the governments and people in these former Soviet bloc countries are faced with varying and often opposing ways to approach and present the communist past. Focusing on post-1989 museums in Romania, especially the Sighet Museum in Sighetul Marmaţiei and the Romanian Peasant Museum in Bucharest, the article will examine three themes that appear in museum exhibitions of Romanian communist history: the marginalization of the communist past, the victimization of a nation, and the need by curators to “rescue memory.” these approaches to the communist past leave a great deal out. Limited and biased portraits hinder a healthy coming to terms with the past initially intended by these institutions in Romania and similar institutions across Central and Eastern Europe. However, some attempts have been made to bring in more voices and face the past on its own terms apart from the political motivation or desires for retribution, which often motivate the current interpretation of the past. Walka Fortynbrasa z Horacym w Rumunii: likwidacja i ponowne przypomnienie komunistycznej przeszłości w rumuńskich muzeachPo ponad 20 latach od chwili, gdy zaczęły się rozpadać komunistyczne reżimy w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej, rządy i społeczeństwa byłych krajów bloku sowieckiego doświadczają odmiennych, często przeciwstawnych podejść do komunistycznej przeszłości i sposobów jej przedstawiania. Skupiając swą uwagę na muzeach w Rumunii po roku 1989, zwłaszcza Miejscu Pamięci Ofiar Komunizmu i Ruchu Oporu w Sighetu Marmaţiei (Syhot Marmaroski) oraz Muzeum Chłopstwa Rumuńskiego w Bukareszcie, autorka niniejszego artykułu analizuje trzy zagadnienia, które przewijają się w muzealnych ekspozycjach poświęconych dziejom Rumunii w czasach komunistycznych; są to: marginalizacja komunistycznej przeszłości, wiktymizacja narodu i potrzeba „ocalenia pamięci” przez kustoszy. Powyższe podejścia do komunistycznej przeszłości ignorują wiele kwestii. Niepełny i tendencyjny obraz opóźnia zatem dojście do ładu z przeszłością na zdroworozsądkowych zasadach, co w myśl początkowych założeń miało w Rumunii nastąpić dzięki muzeom, jak też dzięki podobnym placówkom w całej Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej. Jednakże podejmowane są wciąż nowe próby, aby dopuścić do głosu więcej różnych opinii i stawić czoło przeszłości niezależnie od motywacji politycznych bądź dążenia do zemsty, które często stoją za bieżącymi interpretacjami przeszłości.
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Stoica, Cătălin Augustin. "Once upon a Time There Was a Big Party: The Social Bases of the Romanian Communist Party (Part II)." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 20, no. 3 (August 2006): 447–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325406290179.
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Employing survey data, this study highlights the following characteristics of the Romanian Communist Party (RCP): with an estimated membership of 33 percent of Romania’s employed population, the late RCP was proportionally the largest Leninist party in Eastern Europe. Consistent with the so-called “deproletarianization” thesis, the RCP manifested a marked preference toward recruiting well-educated individuals and professionals among its ranks. The RCP also tended to recruit from among disadvantaged classes (in particular, peasants and their offspring). Despite some prowomen “affirmative action” policies, women were underrepresented among Party members. Some ethnic minorities had fewer chances of joining the RCP than ethnic Romanians. As compared to other communist parties, the RCP had one of the highest rates of intergenerational political reproduction among its ranks. This article suggests that the amorphous character of the RCP and its closed elite could also explain why Party members did not bother to save their historically obsolete leader.
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Vreja, Lucia Ovidia. "Trafficking Routes and Links to Terrorism in South Eastern Europe: The Case of Romania." Connections: The Quarterly Journal 06, no. 1 (2007): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/connections.06.1.03.
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Elvira-García, Wendy, Adrian Turculet, Anca-Diana Bibiri, Annie Baker Campbell, Ramon Cerdà Massó, Ana M. a. Fernández Planas, and Paolo Roseano. "Prosodic distances between different survey sites in Romance-speaking Europe." Onomázein Revista de lingüística filología y traducción, no. 11 (2023): 5–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.7764/onomazein.ne11.05.
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The aim of this paper is to classify Romanian dialects from a prosodic point of view within the European Romance-speaking area. The data is part of the Multimedia Atlas of Romance Prosody - AMPER (Contini, 1992) and is analysed dialectometrically by means of ProDis (Elvira-García et al., 2015; Fernández Planas, 2016). The database includes more than 17,000 utterances produced by 48 speakers from 26 survey sites of 15 varieties of 6 Romance languages (Catalan, Spanish, Italian, Sardinian, Friulian and Romanian). The results show that the two main prosodic areas of Romanian (see Roseano, 2016b) remain separate when they are dialectometrized with data from other Romance languages. In addition, if one analyses questions and statements separately, it can be seen that questions allow us to distinguish geoprosodic areas more effectively than statements do (as suggested by previous studies such as Fernández Planas et al., 2015).
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Picker, Giovanni. "Anti-gitanismo, conocimiento racial y amnesia colonial." Sociología Histórica, no. 10 (October 19, 2020): 237–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/sh.451251.
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Este texto aúna visiones de las teorías críticas sobre la raza y de la sociología histórica para ofrecer un marco que permita comprender el extendido racismo contra el pueblo romaní a través de Europa. El texto se apoya directamente en la monografía Racial Cities (Picker, 2017). Argumenta que, para comprender la segregación racial de los romaníes en Europa, el conocimiento racial y la amnesia colonial han de resituarse en el centro del escrutinio analítico y de la intervención política. La razón para ello es que al observar cómo actúan diferentes autoridades urbanas sobre los romaníes en la Europa del siglo XXI, pueden identificarse similitudes clave entres esas acciones y las que ejercieron las autoridades coloniales sobre los “nativos” en las ciudades de los imperios europeos.
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Radchenko, Iryna Gennadiivna. "The Philanthropic Organizations' Assistance to Jews of Romania and "Transnistria" during the World War II." Dnipropetrovsk University Bulletin. History & Archaeology series 25, no. 1 (March 7, 2017): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/261714.
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The article is devoted to assistance, rescue to the Jewish people in Romanian territory, including "Transnistria" in 1939–1945. Using the archival document from different institutions (USHMM, Franklyn D. Roosevelt Library) and newest literature, the author shows the scale of the assistance, its mechanism and kinds. It was determined some of existed charitable organizations and analyzed its mechanism of cooperation between each other. Before the war, the Romanian Jewish Community was the one of largest in Europe (after USSR and Poland) and felt all tragedy of Holocaust. Romania was the one of the Axis states; the anti-Semitic policy has become a feature of Marshal Antonescu policy. It consisted of deportations from some regions of Romania to newly-created region "Transnistria", mass exterminations, death due to some infectious disease, hunger, etc. At the same moment, Romania became an example of cooperation of the international organizations, foreign governments on providing aid. The scale of this assistance was significant: thanks to it, many of Romanian Jews (primarily, children) could survive the Holocaust: some of them were come back to Romanian regions, others decide to emigrate to Palestine. The emphasis is placed on the personalities, who played important (if not decisive) role: W. Filderman, S. Mayer, Ch. Colb, J. Schwarzenberg, R. Mac Clelland and many others. It was found that the main part of assistance to Romanian Jews was began to give from the end of 1943, when the West States, World Jewish community obtained numerous proofs of Nazi crimes against the Jews (and, particularly, Romanian Jews). It is worth noting that the assistance was provided, mostly, for Romanian Jews, deported from Regat; some local (Ukrainian) Jews also had the possibility to receive a lot of needful things. But before the winter 1942, most of Ukrainian Jews was exterminated in ghettos and concentration camps. The main kinds of the assistance were financial (donations, which was given by JDC through the ICRC and Romanian Jewish Community), food parcels, clothes, medicaments, and emigrations from "Transnistria" to Romania, Palestine (after 1943). Considering the status of Romania (as Nazi Germany's ally in World War II), the international financial transactions dealt with some difficulties, which delayed the relief, but it was changed after the Romania's joining to Allies. The further research on the topic raises new problem for scholars. Particularly, it deals with using of memoirs. There is one other important point is inclusion of national (Ukrainian) historiography on the topic, concerning the rescue of Romanian Jews, to European and world history context.
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Abreu, Márcia. "Conectados pela ficção: circulação e leitura de romances entre a Europa e o Brasil." O Eixo e a Roda: Revista de Literatura Brasileira 22, no. 1 (June 30, 2013): 15–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/2358-9787.22.1.15-39.
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Este artigo tem por propósito apresentar e analisar as conexões culturais estabelecidas entre a Europa e o Brasil por meio da leitura de romances em circulação na primeira metade do século XIX e discutir o impacto que a consideração do gosto dos leitores pode ter para a historiografia literária. Para tanto, o texto se divide em três partes. Na primeira, apresentam-se dados sobre o comércio e leitura de livros no Rio de Janeiro e em Paris, a fim de dar a conhecer os romances que despertaram maior interesse nesses lugares. Na segunda, tecem-se considerações sobre a maneira pela qual os letrados receberam os romances na Europa e no Brasil na primeira metade do século XIX. Na terceira e última parte discutem-se as consequências que o conhecimento das preferências dos leitores e dos modos de avaliação da crítica podem ter para a história da literatura.
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Miloiu, Silviu. "Editorial foreword." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 1, no. 1 (November 15, 2009): 5–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v1i1_1.
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Having been set up on November 27, 2008, the Romanian Association for Baltic and Nordic Studies (ARSBN) has established as its fundamental goals the promotion of research activities in the field of Baltic and Nordic studies, the encouragement of knowledge in public benefit regarding this geographical area, including by the means of education, especially of higher education, the cooperation with similar institutions and associations from Romania and abroad, the promotion of the dialogue and cooperation on the axis the Baltic Sea – the Black Sea. In this regard, the establishing of a scientific publication to further our knowledge of Baltic and Nordic societies and to spread information about the Romanian society to Baltic and Northern Europe was essential. The magazine was also regarded as a springboard for the mutual acknowledgment of the bonds and relations between Romanians and the Baltic and Nordic peoples throughout their history and in contemporary times. It was our understanding and hope that the magazine will become a multidisciplinary publication hosting articles in fields such as history, history of international relations, international relations, literature and philology, economics and business, and various other sciences. When established, the editorial college also considered that it will be in the advantage of the magazine to include also book and article reviews, assessments of scientific conferences or notes of doctoral studies in the fields covered by the publication which will promote the dialogue between the two peripheries of the European continent.
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Corrêa da Cruz Bacic Fratric, Glauco, and Paulo Roberto Pedrozo Rocha. "Sob(re) o tênue fio: filosofia e literatura." Dialogia 8, no. 1 (December 22, 2009): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5585/dialogia.v8i1.1527.
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A proximidade entre filosofia e literatura não é nova no pensamento europeu. Embora, à moda de Lukács, possam ser citados romances com “cunho filosófico”, numa espécie de despertar do sono “kantiano” da ingenuidade (Lukács, p.71) – “O romance é a forma da virilidade madura, em contraposição à puerilidade normativa da epopéia” – foi no século XVIII que presenciou, sobretudo na França, a aparição dos mais significativos romances filosóficos.
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Poruciuc, Adrian. "Clues to the chronology of Old Germanic loans in Romanian and in other South-East European languages." Slavia Meridionalis 15 (September 25, 2015): 14–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2015.003.
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Clues to the chronology of Old Germanic loans in Romanian and in other South-East European languagesThe present article is directly based on the handout of the talk this author gave at the International Conference on Balkan Linguistics (6-7 May, 2013, Toruń, Nicolaus Copernicus University); therefore the subchapters and paragraphs observe the arrangement of the materials included in that handout. The first part contains a chronological table that reflects mainstream archaeological-historical information regarding the history of military-political actions and achievements of the Old Germanic populations in south-east Europe between the 3rd century BC and the 6th century of our era. Then concrete textual proofs follow, which are chronologically arranged and briefly commented upon. Finally, the author proposes interdisciplinary approaches based mainly on reference of linguistic features to historical stages and evolutions. Źródła danych do ustalenia chronologii pożyczek starogermańskich w języku rumuńskim i w innych językach Europy południowo-wschodniejArtykuł przygotowano w oparciu o dane zamieszczone w materiałach do referatu na konferencję „International Conference on Balkan Linguistics” (6-7 maja 2013, Toruń, Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika); porządek poszczególnych podsekcji i paragrafów artykułu jest zatem zgodny ze strukturą tej prezentacji. Część pierwsza zawiera chronologiczne przedstawienie istotnych materiałów archeologiczno-historycznych na temat działań o charakterze militarno-politycznym oraz zdobyczy ludów starogermańskich w Europie południowo-wschodniej w okresie od III w. p.n.e. do VI w. n.e. W dalszej części przytoczono i krótko skomentowano uporządkowane chronologicznie konkretne dowody językowe. Na końcu znajduje się propozycja interdyscyplinarnego podejścia do tematu, oparta głównie na odniesieniu cech językowych do odpowiednich etapów historii i ewolucji językowej.
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Baya, Adina, and Irina Diana Mădroane. "“Should I Stay or Should I Go?” The Promise of Europe and Female Identity in Francesca (2009)." Gender Studies 18, no. 1 (December 1, 2019): 96–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/genst-2020-0008.
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Abstract Starting from the premise that intra-EU migration has generated a repertoire of representations, narratives and stances in Romanian public imagination, within a transnational context, the present article explores an area that has attracted little scholarly attention to date: Romanian New Cinema films that tackle this theme. The analysis focuses on “Francescaˮ (Bobby Păunescu, 2009), a film centred on a female character who is on the verge of deciding whether to emigrate or not. It examines how female identity and agency are shaped in connection to symbolic constructions of the “West” as a destination space for Romanian migrants, through modalities of expression specific to the New Romanian Cinema.
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Ardelean, Andreea, Emilia Ţiţan, Ioana Daniela Manea, and Andreea Burciu. "Romania's Willingness to Import the Improvements of Successful Educational Systems from Europe." Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 140 (August 2014): 371–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2014.04.437.
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