Journal articles on the topic 'Romanians – Hungary'

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1

Scridon, Alin Cristian. "A Fragment from the Process of Disintegration of the Romanian Orthodox Church in Interwar Hungary." Journal of Church History 2022, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/jch.2022.1.5.

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"Abstract: The joy brought by the unification of Romania through the Treaty of Trianon was not felt the same by all Romanians. Various constraints started to be imposed on those who remained within Hungary’s borders. From the point of view of the Romanian Orthodox Church, the Romanian Orthodox represented practically 80% of the Romanians remaining in Hungary. Which was not something to disregard. Except for Budapest, the Romanian Orthodox parishes were located in eastern Hungary, from north to south, right next to the Romanian border. The Treaty of Trianon, although anticipable, took the Romanian Orthodox Church by surprise (compared to the Serbian Orthodox Church), as the Romanian parishes in Hungary had their governing structures (archpriestship/episcopate) in Romania. Moreover, the parishes were not subordinated to a single eparchy centre but were divided between the eparchies of Arad and Oradea. Between 1920 and 1946, the two eparchies did not give up the canonical territory from Hungary. And at the level of the Romanian Patriarchate, no plan was proposed to merge the parishes in Hungary, to be subordinated to a single eparchy, as we would say today, in a state of emergency. This was not done until 1946."
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Scridon, Alin Cristian. "The Romanian Orthodox Church in Hungary and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the Interwar Period." Journal of Education Culture and Society 9, no. 1 (June 27, 2018): 190–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20181.190.195.

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Aim. The Romanian Orthodox Church in Hungary and Yugoslavia encountered a series of shortcomings between the two world wars. Conclusion. Regardless of the political realities of the times, the Romanians coalesced around the Romanian Orthodox Church. That is why, not by chance, the great poet Mihai Eminescu identifies the Romanian Orthodox Church with the institution that preserved the Latin element near the Danube. The activity of the Romanian Orthodox Church in Hungary and Yugoslavia in the interwar period was mainly performed by priests.
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Ilie, Mihaela. "THE RISE OF A NATIONALIST-POPULIST PARTY IN ROMANIA – THE ALLIANCE FOR THE UNION OF ROMANIANS (AUR)." Srpska politička misao 78, no. 4/2022 (November 8, 2022): 143–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/spm.7842022.9.

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During the last few years, while, in many countries, political leaders and supporters of liberal democracy were facing new and unexpected challenges due to the rise of populist radical right tendencies, Romania seemed to be immune to such temptations. The latest development of the political landscape in other countries from Eastern Europe like Hungary or Poland, apparently, didn’t matter either. Therefore, after the downfall of the Greater Romania Party, more than a decade ago, and some other less successful attempts, the far-right side of the Romanian political spectrum remained empty. Things suddenly changed in the 2020 legislative elections when, as a surprise for Romanian citizens, political analysts, and media as well, the Alliance for the Union of Romanians – an unknown political party with nationalist-populist views – managed to obtain more than 9% of the votes and thus became the fourth largest party in the Romanian Parliament. The aim of the paper is to analyse the main factors that led to this outcome and to observe to what extent the anti-vaccination and anti-restrictions rhetoric promoted by the representatives of the Alliance for the Union of Romanians during the Covid-19 pandemic enhanced the party’s chances to obtain this unexpected result.
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Homoki-Nagy, Mária. "Private Law in Transylvania as Part of the Kingdom of Hungary." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae Legal Studies 9, no. 2 (January 15, 2021): 225–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.47745/ausleg.2020.9.2.03.

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Transylvania was part of the mediaeval Kingdom of Hungary beginning from the founding of this kingdom and until the year 1540, when, due to historic circumstances, it became for a time a separate entity. The development of private law in this historical space was therefore in the beginning in large part convergent with that of Hungary. However, having a multi-ethnic population consisting of Hungarians, Szeklers, Saxons, and Romanians, with the first three nationalities benefitting from different, autonomous forms of administrative organization, a lot is to be said of specific Transylvanian private law. This study presents those elements and sources of private law which characterized legal relationships in Transylvania beginning with the founding of the Kingdom of Hungary and until the separation of this region from Hungary due to Ottoman conquest. We examine the major sources of law, consisting of customary law, statutory law, and acts of royal power. We then present in summarized form the main characteristics and provisions of the law applicable to persons, the family, immovable and movable property but also inheritance. Some specific private law regulations applicable to Szeklers and Saxons are also presented as well as the perspective of Romanian legal literature regarding the private law applicable to Romanians.
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Scridon, Alin Cristian. "The Religious life of Romanians in 18th-20th century Hungary, reflected in the works of researchers in the Hungarian space." Journal of Education Culture and Society 11, no. 2 (September 11, 2020): 422–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs2020.2.422.428.

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Aim. We tend to believe that the religious life of Romanians in the diaspora – living in the proximity of the Romanian borders (we do not take into account the groups that left towards Spain, Italy, Germany, and so on at the beginning of the third millennium) - is a taboo subject. The Orthodox (Romanian) clerical elite focused less on the assiduous study of the religious life of their Romanian brothers outside the borders; in this case, in Hungary. Therefore, we have the scientific duty—but more importantly, the moral duty—to bring to light the truths that are either not known or are known in a distorted form. The road of Voniga (Giula-Giroc) that we followed during the PhD research period was a blessing from the point of view of a scientific void/niche. Methods. In our study, we have applied two “simple” components: the archive and the specialised bibliography. Results. The archive was largely preserved only by Elena Csobai and Emilia Martin. The respectable ladies professionally structured the archive (Romanian Orthodox Church in Hungary) and saved hundreds of research sources from the depth of history. Conclusion. As Moisa noted (2011), the puzzling ethnographic, linguistic, cultural, and historical bulk material is without a doubt focused on the Church. The church is inextricably linked to the lives of Romanians in Hungary. Going through the tens of thousands from the mentioned fields, even superficially, there is an undeniable truth: the spirituality is present, more or less, in the writings of most of the select researchers who have worked in the scientific field for the past three decades.
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6

Verdery, Katherine. "Nationalism and National Sentiment in Post-socialist Romania." Slavic Review 52, no. 2 (1993): 179–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2499919.

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For western observers, a striking concomitant of the end of communist party rule was the sudden appearance of national movements and national sentiments. We were not alone in our surprise: even more taken aback were party leaders, somehow persuaded by their own propaganda that party rule had resolved the so–called "national question." That this was far from true was evident all across the region: from separatism in Slovenia, Croatia, Slovakia and the Baltic and other Soviet republics; to bloodshed between Romania's Hungarians and Romanians, and between Bulgaria's Turks and Bulgarians; to Gypsy-bashing in Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania, Poland and Bulgaria; and widespread anti-Semitism–even in countries like Poland where there were virtually no Jews.
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Oprea, Emanuel George, and Alexandru I. Oprea. "Maniu and Popoviciu. Different Views on National Self-Identity of Romanians from Transylvania." DIALOGO 8, no. 1 (November 2021): 221–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.51917/dialogo.2021.8.1.20.

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The activity of two great personalities representing the interest and the rights of Romanians ethnics from Transylvania during the dualist period from 1867 to 1918 are analyzed here. Iuliu Maniu and Aurel Constantin Popoviciu were members of the Romanian National Party from Transylvania and Hungary with a different vision on the national assertion of rights and freedom related to the Austro-Hungarian Empire and another ethnic group of Dualist State.
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8

Maxwell, Alexander, and Alexander Campbell. "István Széchenyi, the casino movement, and Hungarian nationalism, 1827–1848." Nationalities Papers 42, no. 3 (May 2014): 508–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.856392.

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The establishment of theNemzeti Casino(National Casino) in Pest helped establish civil society in nineteenth-century Hungary. Count István Széchenyi, hoping to modernize Hungary on the English model, established the casino in 1827 as a public forum for the Hungarian nobility. By transcending caste divisions between nobles and bourgeois elites, Széchenyi's casino served as an unofficial parliament and stock exchange, and generally helped cultivate Hungarian patriotism. The Pest Casino inspired a nation-wide trend for casinos, which in turn formed a civil society in opposition to Habsburg absolutism. Yet when the casino movement spread to Hungary's minority nationalities, Jews, Slovaks, Romanians, and particularly Croats, the casino also contributed to national divisions in Hungary's ethnically diverse population that affected the course of the 1848 Revolution.
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Dudoi, Marian-Alin. "The Transylvanian issue: Swedish perspectives (1944-1945)." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 9, no. 1 (August 15, 2017): 27–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v9i1_3.

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The study refers to the approaches of the Transylvanian issue expressed by the Swede Gustav Bolinder in a “Svensk Tidskrift” article, volume XXXI, no. 9 of 1944. The Armistice Agreement between Romania and the United Nations, signed on September 12/13, 1944, admitted that Transylvania or most of this province to be reassigned to Romania. Suddenly, the Transylvanian issue had become one of the headlines in the world. Gustaf Bolinder, who had traveled in Romania in 1943, supported the Romanian rights in a book and press articles, both in Swedish (the article referred to in this paper dates from Autumn 1944). Another Swede, namely Arvid Fredborg, wrote comments that mostly criticized Bolinder’s approaches. Bolinder’s views and Fredborg’s comments were dispatched by the USA Legation in Sweden to the State Department, in Washington DC, and studied by the author at the Central National Historical Archives of Romania, within the USA Microfilm Collection. As the Armistice Agreement between Hungary and the United Nations, signed on January 20, 1945, forbade any Hungarian claims on Transylvania only two choices remained: an independent Transylvania, an unrealizable project according to the United Nations but present in the international media, or its reintegration into Romania. The author considers that Bolinder’s synthesis mastered, among non-Romanians and non-Hungarians, the truth about Transylvanian interethnic relations at the end of World War II.
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Paul, Sebastian. "Clash of claims: Nationalizing and democratizing policies during the first parliamentary election in multiethnic Czechoslovak Ruthenia." Nationalities Papers 46, no. 5 (September 2018): 776–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2018.1473352.

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This paper examines the question of why the countrywide 1920 parliamentary election in Czechoslovakia was postponed in its eastern borderland, Podkarpatská Rus, by putting this event into a context of simultaneous processes of democratization and nationalization, described here as the “double transformation.” The territory in question was inhabited by a Ruthenian majority, who received the support of the government in Prague; a Jewish population without clear preferences regarding their loyalties and aims; a still-influential Hungarian minority; and finally, a Czech-dominated state administration. The aim of the state administration was to let the ethnically mixed population of Ruthenia vote for its parliamentary representatives in the most democratic way possible. However, this intention clashed with the realities in place: old loyalties of the local population toward the Hungarian elites, Hungarian revisionism, a lack of governance, and security issues. Complicating the situation, Romanian troops still occupied the eastern part of Ruthenia as a result of the war among Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Romania in 1919; Romanians claimed part of the territory for their own nation-state. Faced with these thorny issues, the Czechoslovak state administration felt constrained to postpone the elections until 1924.
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11

CORCIU, Liviu, and Ion GIURCĂ. "ONE ARMY, TWO SYSTEMS. MILITARY JUSTICE IN TRANSYLVANIA, DURING THE SECOND CAMPAIGN OF THE WAR OF REUNIFICATION 1918-1920." BULLETIN OF "CAROL I" NATIONAL DEFENCE UNIVERSITY 10, no. 2 (July 12, 2021): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2284-9378-21-01.

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In the middle of the campaign for Transylvania’s liberation, Consiliul Dirigent (the political structure designated to temporarily govern the province) of Sibiu had decided to support the efforts of the Romanian army and ordered the establishment of a Territorial General Commandment meant to begin recruitment in Transylvania, Banat and within the territories in Hungary inhabited by Romanians, in order to constitute some volunteers’ units. Out of their ranks, 6th and 7th Army Corps were established, recruited exclusively from Transylvanians regardless of their nationality. Based on 1st Decree passed by the Consiliul Dirigent of Sibiu, all the former Austro-Hungarian laws, ordinances, regulations and legal statutes issued prior to December 18th1918, when Transylvania was proclaimed independent of Budapest, were kept temporarily in force. Within this context, militaries of the divisions recruited from Transylvanian were subject to military jurisdiction under Austro-Hungarian Military Criminal Code of 1855, whereas Romanian militaries who were under the command of Transylvanian Headquarters were subject to the jurisdiction of Romanian laws, implicitly to the Code of military justice
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12

Ţoca, Vlad. "Romanian Art Historiography in the Interwar Period. Between the Search for Scholarship and Commitment to a Cause." Artium Quaestiones, no. 30 (December 20, 2019): 93–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/aq.2019.30.5.

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At the end of World War I, Romania emerged as a much stronger nation, with a greatly enlarged territory. During the two world wars, the Romanian state was permanently looking for the best way to preserve the newly created national state and defend its frontiers. This was the only matter all Romanian parties seemed to agree on. The threat of territorial revisionism coming from Hungary, the Soviet Union and, to a lesser extent, Bulgaria united all the political actors in defending the peace system of Versailles and supporting the League of Nations as the guarantor of this peace and stability. The interwar period was a remarkable time for Romania’s cultural history. Between the two world wars, the Romanian cultural scene was dominated by what Keith Hitchins calls the ‘Great Debate’ about national identity and development. The opponents were those advocating synchronism with the West, on the one hand, and those pleading for tradition, on the other, with many others looking for a third way. In Romanian interwar culture, the country’s modernity was emphasized in order to place the country within the larger family of European nations. An opposing, and at the same time, complementary line of thought was that of presenting the long and noble Romanian history, tradition and ancestral roots. These two themes have been present in Romanian culture since the mid-19th century. They were used by various authors, sometimes in a complementary fashion, while at others, in a conflicting manner in literature, historical writing or political discourse. This process did not end with the creation of the Greater Romania after the end of World War I. New threats, which are mentioned above, maintained the need to continue this discourse. In this context, historical arguments became political arguments and were used by the Romanians in order to justify the new territorial gains and the Versailles system. Art history, part of the family of historical disciplines, came to play an important part in this. Romanian art historical writing or political discourse. This process did not end with the creation of the Greater Romania after the end of World War I. New threats, which are mentioned above, maintained the need to continue this discourse. In this context, historical arguments became political arguments and were used by the Romanians in order to justify the new territorial gains and the Versailles system. Art history, part of the family of historical disciplines, came to play an important part in this. Romanian art historical writing did not exist as such until the end of the 19th century. It was only in the first years of the next century that the number of scholarly works produced following western standards steadily increased. As part of a general tendency of aligning Romanian academic practices with those in the West, art historiography established itself as a respectable academic discipline, a process which went hand in hand with the establishment of new institutions such as museums, university departments, research institutions and the Commission for historical monuments. All these institutions were founded and financed by the Romanian state, and most scholars were involved with these institutions in one way or another. Although Romanian art historiography of the period is dominated by the desire to produce academic works to the highest standards, the ideas of the Great Debate are present in the works of that time. At the same time, in several texts, the most prominent art historians of the day strongly affirm the necessity of putting their work in the service of the national cause. In this paper, we will be looking at the general histories of Romanian art written between the two world wars. The choice of these texts is motivated by the fact that these works are the result of larger research projects and have a broader scope and as such better summarise the trends of the interwar period.
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Cârja, Ion. "Romanians in Austria-Hungary in the Years of “the Great War”. The Perspective of Visual Sources." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia 66, no. 1 (February 2022): 171–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhist.2021.1.09.

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"The present article is based on two research experiences that were resulted in the printing of two volumes that included visual documents. In the present article, our aim is to present the content categories that can be found in the photographs and postcards with and about the Romanians from the Austrian-Hungarian monarchy who took part in the traumatizing experience of World War I. Thus, a first theme that is rich and varied included the “faces” of the officers, soldiers and, last but not least, the civilians, in different situations, contexts and stances imposed by the war’s developments. There are group photographs that contain a varying number of soldiers, from two – three persons, up to several dozens, along with individual photographs; in all of these photographs, there are soldiers and officers, together or separate. Next, there is a distinct category of visual materials, concerning propaganda; they are mostly illustrated postcards that circulated as correspondence between the firing line and the “home front”. The symbolism of the state authority, along with the image of the emperor and that of the imperial family, were a recurring presence in the imagistic content with which the Austrian-Hungarian postcards printed during the war tried to send a loyalist message or to consolidate it in the community’s mentality. The materials that are related to the course of the daily life near the front, as well as behind it, are particularly interesting; the photographs taken during the war usually depict non-fighting moments, the moments of rest, containing with varied and diverse themes. There is a special category of visual documents that have been preserved from the time of the war, depicting the suffering that was inflicted upon the participants and the manner in which it was “handled”. Thus, among the photographs that fall in this category, we encountered those of the wounded and hospitalized soldiers, the field hospitals and the personnel with medical attributions that served near the units. Another theme section directly connected to the previous one is represented by the physical embodiment of death along the front line: photographs of funerals, graves and military cemeteries. There is a category of visual sources, from both public and private collections, that related to the war “on the seas”, photographs and postal cards of the marine troops serving in the Empire; they were stationed at Pola, in the Adriatic Sea. The photographs taken during the Great War that depict soldiers alongside civilians are of particular interest. Mostly, they are soldiers together with their own family members (mothers, wives, children etc) that are depicted in photographs that were taken far from the front line, during leaves, when the soldiers could briefly re-join their native communities. The Romanians that served in the war, wearing the military uniform of the double monarchy and who left its sphere of loyalty, either by becoming prisoners or by voluntary desertion, is a theme that was not overlooked by the visual sources that have survived from that period. These photographs of prisoners and Romanian volunteers from the time of the Great War are also relevant for the geographic coordinates, very far from one another, where the course of the events carried the Romanian soldiers, from France to far-away Siberia, at Vladivostok. The document images from the time of the Great War allow for a sui generis dialogue with those “who are no more”, over a temporal gap of a century. The camera lens often captured expressive faces, whose identity is known in the cases in which the photographs include markings and notes, along with those that offer no additional information concerning those who took the photos or their subjects; in the latter case, we can say that these images are the anonymous bearers of war’s memory. These materials offer us today the unique privilege of visually “communicating” with our forbearers from a century ago, with the representatives of the humanity that plunged into the terrible adventure of World War I. Keywords: “The Great War”, Romanians, Austria-Hungary, visual sources, cultural history. "
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Barabás, Blanka. "The Complexities of the Field in a Linguistic Ethnographic Research." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Philologica 14, no. 3 (December 1, 2022): 143–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ausp-2022-0030.

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Abstract In critical sociolinguistics, language is viewed as a fundamentally social phenomenon that is defined discursively, rather than in terms of individual beliefs and attitudes, and because linguistic practices are themselves intersubjective. Moreover, the broader cultural, historical, and political aspects have also become relevant in the study of language, requiring new ways of addressing sociolinguistic issues. Linguistic ethnography may be a central tool in this inquiry, as it looks at everyday practices in order to understand wider social structures. In this paper, I argue that a festival as a place of encounters provides an adequate context for such research. After discussing the different concepts of the field in doing ethnographic work, I examine the online presence of the festival in question. Tusványos is an event organized in Transylvania every year, with the intention of bringing together Hungarian participants from Hungary and Romania, as well as Romanians.
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Veress, Emőd. "Lajos Takács: A Hungarian Lawyer's Life in 20th-Century Transylvania." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Legal Studies 11, no. 1 (June 15, 2022): 153–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.47745/ausleg.2022.11.1.09.

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Lajos Takács was born in Transylvania, a multi-ethnic region, at the time (before 1918/20) part of Kingdom of Hungary and later part of Romania. He finished his studies in law in what was by that time Romania, given that the university centre of Transylvania, Cluj, had become part of Romania. He was a young lawyer of good ability, gifted with political and social sensitivity. After 1945, he found himself in the service of the emerging dictatorship because he certainly believed that the time had come for a solution to the question of nationalities, for reconciliation, equality, cooperation, and friendship between Romanians and Hungarians. In this capacity, however, he contributed to the dismantling of Hungarian institutions and organizations, most notably – as rector – to the forced merger of Bolyai University into Victor Babeş University. Instead of reconciliation, the system was characterized by the oppression of minorities. Takács, in his old age, realizing his mistakes, became an opponent of the regime and of Ceauşescu. In the 1980s, during the darkest period of the dictatorship, he died without the hope that some of his former dreams would come true.
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Kim, Ji Young. "Territorial Recovery of Hungary through the 2nd Vienna Award: 1940. 8. 30." East European and Balkan Institute 46, no. 4 (November 30, 2022): 91–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2022.46.4.91.

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In the Second World War, Hungary was an ally of Germany, joining the Axis powers in August 1940 under the Second Vienna Award. Joachim von Ribbentrop, Germany’s Foreign Minister, and Italian Foreign Minister Galeazzo Ciano met with Hungarian and Romanian representatives in the Belvedere Palace in Vienna. There they began negotiations on Hungary recovering the territory of Transylvania that it had ceded to Romania as a consequence of World War One. The confrontation between Hungary and Romania meant that Hungary’s demands were not accepted. As a result of Ribbentrop and Ciano’s mediation, the two sides agreed to redraw the boundaries of the territory to account for population composition and historical claims to sovereignty. Hungary failed to realize their ambitious dream of recovering the entire territory of Transylvania, and they had to be content with taking back the region of Székelys, where Hungarians were in the majority. Romania’s sovereignty over the rest of Transylvania, which Romania had taken control over post-World War One, was recognized. However, this deal would ultimately hurt Hungary. Because it was brokered by Germany and Italy, Hungary was treated as a defeated state in the post-World War Two peace negotiations.
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Kókai, Sándor. "Kultúrák határán, metszéspontok a Bánságban." Jelenkori Társadalmi és Gazdasági Folyamatok 5, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2010): 192–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/jtgf.2010.1-2.192-200.

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The Bansag was a unique multicultural area in the historical Hungary, since then it mostly disappeared as the ethnical and linguistic rate changed. At the same time it is still a special cultural geographical region in the Carpatian-Basin. The Bansag's cultural diversity is originated thanks to these nations: Romanians, Germans, Hungarians, Serbs, Croatians, Jewish, Bulgarians, Slovaks, Czechs, Gypsies, Turkish. The religious variety is also cha-racteristic because of the large number of religions (Orthodox, Catholicism, Protestant, Calvinist, Jewish and Muslim denomination). The Bansag was the model of peaceful coexistence between 1718 and 1918. Nowadays the maintenance of intercultural heritage is in danger. The region lost the multilingual character, which would mean connection with West-Europe.
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Petrușan, Gheorghe. "On the Dynamics of the Circumstances Regarding the Number, Composition and Locality of the Romanians in Hungary." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Philologia 63, no. 3 (September 30, 2018): 151–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbphilo.2018.3.12.

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Tóth, Attila, Gyula Fodor, and Sándor Berghauer. "The Ethnic and Religious Structure of the Population of the Present-Day Territory of Transcarpathia in 1851." Modern Geográfia 18, no. 1 (January 2023): 27–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/mg.2023.18.01.02.

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In the present study we attempted to ascertain the ethnic and religious structure of the population which in 1851 lived on the territory that is now known as Transcarpathia, based on data from the book by Elek Fényes (The Geographic Dictionary of Hungary… / Magyarország geographiai szótára…) published in the same year. According to the results of our research, we can state that the dominant ethnic community of the region at that time were the Rusyns (in Elek Fényes’s wording Russians), who lived predominantly in the mountainous territories. An important role in the ethnic structure was also played by Hungarians, Germans, Slovaks and Vlachs (Romanians). As to the religious composition, the most important denomination was that of Greek Catholics/Eastern Orthodox Christians, who formed an absolute majority in the region, their settlement area showing a close relationship with the location of the Rusyns.
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Rácz, Anita. "Settlement Names Referring to Eastern Slavic Settlers in Medieval Hungary." Вопросы Ономастики 19, no. 2 (2022): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/vopr_onom.2022.19.2.018.

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Hungarians arrived at the Carpathian Basin at around 895–900 and after a long journey from the east they occupied the interior plains, mostly the river valleys (in Hungarian history, this event is referred to as the Conquest). The previous tribal alliance had slowly disintegrated by the time of king Stephen I (1001–1038) when pagan beliefs were replaced by Christianity. The peripheral areas of the Kingdom of Hungary, however, were typically uninhabited until the 12th century when the ethnic landscape started changing with the arrival of Saxon settlers, Slavs, Romanians, and Pechenegs. We have no Hungarian written sources from the time preceding the Conquest. The early Latin (less frequently Greek) written sources contain Hungarian words and expressions only sporadically and they are mostly proper names designating places. However, due to their early appearance and low number, these have proved to be truly valuable for linguistics and historical studies exploring the early history of Hungarians and the ethnic and population history of the contemporary Carpathian Basin. In this respect, the settlement names rooted in ethnonyms have a key role as they also shed light on relations between Hungarians and other peoples. This paper studies settlement names that may refer to Eastern Slavic settlers designated by the ethnonym orosz in the medieval Hungarian language. The ethnic groups designated by this name were first registered in the 11th–12th century, however, groups of Slavs could have joined the Hungarian populace before the Conquest. The study shows that the highest proportion of settlement names derived from this ethnonym are found in the northeastern, northern, as well as eastern regions of early medieval Hungary, mostly along the border of the country. The author describes the most frequent name formation patterns that can also be used for relative dating of oikonyms, and discusses the extension to which these data may be useful for the reconstruction of the ethnic landscape of medieval Hungary.
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Valentinovich Pilipchuk, Yaroslav. "Wallachian cnezates in history of Eastern and South-Eastern Europe." SCIENTIFIC WORK 58, no. 9 (October 10, 2020): 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/58/24-33.

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This paper is devoted to the history of Wallachians a day knezats in the High Middle Ages. Wallachians mentioned far more often than in the Balkans and north of the Danube by the thirteenth century. Wallachian rebellious were subjects Romaios (Byzantinians), but this does not exclude the situational alliances with Romaios and Wallachian contingents participating in the campaigns of Byzantine army. Formation of political structures the Romanians in regions to the north of the Danube can be dated to the IX-XIII centuries. Making Wallachia as an independent state linked to the crisis in the Golden Horde and the expansion of Hungary to the east. Basarab just completed buissnes of Seneslav. Knezate of Gelou is nothing like Wallachian-Slavic cnezat in Transylvania. Regarding the migration of Wallachians in Muntenia, it was implemented as from the territory of Transylvania, as well as from the territory of the Balkan Peninsula. Key words: cnezates, Wallachians, Wallachia, Vlachs, Muntenia
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Stykalin, Alexander S. "The Hungarian Community of Transylvania in Its Relations With the Romanian Communist Authorities From the 1950s to the 1980s." Central-European Studies 2020, no. 3 (12) (2021): 134–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2020.3.7.

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The historical experience of Hungarian-Romanian relations in previous eras affected the relations of the Hungarian national minority of Transylvania with the Romanian communist authorities from the 1950s to the 1980s. The concept of Romania as a unitary national state excluded the idea of Hungarian territorial autonomy even within its narrowest borders; Transylvanian Hungarians were declared an integral part of the Romanian political nation. This caused growing resistance from the consolidated Hungarian minority with a highly developed national identity and with the intelligentsia, which perceived itself as the guardian of the 1000-year-old Hungarian state and cultural traditions in Transylvania. The reaction of the Transylvanian Hungarian intelligentsia to the growing Romanian nationalist challenge changed as the Ceauşescu regime evolved, giving rise to different behavioral strategies. In the late 1960s, when Romania’s independent policy was internationally recognised the dominant attitude was to influence the situation through dialogue with the authorities. Later, from the end of the 1970s, the participation of Transylvanian Hungarians in the Romanian dissident movement intensified. The policy of the K.d.r regime concerning the Hungarians in Romania also changed depending on the state of Hungary–Romania relations.
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Eberhardt, Piotr. "Problematyka narodowościowa Rusi Zakarpackiej." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 39 (February 15, 2022): 27–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2011.020.

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Nationality Problems of TranscarpathiaThe article discusses ethnic diversity and the changes which took place in Transcarpathia in the 20th century. First, the author presents the historical background for a statistical-demographic analysis. He points to the peripheral location of the region and the fact that it often changed its political affiliation. Thus, for a period of almost a thousand years the province was included within the borders of Hungary; between 1919 and 1939 it became part of Czechoslovakia, and after a four-day long period of independence (14–18 March 1939) it was again incorporated into Hungary between 1939 and 1945. After World War II it was part of a Soviet republic, and since 1991 it has been included in the independent state of Ukraine.Each of these periods brought far-reaching demographic and ethnic consequences. The population of Transcarpathia consisted of Slavic people of Ruthenian origin, mostly Greek Catholics. The inhabitants of the province were subjected to Hungarian, Ukrainian, and Russian influences and believed in different options, such as pro-Ukrainian, pro-Russian, or separatist, i.e. Ruthenian. These issues are discussed in detail in the article and thoroughly interpreted by the author. He also points to the fact that the territory of Transcarpathia was inhabited by numerous ethnic minorities. The Hungarian minority has always been the most important, both in the past and in the present; today it is concentrated in the south of the province. In the past, Jews and Germans also constituted sizeable minorities, while Romanians and Slovaks were always of marginal significance there. The final part of the article presents the scale of the separatist tendencies which may have dangerous political consequences in the future.
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Slíz, Mariann. "Szent György és Szent Demeter kultuszának hatása a magyar személynévadásra." Magyar Nyelv 116, no. 3 (2020): 286–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.18349/magyarnyelv.2020.3.286.

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The case study intends to demonstrate how the databases and name statistics of Hungarian historical anthroponymy built over the last decades can be useful in the study of cults of saints. The paper concentrates on given names, since the effect of saints’ cults on personal name giving can mostly be detected by studying the historical changes, and the geographical and social diversity of the given name stock. The comparison of the two cults is motivated by several reasons. First, from a methodological viewpoint, it makes the evaluation of the measure of the impact more precise. Second, the two saints are linked by several aspects of cult history: both of them are Eastern soldier saints, frequently depicted together. However, their Hungarian cults developed differently: while Saint George became the prototype of soldier and knight saints in Hungary (and throughout Europe as well), the veneration of Saint Demetrius remained limited and was confined to the orthodox areas of the country since the early modern period. This difference can also be revealed in the popularity of the two names in Hungary. The name György ‘George’ has been far more frequent than Demeter ‘Demetrius’ from the beginning and is among the 100 most frequent given names of the whole popu-lation today, although its popularity has been decreasing. By contrast, Demeter can be counted as a definitely rare name. Their geographical distribution at the beginning of the 18th century shows the same picture: while the name György was the second most frequent name in the whole population, Demeter was used in the regions habitated mostly by orthodox Romanians and Rusyns.
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Tibor, Elekes. "Social, economic and population processes in Transylvania in the hundred years after Trianon." Wschodnioznawstwo 14 (2020): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20827695wsc.20.002.13330.

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Of all losers of the first World War Hungary had been the most penalized. That included the losing of over two third of its territory and nearly as much of its population. Albeit paying lip service to the right of self-determination, the victors delegated 5,5 million people into a minority position (whilst for some this meant no change, yet brought difficulties). It was only 5,2 million about whom it could be claimed on ethnic grounds – in part with reservations – that their fate as that of a community improved. In the areas annexed by Romania, the socio-economic processes of the wider region prevailed in the studied period. The greatest change took place during Communism’s four decades. The main objective of the centrally managed economy was industrialization, and soon the national-communist leadership aimed at creating a „homogenized society”. Population growth of four decades after the second World War came to a halt due to mass emigration and decline in birth rate in the early 1990s; the number of population falling by nearly 4 million to date. In proportional terms the loss of the 16,8 million strong Romanians (2011) and the 1,2 million strong Hungarians was near identical during the 2002–2011 period. By 2011, the number of Transylvanian Germans counting 600 000 prior to the second World War had been reduced to 36 000. The number of the half a million strong in 1930 Jews had fallen to a few hundred. At the same time, the number of Romani increased to 621 000. The Hungarian indigenous minority in Transylvania see the survival of their community in the realization of autonomy in Székelyland, and in Northwestern Transylvania.
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Burlacu, Sorin, Florina Bran, Carmen Valentina Rădulescu, and Dumitru Alexandru Bodislav. "The circular economy - Romania’s paradigm from the perspective of EU principles and directions for 2050." Proceedings of the International Conference on Business Excellence 16, no. 1 (August 1, 2022): 278–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/picbe-2022-0027.

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Abstract The European Parliament presents on its official website information on how the European Union intends to reach a circular economy by 2050. The action plans and directions, the key sectors of the circular economy, as well as the ways of waste management and transport are presented. On the other hand, the Department for Sustainable Development within the Romanian government presents its own vision of the circular economy. It should be appreciated that the Romanian perspective is based on studies that are based on the perceptions of citizens. The aim of our research is to highlight the cohesion between the Romanian perspective and the European vision in terms of how they understood to harmonize their principles and directions of action in the field of circular economy. It is known that Romania joined the EU on January 1, 2007 and has 33 members in the European Parliament. Currently about 77% of Romania’s exports are made to the EU (Germany 23%, Italy 11% and France 7%) and Romania’s imports come in proportion of 75% from the other EU member states (Germany 20%, Italy 9% and Hungary 7%). Although Romania has committed to adopt the euro as soon as it meets the necessary conditions and is in the process of joining the Schengen area, these goals are not yet fulfilled in 2022. The findings of our research allow us to conclude that beyond strategies and action plans, action and its consequences are important. Romania’s paradigm in terms of the circular economy can be considered surprising in its similarity and antagonistic in its results. Our conclusions allow the opening of new directions of research regarding the perspectives of the circular economy through economic and social resilience.
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Kamusella, Tomasz. "Book Review: Ambrus Miskolczy, Romanians in Historic Hungary, trans. Joseph Held, Social Science Monographs: Boulder CO, 2008; xi + 173 pp., 1 map; 9780880336321, $50.00 (hbk)." European History Quarterly 41, no. 2 (April 2011): 353–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914110410020538.

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Kovács, Ábraham. "Revivalism, Bible Societies, and Tract Societies in the Kingdom of Hungary: A Multi-Ethnic, Multi-Cultural, and Multi-Denominational Work for Spreading the Good News of Jesus Christ." Perichoresis 19, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 17–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/perc-2021-0002.

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Abstract The current research paper seeks to investigate how Evangelicals and Pietist, the most fervent of Protestants sought to ‘educate’ the masses outside the educational framework of ecclesiastical and state structures within the Hungarian Kingdom. More specifically the study intends to offer a concise overview of the history of Protestants who spread the gospel through the distribution of affordable Bibles, New Testaments and Christian tracts. It shows how various denominations worked together as well as directs attention to their theological outlook which transcended ethnic boundaries. It is a well-known fact in mission and church history that such undertakings were carried out to stir revivalism. The study also throws light on how influential role the Scottish Mission as well as Archduchess Maria Dorothea played in stirring revivalism through the aforementioned means. The history of these kinds of endeavours, especially that of the most significant ones like the work of the British and Foreign Bible Society and Religious Tract Society has not been treated adequately by historians of religion and education, intellectual historians and social historians. This research output is a contribution to give an account of the multi-ethnic and transdenominational work of Hungarians, Jews, Germans, Slovaks and Romanians working for a common goal.
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Kim, Jiyoung. "Quo vadis Transylvania?: Hungarian and Romanian resolution for Transylvania during World War II." East European and Balkan Institute 47, no. 1 (February 28, 2023): 113–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2023.47.1.113.

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World War I and World War II were the most important inflection points in Hungarian history. As a result of World War I, historical Hungary was annihilated with the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. In particular, as Transylvania, the cause of the conflict between Hungary and Romania, belonged to Romania, Hungary and Romania have maintained uncomfortable relations until now. The defeat of Germany's alliance with Hungary in World War II brought territorial gains to Romania's alliance with the Soviet Union. In this article, we looked at the various measures and discussions that Hungary and Romania had during and after World War II regarding the Transylvania issue. In the end, the interests of the great powers were the decisive factor that separated the fate of the two countries.
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30

Mureșan, Marius. "A ‘Historical Reconciliation.’ The Romanian‑Hungarian Treaty of 1996." Acta Musei Napocensis. Historica, no. 56 (January 15, 2021): 163–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.54145/actamn.56.09.

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This article analyses Romania’s foreign policy during the transition from communism to democracy, between 1990 and 1996, through the lens of its relations with Hungary. These were conditioned by the historical background, antagonistic feelings best describing public opinion attitudes in the two states. The analysis considered the situation of the Hungarian minority in Romania and the way in which inter-ethnic tensions (such as the street fights in Târgu-Mureş in March 1990) influenced diplomatic cooperation, as well as the way in which the political class positioned on this issue. The study focuses on the adoption of the ‘Treaty of understanding, cooperation and good neighborliness concluded between Romania and the Republic of Hungary,’ a condition for the acceptance of the two countries in the negotiations for accession to NATO and the European Union. The tortuous process that led to the signing of this document was analyzed through the lens of specialized literature, but also by reference to some decision-makers at that time, such as the US ambassador to Romania, Alfred H. Moses, or President Ion Iliescu. As regards the reactions of politicians and the media in both states to the signing of the treaty, in the context of the Romanian electoral campaign that was taking place at that time, sources from the written press were used, Evenimentul Zilei and Adevărul being the most widely read dailies.
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Prestia, Joseph D. "‘Civilized States’ and Situational Sovereignty: The Dilemmas of Romanian Neutrality, 1914–1916." European History Quarterly 51, no. 1 (January 2021): 45–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691420983582.

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At the 1914 Crown Council, which decided to keep Romania neutral in 1914, former Conservative prime minister Petre Carp offered his succinct and direct opinion about the direction of Romanian foreign policy in the opening days of the Great War. He admonished the Council that, if Romania wanted to remain among the ‘civilized states’ ( statele civilizate) it had to follow Germany and Austria-Hungary into war immediately. The idea of ‘civilized states’ that dominated the remainder of the Crown Council was not merely an intersubjective social construction. It was a legal term of art in fin de siècle international law that could be applied in the real world. It was only the legally-civilized states that enjoyed the full panoply of rights, privileges, and protections under international law. This is a study of how Romania’s policy-making elite, and Ion I. C. Brătianu’s government, in particular, confronted the challenges of ‘situational sovereignty’. It asserts that, during Romania’s two-year Period of Neutrality (3 August 1914–17 August 1916), Brătianu initially used bilateral conventions as both a method to establish recognition of Romania’s status (or at least a guarantee of territorial integrity) and as a litmus test to determine which (if any) foreign powers recognized Romania as a legal equal. Although he was able to achieve a short-term victory of having an equality clause inserted into the August 1916 political convention with the Entente, it is unclear if that clause could have been durable. Ultimately, Brătianu was trapped between a desire to secure Romania’s recognition through international agreement, but confronted with the reality that Romania’s lack of recognition as a legally-civilized equal meant those very conventions could be unenforceable.
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POPENKO, Yaroslav, Ihor SRIBNYAK, Natalia YAKOVENKO, and Viktor MATVIYENKO. "“...COMING TO COMMON PEACE TOGETHER WITH OUR ALLIES”: ROMANIA’S FOREIGN POLICY BALANCING DURING WORLD WAR I." Skhid, no. 2(3) (December 27, 2021): 36–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21847/1728-9343.2021.2(3).247245.

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The article covers the course of negotiations between the plenipotentiaries of Romania and the leading states of the Entente and the Quadruple Alliance during the First World War. Facing the dilemma of determining its own foreign policy orientation – by joining one of the mentioned military-political blocs, the Romanian government was hesitating for a long time to come to a final decision. At the same time, largely due to this balancing process, official Bucharest managed to preserve its sovereign right to work out and make the most important decisions, while consistently defending Romania's national interests. By taking the side of the Entente and receiving comprehensive military assistance from Russia, Romania at the same time faced enormous military and political problems due to military superiority of the allied Austrian and German forces at the Balkan theater of hostilities. Their occupation of much of Romania forced official Bucharest to seek an alternative, making it sign a separate agreement with the Central Block states. At the same time, its ratification was being delayed in every possible way, which enabled Romania to return to the camp of war winners at the right time. At the same time, official Bucharest made the most of the decline and liquidation of imperial institutions in Russia and Austria-Hungary at the final stage of the First World War, incorporating vast frontier territories into the Kingdom. Taking advantage of the revolutionary events in Russia, the Romanian government succeeded, in particular, in resolving the “Bessarabian problem” in its favor. In addition, Romania included Transylvania, Bukovina and part of Banat. An important foreign policy achievement of Romanian diplomacy was signing of the 1918 Bucharest Peace Treaty, as well as its participation in the Paris Peace Conference.
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Stykalin, Alexander S. "The fate of one university in the context of changing borders in Central Europe (Kolozsvár — Cluj — Szeged)." Slavic Almanac, no. 3-4 (2021): 353–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2021.3-4.5.01.

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An example of how epoch-making historical events in Central Europe affected the fate of an elite educational institution is the history of the second Hungarian university, founded in 1872 in the main city of Transylvania, Kolozsvár. This university was forced to leave Transylvania as a result of its reunification with the Kingdom of Romania in December 1918 following the First World War. Romanian professors from the “Old Kingdom” entered the university buildings built in the era of Austro-Hungarian dualism, located in the same city that changed its name from Kolozsvár, to Cluj. They were tasked by the new authorities to facilitate the integration of the region into Romania. The Hungarian University moves within the new borders of Hungary, to the city of Szeged. The creating of this powerful center of elite Hungarian culture became one of the essential directions of the cultural policy of the conservative regime. Its representatives saw the transformation of Hungary into a bastion of high European culture on the threshold of the Balkans as one of the ways to compensate for the enormous national infringement that the Trianon Peace Treaty of 1920 was for millions of Hungarians. The resettlement to Szeged, however, by no means put an end to the history of the Hungarian University of Transylvania. After the second Vienna arbitration for the transfer of Northern Transylvania to Hungary (August 1940), the Hungarian university in Cluj was restored, and the Romanian one moved within the narrowed borders of Romania. In the post-war Romania, under the left-wing authorities, and later the communist regime, which was not interested in aggravating the Hungarian-Romanian contradictions, both Romanian and Hungarian universities functioned in Cluj for a decade and a half, until in 1959, amid the rise of Romanian nationalism, an independent Hungarian university was closed.
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POPESCU, Dan. "MIHAIL MANOILESCU, "THE VIENNA DICTAT" A Wretched Political Situation Inducing a Fatal Command • A Few Notes •." Revista Economica 73, no. 3 (October 3, 2021): 8–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.56043/reveco-2021-0022.

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Horváth, Paul, and János Sallai. "The “evaporation” of Romanian citizens towards Western Europe, with the secret help of Hungary, between 1985 and 1989." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia 65, no. 2 (May 26, 2021): 157–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhist.2020.2.09.

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"The “evaporation” of Romanian citizens towards Western Europe, with the secret help of Hungary, between 1985-1989. The Document edited and published here it was a secret one. It comes out from the communist archives of Hungary and deal with the problem of the emigrants that enter from East in Hungary in the last years of the communist regime. It is an illustrative piece in which secretly and silently the communist authorities of Hungary understand to lease the persons who wants to travel in west to exit from Hungary without any control. It was not only an expression of the tensions between Romania and Hungary in those years, but also a rehearsal for what was happened with the East German citizens who passed over Hungary to the West in 1989. The authenticity of the act is proved also by the oral and written testimony of one of the travellers which pass over Hungary in Austria in 1985. Keywords: End of Communism, border regime, Romanian-Hungarian tensions, emigration from East to West in late 80s. "
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Tion, Lucian. "The Socialist Leader in Film: Sergiu Nicolaescu’s Hot Days in Romania and Post-Maoist China." Comparative Literature Studies 59, no. 3 (August 1, 2022): 468–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/complitstudies.59.3.0468.

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ABSTRACT This article comparatively explores the reception of Sergiu Nicolaescu’s film Zile fierbinți (Hot Days, 1975) in socialist and postsocialist Romania and China. Received as a propagandistic film in one postsocialist context, the film is understood as a gesture toward social change in another. While the film began to be considered a paragon of propagandistic indoctrination in Romania after the fall of communism, in China Nicolaescu’s work was and continues to be interpreted as a celebration of the individual under socialism and, at the time of its screening, resonated with the restructuring of the communist system during the Deng Xiaoping reform era. Drawing on 1970s Romanian film criticism, the author shows that the postsocialist-era reading of the film’s protagonist as an authoritarian symbol of Romania’s political dictatorship misses that socialist realism and the film de actualitate genres played an important role in negotiating a working-class response to the one-party state, while also gesturing toward certain reforms of Romanian state socialism. The author also reinterprets the figure of the film’s protagonist, the socialist leader, as an invitation for more active political engagement and as a symbol of the potential restructuring of the Romanian economy along the more progressive lines of Yugoslavia’s “worker self-management” and Hungary’s “Gulash Communism.”
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Sólyom, Réka, Zsófia Lendvai, Krisztina Pásti, Lilla Szeifert, and J. Attila Szabó. "Sleep duration among school-age children in Hungary and Romania." Orvosi Hetilap 154, no. 40 (October 2013): 1592–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/oh.2013.29713.

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Introduction: Children’s sleep duration is decreasing in the last decade. Despite of the well known negative consequences, there are no data on children’s sleep duration in Hungary and Romania. Aim: The aim of the authors was to assess sleep duration of school-age children in Hungary and Romania. Method: A self-edited questionnaire was used for the study. 2446 children were enrolled. All elementary and secondary schools in a Hungarian city, and one elementary and secondary school in a Romanian city took part in the study. Results: Mean sleep duration was 8.3±1.2 hours on weekdays. There was a significant difference between the two countries (Hungary vs. Romania, 8.5±1.2 hours vs. 7.8±0.9 hours, p = 0.001). Age correlated with sleep duration on weekdays (r= –0.605, p = 0.001), but not during weekend. Conclusions: this is the first study on children’s sleep duration in Hungary and Romania. The difference between countries may be due to the difference in mean age or cultural and/or geographical differences. Orv. Hetil., 2013, 154, 1592–1596.
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Granville, Johanna. "“If Hope is Sin, Then We Are All Guilty”: Romanian Students’ Reactions to the Hungarian Revolution and Soviet Intervention, 1956–1958." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1905 (January 1, 2008): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2008.142.

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The events of 1956 (the Twentieth CPSU Congress, Khrushchev’s Secret Speech, and the Hungarian revolution) had a strong impact on the evolution of the Romanian communist regime, paving the way for the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Romania in 1958, the stricter policy toward the Transylvanian Hungarians, and Romania’s greater independence from the USSR in the 1960s. Students complained about their living and studying conditions long before the outbreak of the Hungarian crisis. Ethnic Hungarians from Transylvania listened closely to Budapest radio stations, and Romanian students in Budapest in the summer of 1956 were especially affected by the ferment of ideas there. For the Gheorghiu-Dej regime, the Hungarian revolution and Soviet invasion provided a useful excuse to end the destalinization process and crack the whip conclusivel —carrying out mass arrests, but also granting short-term concessions to ethnic minorities and workers. Of all segments of the Romanian population, university students were the most discontented. Drawing on archival documents, published memoirs, and recent Romanian scholarship, this paper will analyze and compare the student unrest in Bucharest, Cluj, Iaşi, and Timişoara. Due to a combination of psychological, logistical, and historical factors, students in the latter city were especially vocal and organized. On October 30 over 2,000 students from the Polytechnic Institute in Timişoara met with party offi cials, demanding changes in living and study conditions, as well as the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Romania. Another 800-1,000 students convened on October 31, calling for the release of students who were arrested the day before. Obvious discrepancies between the Romanian and Hungarian media sparked their curiosity about events in Hungary, while their cramped dorm rooms actually facilitated student meetings. In the Banat region itself, a tradition of anti-communist protest had prevailed since 1945. Although arrested en masse, these students set a vital precedent—especially for the Timişoarans who launched the Romanian Revolution thirty-three years later.
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Mailat, Damaris. "Românii şi ideea federalistă. Alexandru Vaida-Voevod." Hiperboreea A2, no. 1 (January 1, 2013): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.2.1.0031.

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Abstract Alexandru Vaida Voevod was a supporter and promoter of the union of Transylvania (before 1918 a part of Austria-Hungary) with the Romanian Old Kingdom; he later served three terms as a Prime Minister of Greater Romania. Vaida-Voevod joined the Romanian delegation to the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, and was one of its most prominent members throughout the negotiations, as an organizer of press campaigns.
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Radchenko, Iryna Gennadiivna. "The Philanthropic Organizations' Assistance to Jews of Romania and "Transnistria" during the World War II." Dnipropetrovsk University Bulletin. History & Archaeology series 25, no. 1 (March 7, 2017): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/261714.

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The article is devoted to assistance, rescue to the Jewish people in Romanian territory, including "Transnistria" in 1939–1945. Using the archival document from different institutions (USHMM, Franklyn D. Roosevelt Library) and newest literature, the author shows the scale of the assistance, its mechanism and kinds. It was determined some of existed charitable organizations and analyzed its mechanism of cooperation between each other. Before the war, the Romanian Jewish Community was the one of largest in Europe (after USSR and Poland) and felt all tragedy of Holocaust. Romania was the one of the Axis states; the anti-Semitic policy has become a feature of Marshal Antonescu policy. It consisted of deportations from some regions of Romania to newly-created region "Transnistria", mass exterminations, death due to some infectious disease, hunger, etc. At the same moment, Romania became an example of cooperation of the international organizations, foreign governments on providing aid. The scale of this assistance was significant: thanks to it, many of Romanian Jews (primarily, children) could survive the Holocaust: some of them were come back to Romanian regions, others decide to emigrate to Palestine. The emphasis is placed on the personalities, who played important (if not decisive) role: W. Filderman, S. Mayer, Ch. Colb, J. Schwarzenberg, R. Mac Clelland and many others. It was found that the main part of assistance to Romanian Jews was began to give from the end of 1943, when the West States, World Jewish community obtained numerous proofs of Nazi crimes against the Jews (and, particularly, Romanian Jews). It is worth noting that the assistance was provided, mostly, for Romanian Jews, deported from Regat; some local (Ukrainian) Jews also had the possibility to receive a lot of needful things. But before the winter 1942, most of Ukrainian Jews was exterminated in ghettos and concentration camps. The main kinds of the assistance were financial (donations, which was given by JDC through the ICRC and Romanian Jewish Community), food parcels, clothes, medicaments, and emigrations from "Transnistria" to Romania, Palestine (after 1943). Considering the status of Romania (as Nazi Germany's ally in World War II), the international financial transactions dealt with some difficulties, which delayed the relief, but it was changed after the Romania's joining to Allies. The further research on the topic raises new problem for scholars. Particularly, it deals with using of memoirs. There is one other important point is inclusion of national (Ukrainian) historiography on the topic, concerning the rescue of Romanian Jews, to European and world history context.
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Iorgu, Ionuţ Ştefan, and Elena Iulia Iorgu. "Geographic Distribution of Isophya pienensis in the Romanian Carpathians (Insecta: Orthoptera: Tettigoniidae)." Travaux du Muséum National d’Histoire Naturelle “Grigore Antipa” 60, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 441–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/travmu-2017-0015.

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Abstract Isophya pienensis Mařan, 1952 is a mesophytic bush-cricket occurring in Romania, western Ukraine, southeastern Poland, Slovakia, northeastern Hungary and a few isolated localities in the Czech Republic and Austria (Chobanov et al., 2016). Species distribution in the Romanian Eastern Carpathians and Apuseni Mountains is reviewed, based on literature and personal data.
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Zaharia, Felix. "The Law of Transboundary Aquifers in Practice ‐ the Mureş Alluvial Fan Aquifer System (Romania/Hungary)." International Community Law Review 13, no. 3 (2011): 291–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187197311x585347.

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AbstractAt the beginning of April 2011, local water companies from the counties of Arad in Romania and Békés in Hungary initiated the demarches for the first project of transboundary supply of groundwater from the Romanian part of the Mureş Alluvial Fan Aquifer System to consumers in Hungary. An idea which came about at the same time that the International Law Commission’s Draft Articles on the Law of Transboundary Aquifers were being adopted, will be probably put into practice shortly after the United Nations General Assembly would have analyzed whether to transform the Draft Articles into a multilateral treaty. Until then, many legal questions regarding this project must be answered, some of them national, others international. This article tries to answer some of these problems, with the help of the International Law Commission’s Draft Articles on the Law of Transboundary Aquifers and the bilateral agreements concluded between Romania and Hungary.
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Knigth, Gregory D. "The Nationality Question in Contemporary Hungarian-Romanian Relations." Nationalities Papers 15, no. 2 (1987): 215–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998708408056.

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The historical feud between Hungary and Romania over Transylvania has escalated in proportion and intensity in recent years. Territorial dispute is no longer central to the present debate. Rather, it is the treatment of approximately two million ethnic Hungarians residing in Transylvania that has generated considerable tension between the governments of Janos Kadar and Nicolae Ceausescu. Transylvania's ethnic Hungarians represent an obstacle to Ceausescu's policy of “national communism,” which promotes “Romanianism” to the detriment of the country's minority populations. In Hungary, reformists both within and outside the Kadar government have pressed the regime for a satisfactory solution to the perceived mistreatment of Hungarians living in neighboring socialist countries. By complicating relations between the two countries, the nationality question also effectively limits the degree to which Hungary and Romania can cooperate succesfully on regional endeavors. Finally, particularly in the case of Romania, exacerbation of the nationality question has attracted increased concern among “external” players, including the Soviet Union and the United States.
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44

Paliga, Sorin. "The social structure of the south-east European societies in the moddle ages – a linguistic view." Linguistica 27, no. 1 (December 1, 1987): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/linguistica.27.1.111-126.

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The purpose of this paper is to review several terms spread over a quite large area in South-East Europe. The starting point of our investigation is the Romanian language understood as inheriting an important Thracian vocabulary, specifically referring to the social and political structure of the Early Middle Ages. The terms discussed are not exlusively Romanian. In fact, they reflect - roughly speaking - the ancient extension of the Thracian speakers, i.e. the present-day territories of Romania, Bulgaria, Soviet Moldavia and parts of South- and South-West ·ukraine, Slovakia, Hungary and Yugoslavia.
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45

Mária, Péter H. "The effects of the Treaty of Trianon on the pharmaceutical network." Bulletin of Medical Sciences 93, no. 1 (July 1, 2020): 38–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/orvtudert-2020-0004.

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Abstract The consequences of the border adjustments resulting from the Treaty of Trianon affected the entire Hungarian pharmaceutical network. Transylvania, Maramureș and East Banat became part of Romania and Hungary lost 102.813 km2 of its former territory. A Hungarian population of 1,662,000 (based on the 1910 census), 31.78% of the total population, came under Romanian rule. 477 Hungarian pharmacies were lost in 327 locations. Later, in the areas given to Romania, several pharmacies ceased to function due to the emigration of their owners and their staff. Romanian authorities issued 174 new pharmacy rights in the gained territories, bringing 65.5% of the pharmacies into Romanian hands. The Pocket Calendar of Pharmacists, published in Budapest in 1918 still lists the Transylvanian pharmacists, mentioning the name of their pharmacy and the place where they worked. Pharmacist almanacs (pocket calendars) published in later years no longer provided this information.
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46

Nitzu, Eugen, Ionela Dobrin, Marin Dumbravă, and Minodora Gutue. "The Range Expansion of Ovalisia festiva (Linnaeus, 1767) (Coleoptera: Buprestidae) in Eastern Europe and Its Damaging Potential for Cupressaceae." Travaux du Muséum National d’Histoire Naturelle “Grigore Antipa” 58, no. 1-2 (April 1, 2016): 51–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/travmu-2016-0006.

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Abstract Ovalisia festiva (Linnaeus, 1767), previously considered a very rare and localised (accidental) species in Eastern Europe (Hungary, Romania), is recorded as a real pest for Cupressaceae in the Romanian Plain − the Easternmost site, out of the species’ previously known range. In comparison with the annual life cycle of the species in the Mediterranean region, in Romania the adults emerged between the second and the eighth year after the trees were planted, causing an attack of over 50% per cultivar. New data on intraspecific variability, distribution, and duration of the life cycle of this jewel beetle in Romania are presented.
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47

BERCHI, GAVRIL MARIUS, FABIO CIANFERONI, ZOLTÁN CSABAI, JAKOB DAMGAARD, HOREA OLOSUTEAN, DANIELA MINODORA ILIE, PÁL BODA, and PETR KMENT. "Water striders (Heteroptera: Gerromorpha: Gerridae) of Romania with an update on the distribution of Gerris gibbifer and G. maculatus in southeastern Europe." Zootaxa 4433, no. 3 (June 13, 2018): 491. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4433.3.6.

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The Romanian fauna comprises two species of Aquarius Schellenberg, 1800, eight species of Gerris Fabricius, 1794 and one species of Limnoporus Stål, 1868, and we hereby update the distribution and provide insights on the phenology and ecology of all eleven species in this country. We furthermore update the distribution of the two closely related species Gerris gibbifer Schummel, 1832 and G. maculatus Tamanini, 1946 in southeastern Europe. Gerris maculatus is recorded for the first time from Hungary, Montenegro and Slovenia, and the first detailed localities from Romania and Serbia are given. All bibliographic records of G. gibbifer from Romania, Macedonia and Serbia are based on misidentification and this species is thus excluded from the faunal lists of these countries. Both G. gibbifer and G. maculatus occur in Croatia, Hungary, Ukraine, and probably Slovenia.
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48

Rotaru, Alexandru, Ion Petrovai, and Horatiu Rotaru. "PROFESSOR GHEORGHE BILAŞCU’S CONTRIBUTION TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF SCIENCE AND CULTURE IN ROMANIA." Medicine and Pharmacy Reports 89, no. 3 (July 31, 2016): 443–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15386/cjmed-664.

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When speaking about Professor Gheorghe Bilaşcu (1863-1926) and his major contribution to the establishment of Romanian medical education in Cluj, he should be considered not only in terms of scientist and creator of the Dental School, but also through his commitment to the development of science and culture in Romania. A wealthy dentist in Budapest where he graduated from the Dental School, he supported a lot of Romanian students to attend schools and universities in the Budapest, thus contributing to the development of culture in his own country. Finally, he left his private practice in the Capital of Hungary to come to Cluj to support the efforts of building the Dental School and profession in Romania. This paper illustrates the contribution that Professor Gheorghe Bilaşcu made to the development of higher education in Romania, as well as his support of the local culture.
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49

Jēkabsons, Ēriks. "Pre-World War II Romania from Latvian Perspective: An Envoy’s views." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 3, no. 1 (August 15, 2011): 161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v3i1_9.

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The paper approaches the working environment and observations of Latvian envoy Ludvigs Ēķis in Romania from the autumn of 1939 when the Latvian Legation was opened in Bucharest until the summer of 1940 when the State of Latvia was liquidated. The main focus is on the Latvian-Romanian relations in this period of time, the Romanian foreign and economical policy and the reaction of Romanian statesmen and society to the events and processes of the first stage of World War: the policy of Soviet Union, Germany and Hungary, the Soviet-Finnish War and other conflicts in region and in Europe. The article is based on the materials stored in the State Archives of Latvia and particularly on Ludvigs Ekis’ reports. In a time when war was raging in Europe, Romania, too, was subject to considerable international pressure. Some similarities can be detected between the developments in this region and in the Baltic States.
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50

Petrovici, Norbert. "Paternalist managerism. Relationships of power of the Romanian political elite at the end of the 1980's and the beginning of the 1990's." Erdélyi Társadalom 4, no. 1 (2006): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17177/77171.61.

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The author describes the particularities of the reproduction models of the communist elite in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, focusing in particular to Romania. Throughout the study the fact that the above mentioned particularities can be attributed to the differences between the political actors is emphasized. The Romanian situation is compared to that in Hungary, where, similarly to Romania, the bureaucrats of the past regime succeeded to power even after the change of regimes, despite the fact that there are considerable differences in the development of the two countries
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