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1
Dragišić, Olivera. "The Soviet Union, Allies and the beginning of “Sovietization” of Romania, 1944–1945." Tokovi istorije 30, no. 3 (December 31, 2022): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2022.3.dra.75-92.
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The article analyzes the beginning of the establishment of the socialist system in Romania, focusing on the Soviet and Allied role in setting up the people’s democratic system in this Eastern European country. In addition, the paper examines the dependence of Romanian communism on relations within the victorious, anti-fascist coalition. Th e aims at analyzing the basic processes and actors in the first months of the establishment of socialism in Romania. Regardless of the fact that in Romanian historiography the topic is solidly researched, in domestic historiography it can be considered necessary for understanding the development of Yugoslav socialism. The work is mainly based on the documents of Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS) series.
2
GABOR, Gabriel. "US-ROMANIAN RELATIONS – STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP." INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONFERINCE "STRATEGIESXXI" 18, no. 1 (December 6, 2022): 229–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2971-8813-22-27.
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In this paper, we aim to analyze the evolution of the Strategic Partnership between Romania and the United States of America. Launched on 11 July 1997, the partnership was a political and diplomatic platform for cooperation between the two countries. The novelty of this article is the SWOT analysis of the Strategic Partnership but also it's deepening. We propose that the Strategic Partnership be institutionalized and instrumentalized in the form of a new format for cooperation and collaboration. One of the three pillars of our country's foreign policy is the privileged relationship with the United States of America, which must be deepened and developed. The Strategic Partnership concluded between Romania and the United States of America is the only certitude for our country to survive as a state, and to preserve its entire territory. This year we celebrate 25 years since this partnership emerged on the stage of History. Now, as we experience uncertain times marked by fierce geopolitical competition, it is high time we developed and formalized our Strategic Partnership. Not that we want to minimize NATO’s role, but the Alliance without the United States does not have the strength to oppose multiple challenges at international level. The Strategic Partnership strengthens our country’s profile, while being the certitude of our country’s preserving its territorial integrity, and full sovereignty. The bilateral relationship has become a model of diplomatic cooperation and has manifested itself in various domains, political, military, economic, informational, environmental, social, and cultural.
3
Ayvazyan, D. S. "Black Sea Region in the Security Policy of Romania: Evaluation of Approaches." Post-Soviet Issues 8, no. 2 (August 19, 2021): 207–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2021-8-2-207-218.
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The paper is dedicated to the role of the Black Sea region in the security policy of Romania. Approaches, patterns and results of this area of the foreign policy of Romania are studied since the period after the collapse of the USSR in 1991. The concepts and strategies of the national security and the strategies of national defense of Romania, adopted since 1994 are analysed. The key patterns and results of the security policy pursued by Romania in the Black Sea region are defined. The author concludes that this direction of Romania's policy is consistently based on the strategic partnership with the United States and solidarity with the approaches of the NATO and EU in the Black Sea region. The policy leads to the imbalance in the relations with the littoral states for which euro-atlanticism has not become an ideological basis for their foreign policy (Russia and Turkey). Amidst the absence of the search for a new model of relations with the littoral states, Romania's policy leads to the growth of the potential for confliction in the Black Sea region.
4
Maglas, Ioana Florina. "THE GCC DIPLOMATIC RIFT AND ITS REVERBERATIONS UPON ROMANIAN PRESENCE IN THE REGION." Agora International Journal of Juridical Sciences 11, no. 2 (January 20, 2018): 117–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15837/aijjs.v11i2.3170.
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By virtue of their economic influence, the Arab States of the Gulf are highly interlinked within the global community. Dimensions of globalization (such as outward looking focus on international trade, openness, growing business opportunities and investment) are shifting their interests to a broad spectrum of partners leading to increased connectivity platforms and links. Apparent deteriorating ties seriously undermines relations among GCC[1] players and adversely affects its functioning. Current dispute, centered on allegations about Qatar’s foreign policy, caused much consternation, in fact, unequivocally conflicted with the interests of other members and escalated tensions. A scheme of prolonged economic isolation for the Gulf state of Qatar presents challenges and opportunities for Romania (particularly in food security initiatives in Qatar), however, in light of inter-regional realignments, a united GCC stance must consequently prevail to promote stability and reinforce its status of regional power in the Arab World, that would develop and maintain a strong bilateral relationship between Romania and the GCC. [1] (Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is a political and economic union currently consisting of Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, Oman, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates)
5
KRZYMOWSKI, Adam. "THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE BLACK SEA COUNTRIES OF THE THREE SEAS INITIATIVE RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES." On-line Journal Modelling the New Europe, no. 34 (December 13, 2020): 86–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/ojmne.2020.34.04.
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: The Black Sea region has strategic geopolitical importance where the routes of Europe, the Caucasus, Asia, and the Middle East intersect. Ensuring stability and security in the Black Sea area is essential for emerging new security architecture. In search of balance, the challenges are met by the Three Seas Initiative (3SI) and the deepening of strategic relations with the United Arab Emirates. The UAE, anchored in the Euro-Atlantic partnership and with extensive influence, emerges as an interesting strategic partner. When analysing the Three Seas Initiative, it should be noted that the United States of America joined the implementation of 3SI, seeing it as an opportunity to pursue American interests in LNG markets, and in a broader geopolitical dimension, combining this initiative with projects in the Middle East. This research paper is the first to analyse the foreign and security policy of the two Black Sea countries, Bulgaria, and Romania that participate in the Three Seas Initiative, from the geostrategic perspective and relations with the United Arab Emirates. The research work is based on empirical research, and the results of which are largely derived from 10 years of direct observation, as well as the participation of the author of the article in many initiatives related to cooperation between all 3SI countries with the United Arab Emirates, among others as an Ambassador, Senior Advisor at Dubai Expo 2020.
6
Simon, Djerdj. "Economic transition in Yugoslavia: A view from outside." Medjunarodni problemi 55, no. 1 (2003): 104–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0301104s.
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Yugoslavia, once an advanced country in market reforms, was one of the least transformed countries in Eastern Europe in the nineties. Such a situation was caused by the civil war, policy of the Milosevic?s regime and international sanctions. The resistance of the ruling conservative forces made it impossible to establish an adequate reform policy. Thus, the transition stopped short halfway. The situation has radically changed only since the autumn of 2000, after Milosevic?s downfall, when after the gradual lifting of international isolation, economic and political reforms were given a new stimulus, and the country could start the process of European integration. This article is an attempt to give an overview of the transition of the Yugoslav economy in the last ten years or so. The growth rate of Yugoslavia?s GDP is compared not only with that of its neighbouring countries, i.e. other former socialist countries of South-Eastern Europe (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Macedonia, and Romania) but also with that of other transition economies in Central and Eastern Europe, including the Commonwealth of Independent States. A particular attention is given to the role of research and development (R&D) in Yugoslavia in the nineties as compared to Croatia, Slovenia, and the United States. The structural changes in the Yugoslav economy during the past decade are analysed together with property relations as well as the issues concerning small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). At the sectoral level, it is the performance of manufacturing and agriculture that is separately explored. In relation to this, wage formation and relative wage levels in Yugoslavia?s manufacturing are viewed regarding the country?s international competitiveness and wider characteristics of globalising world economy. In analysing the role of external sources in the Yugoslav economy, the problems of foreign trade, external indebtedness, and attraction of foreign direct investment (FDI) are emphasized together with the economic assistance rendered to the FRY by the European Union. Regarding the important indicator of openness, i.e. the share of exports and imports in GDP, a comparison is made between Yugoslavia, on one hand, and Croatia, Slovenia, the European Union, and the United States, on the other. The economic policy of Milosevic?s regime is contrasted with that of the new democratic government that came to power after the events in October 2000. Stabilisation, liberalisation, privatisation, and institutional reform are considered giving particular attention to the experience of the member republics of the Yugoslav federation: Serbia and Montenegro. The author comes to the following conclusions: in transition countries stabilisation, liberalisation, and privatisation cannot be successful without carrying out a comprehensive, deep reform of the system of political institutions that along with creation of conditions for establishment of democracy and its strengthening also enables building of a modern and efficient market economy. This complicated and often contradictory process could come across serious obstacles if the old state and party nomenclature in power retains the command economy without planning, and under demagogical, nationalistic, and populist slogans gets involved in wars even taking the risks of being put under international isolation. However, such an outdated economic system characterised by autarchy can only temporarily exist and hinder the unravelling of market reforms in the epoch of globalisation.
7
Kim, Sang Hun. "Asian Studies in Serbia, Croatia, and Slovenia." Cross-cultural studies review 2, no. 3-4 (2021): 11–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.38003/ccsr.2.1-2.2.
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Unlike Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania, and Bulgaria—which became satellite countries of the Soviet Union after the Second World War—Yugoslavia maintained its own communist economic and social system as it neither belonged to the United States nor to the Soviet Union. Unlike the earlier introduction of “North Korean Studies” by the other communist countries, Yugoslavia opened departments of “Indology,” “Sinology,” and “Japanology,” recognizing them as representatives of Asian Studies rather than “North Korean Studies.” Asian Studies in Yugoslavia, which disbanded into six countries after the 1990s, was distinct in each of the republics. In the Republic of Serbia, for example, “Sinology” was representative of Asian Studies, while in the Republic of Croatia it was “Indology,” and in the Republic of Slovenia it was “Japanology.” The present study exam-ines the characteristics and backgrounds of “Sinology” at the University of Belgrade in Serbia, “Indology” at the University of Zagreb in Croatia, and “Japanology” and the new-ly-formed “Korean Studies” (in 2015) at the University of Ljubljana in Slovenia. Moreover, it describes the role of Korean government agencies and local universities and scholars in establishing Korean Studies in foreign universities. This study asserts that in order to establish Korean Studies in a foreign university, that university and its scholars must be actively involved, essentially leading the process, while Korean and local gov-ernment agencies should assume the role of facilitator. This paper has been developed on the basis of “The Current Status of Korean Studies in Slovenia” which was published in the 2016 issue of the Journal of Contemporary Korean Studies.1 However, because of its importance in relation to the establishment of a Korean Studies program in Split, it is being reprinted here with a new focus on “Asian Studies in Serbia, Croatia, and Slovenia: Strategies for the Development of Korean Studies at the University of Split.”
8
Glybovets, Victoria, and Yuliia Khvesyk. "THE ANALYSIS OF INTERNATIONAL TOURIST STREAMS OF UKRAINE FOR THE PERIOD FROM 2012 TO 2017." GEOGRAPHY AND TOURISM, no. 64 (2021): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2308-135x.2021.64.21-28.
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The purpose of this article is to analyze the dynamics of tourist streams between Ukraine and other countries of the world, as well as to identify the factors that influence the development of international tourism most of all. Research methodology. The most important statistical indicators that characterize tourist streams are the number of Ukrainians who visited other countries for tourist purposes and the number of tourists - citizens of other countries, who arrived in Ukraine. In our study of the tourist streams of Ukraine the mathematical indicator that reflects the features of tourist streams and their socio-economic importance for the development of international tourism in the country, namely the coefficient of tourist exchanges, was used. Selected for the research were the countries visited by more than 50 thousand tourists from Ukraine for at least 2 years in a row. The total number of the tourists includes persons who travelled for official, tourism, and private purposes (without vehicle servicing personnel and servicemen). Results of the research. Most tourists from Ukraine go to neighboring countries, namely to Russia, Moldova, Belarus, Poland, Romania, Hungary, and Turkey. Turkey is a popular holiday destination among Ukrainians, because it's close to Ukraine and can provide tourists with a good service. It is necessary to take into account the fact that a large number of Ukrainians work abroad, mainly in Europe, as well as in Russia. When these people leave for a foreign country, they can state their visit is private, not working; therefore, they are mistakenly defined as tourists. The donor countries of tourists who come to Ukraine are (the coefficient tends to "1") Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and the United States. The countries for which Ukraine is a donor of tourists are the (coefficient tends to "-1") United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Cyprus, Spain, Greece, Austria, Turkey, and Poland. Scientific novelty. For the first time, the coefficient of tourist exchanges of Ukraine in relation to 29 countries of the world for 2012 and 2017 was calculated. The donor countries of tourists coming to Ukraine, as well as the countries for which Ukraine is a donor of tourists were identified. Practical significance. It is to reveal the fact that Ukraine is a donor country for tourists. Given the fact that Ukraine is rich in tourist resources, over time, using the experience of tourist countries around the world, it can change this status and receive more foreign tourists.
9
Derzhaliuk, M. "Results of Parliamentary Elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 and Prospects of Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations (Part 1)." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 144–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-7.
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The article is dedicated to the elections to the State Assembly of Hungary on April 3, 2022, which ended with the victory and acquisition of a constitutional majority by the now ruling coalition of Fidesz-Hungarian Civil Union and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) - (Fidesz–KDNP).
It analyzes its electoral platform “War or Peace”, the center of which was the attitude to the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is indicated that this war divided the political forces of Hungary into two camps – supporters of neutrality (peace) or supporters of Ukraine (war). The ruling coalition advocated neutrality, non-intervention in the war, which guaranteed the preservation of peace and tranquility for the citizens of Hungary. All the opposition forces showed support for Ukraine against Russia. The authorities accused the latter of the fact that their pro-Ukrainian and anti-Putin activities posed a danger and threatened the spread of the war to the territory of Hungary. It is emphasized that thanks to this position, Fidesz–KDNP won a convincing victory in Hungary as a whole and especially among the Hungarian communities abroad, while the six-party opposition bloc, although it won convincingly in 17 of Budapest’s 18 districts, suffered a significant defeat in the country as a whole.
The main reasons for the unexpected victory of the ruling coalition Fidesz - HDNP in these elections are highlighted. Among them: the coalition flexibly combined centrist and center-right values, synthesized them and rose above narrow party interests, turning into a broad popular front of the Hungarian nation. It is also noted that during the 12-year remaining stay in power in the country, transformations were completed, namely, a new Basic Law (constitution) was adopted, relevant legislation was formed, and a national democratic model of political and economic power was introduced according both to the state and EU standards that complies with state and EU standards. The internal policy was aimed at the development of traditional branches of the economy and the formation of modern forms of management. Relatively high economic development of the country was ensured thanks to by the effective use of foreign investments, international markets, which are far from being limited to EU countries. Hungary develops close cooperation with countries of all regions, if its national interests are ensured. Great attention is paid to the support and protection of Hungarian communities living in countries neighboring Hungary (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, Ukraine). At the legislative level, the status of Hungarians abroad is almost equal to that of Hungarians in the country itself. The policy of national unity, the recognition of Hungarians, regardless of their residency country of residence, as members of a united single Hungarian nation, gained general approval. The concentration of domestic and foreign policy on the priority of Hungarian interests helped Fidesz to turn into an authoritative and reliable political force of the country, which, using civilized methods, fights for the future of Hungary, the comprehensive development of its people, the preservation of the identity of Hungarian communities abroad, the prevention of assimilation, mass emigration and the restriction of their rights along national lines. In addition, the ruling coalition managed to form a reliable financial, personnel, and media potential, to significantly expand the electoral field of its activities, which no opposition political force is able to compete with, especially during the elections to the State Assembly.
The qualitative composition of the new parliament was analyzed. The progress of the election of the new President of Hungary on March 9, the speaker of the newly elected parliament, his deputies and heads of parliamentary factions on May 2, and finally the Prime Minister of Hungary on May 16 and the approval of the country’s new government headed by Viktor Orbán on May 24, is highlighted.
Great attention is paid to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations. The analysis of political processes during the election campaign and in the first months after the end of the elections, in particular the attitude of Budapest to the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations, allowed us to draw conclusions that the priorities of the international activities of the ruling coalition of Hungary will remain unchanged: serving the interests of the Hungarian nation on in all territories of its residence, in particular support, protection and assistance to Hungarian national communities in Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine. The results of the parliamentary elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 confirmed that these principles are unchanged and continue to be binding in the activities of the Hungarian government institutions.
It is emphasized that the level of development of Hungary's bilateral relations with neighboring states will depend on ensuring the Hungarian foreign communities interests how the interests of the Hungarian foreign communities will be ensured (granting dual citizenship, autonomy status for the community, creating conditions for cultural and educational development based on in the national language and traditions). Hungarian-Ukrainian relations will be in the same condition state. Hungary supports the territorial integrity of Ukraine, its European choice, condemns Russian aggression, supports the EU’s sanctions policy against the Russian Federation, and provided shelter for 800,000 refugees from Ukraine. More than 100,000 people from Ukraine stay are in Hungary illegally. Since July 19, Hungary has allowed the transit of weapons from other countries through its territory to Ukraine. Yet But it continues to maintain neutrality in the Russian-Ukrainian war, supports EU energy sanctions against the Russian Federation in such a way that it does not harm its economic interests. At the same time, it does not agree to the application of certain legal provisions on education the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, that came into force in 2017 and 2019 to the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia of a number of provisions of the laws on education and the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, which came into force in 2017 and 2019.
It is emphasized that the settlement of cultural and educational issues of the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia should become a priority task for both countries.
10
Derzhaliuk, M. "Results of Parliamentary Elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 and Prospects of Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations (Part 2)." Problems of World History, no. 19 (October 27, 2022): 143–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-9.
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The article is dedicated to the elections to the State Assembly of Hungary on April 3, 2022, which ended with the victory and acquisition of a constitutional majority by the now ruling coalition of Fidesz-Hungarian Civil Union and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) - (Fidesz–KDNP).
It analyzes its electoral platform “War or Peace”, the center of which was the attitude to the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is indicated that this war divided the political forces of Hungary into two camps – supporters of neutrality (peace) or supporters of Ukraine (war). The ruling coalition advocated neutrality, non-intervention in the war, which guaranteed the preservation of peace and tranquility for the citizens of Hungary. All the opposition forces showed support for Ukraine against Russia. The authorities accused the latter of the fact that their pro-Ukrainian and anti-Putin activities posed a danger and threatened the spread of the war to the territory of Hungary. It is emphasized that thanks to this position, Fidesz–KDNP won a convincing victory in Hungary as a whole and especially among the Hungarian communities abroad, while the six-party opposition bloc, although it won convincingly in 17 of Budapest’s 18 districts, suffered a significant defeat in the country as a whole.
The main reasons for the unexpected victory of the ruling coalition Fidesz - HDNP in these elections are highlighted. Among them: the coalition flexibly combined centrist and center-right values, synthesized them and rose above narrow party interests, turning into a broad popular front of the Hungarian nation. It is also noted that during the 12-year remaining stay in power in the country, transformations were completed, namely, a new Basic Law (constitution) was adopted, relevant legislation was formed, and a national democratic model of political and economic power was introduced according both to the state and EU standards that complies with state and EU standards. The internal policy was aimed at the development of traditional branches of the economy and the formation of modern forms of management. Relatively high economic development of the country was ensured thanks to by the effective use of foreign investments, international markets, which are far from being limited to EU countries. Hungary develops close cooperation with countries of all regions, if its national interests are ensured. Great attention is paid to the support and protection of Hungarian communities living in countries neighboring Hungary (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, Ukraine). At the legislative level, the status of Hungarians abroad is almost equal to that of Hungarians in the country itself. The policy of national unity, the recognition of Hungarians, regardless of their residency country of residence, as members of a united single Hungarian nation, gained general approval. The concentration of domestic and foreign policy on the priority of Hungarian interests helped Fidesz to turn into an authoritative and reliable political force of the country, which, using civilized methods, fights for the future of Hungary, the comprehensive development of its people, the preservation of the identity of Hungarian communities abroad, the prevention of assimilation, mass emigration and the restriction of their rights along national lines. In addition, the ruling coalition managed to form a reliable financial, personnel, and media potential, to significantly expand the electoral field of its activities, which no opposition political force is able to compete with, especially during the elections to the State Assembly.
The qualitative composition of the new parliament was analyzed. The progress of the election of the new President of Hungary on March 9, the speaker of the newly elected parliament, his deputies and heads of parliamentary factions on May 2, and finally the Prime Minister of Hungary on May 16 and the approval of the country’s new government headed by Viktor Orbán on May 24, is highlighted.
Great attention is paid to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations. The analysis of political processes during the election campaign and in the first months after the end of the elections, in particular the attitude of Budapest to the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations, allowed us to draw conclusions that the priorities of the international activities of the ruling coalition of Hungary will remain unchanged: serving the interests of the Hungarian nation on in all territories of its residence, in particular support, protection and assistance to Hungarian national communities in Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine. The results of the parliamentary elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 confirmed that these principles are unchanged and continue to be binding in the activities of the Hungarian government institutions.
It is emphasized that the level of development of Hungary's bilateral relations with neighboring states will depend on ensuring the Hungarian foreign communities interests how the interests of the Hungarian foreign communities will be ensured (granting dual citizenship, autonomy status for the community, creating conditions for cultural and educational development based on in the national language and traditions). Hungarian-Ukrainian relations will be in the same condition state. Hungary supports the territorial integrity of Ukraine, its European choice, condemns Russian aggression, supports the EU’s sanctions policy against the Russian Federation, and provided shelter for 800,000 refugees from Ukraine. More than 100,000 people from Ukraine stay are in Hungary illegally. Since July 19, Hungary has allowed the transit of weapons from other countries through its territory to Ukraine. Yet But it continues to maintain neutrality in the Russian-Ukrainian war, supports EU energy sanctions against the Russian Federation in such a way that it does not harm its economic interests. At the same time, it does not agree to the application of certain legal provisions on education the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, that came into force in 2017 and 2019 to the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia of a number of provisions of the laws on education and the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, which came into force in 2017 and 2019.
It is emphasized that the settlement of cultural and educational issues of the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia should become a priority task for both countries.
11
Sokolska, T. V., and S. P. Polishchuk. "Role of public government in cross-border cooperation." Public administration aspects 6, no. 5 (June 18, 2018): 24–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/151828.
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The article considers the role and place of public authorities in shaping the policy of effective cross-border cooperation between Ukraine and the EU taking into account the national interests.Particular attention is paid to the principles and features of territorial cooperation, taking into account the specifics of the EU’s external cooperation as well as the interests of the participating countries.The basic principles of the cooperation are determined on the basis of connections as well as contractual interregional and interstate relations, in compliance with the national legislation and respect for the international obligations of the states that are subjects of contractual relations; the thematic objectives are defined.The current state of Ukraine and the EU countries cross-border cooperation development is characterized and the main factors limiting this process are outlined. The most significant ones are the insufficient level of the national economic development and inconformity of the national legislation with European standards; lack of well-balanced management at the local level; the impossibility of implementing international projects of economic and social development due to ineffective management; lack of proper infrastructure; lack of marketing which aims to facilitate the existing resource potential of the border regions; sparking interethnic conflicts; the lack of skilled personnel in different spheres of establishing effective cooperation between the authorities, business and the public, etc. are also among them.Lack of sufficient financial resources and managerial powers in local administrations, in particular, for establishing the information infrastructure necessary for the cooperation with the authorities of the foreign countries regions and the development of financial projects is a specific problem of cross-border cooperation.The role of international projects and regional programs such as EU4Business, cross-border cooperation (Black Sea, Romania, Moldova, Hungary, Slovakia, Poland), EU programs, such as ERASMUS, HORIZON (61 projects amounting to 11.95 million euros were announced in 2016), COSME (May 2016) and their role in improving the socio-economic development of the border regions as well as solving common problems in ecology, health, safety and security, promoting the living conditions of citizens are grounded in the paper.The role of the united territorial communities (UTC) in cross-border cooperation activating, in particular their participation in international projects is grounded and the results of this activity in the Transcarpathia are presented. Insufficient level of professional training of public authorities representatives is pointed out. It is proved that cross-border cooperation is one of the main economic mechanisms of attracting foreign investments and grant funds for the economy modernization, for new jobs creation through the small business development, attraction of innovative technologies, access to the European market and the entry of Ukraine into the European community in the current economic situation.The expediency of working out the coherent effective state policy of cross-border cooperation with the EU, in which the legal, institutional and financial instruments should be clearly defined, along with the determined means of its implementation and mandatory public monitoring of the results is emphasized. The development of cross-border cooperation between Ukraine and the EU countries, ensuring a competitive economy running, the effective development of international trade, improvement of conditions and support of entrepreneurship, can be realized under the condition of implementation of the policy of public administration at the regional level.
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Stanciu, Cezar. "Scandinavian Perspectives. Overcoming the Cold War Pressures in Romania’s Policy towards Northern Europe." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 1, no. 1 (November 15, 2009): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v1i1_4.
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During the first years of the Cold War, Romania was isolated in terms of foreign policy, and forced to develop relations mainly with the USSR and other socialist states. During the de-Stalinization period, the East-West relations improved and Romania started to rebuilt its relations with the West, especially economic relations. This article briefly presents the re-establishment of Romania's relations with the Scandinavian states, in the context of the improved Romanian-West relations.
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Charney, Jonathan I. "Judicial Deference in Foreign Relations." American Journal of International Law 83, no. 4 (October 1989): 805–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203369.
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Disputes with foreign policy implications have often been brought to the federal courts. These cases call attention to the tension between the authority of the political branches to conduct the foreign relations of the United States and the authority of the courts to render judgments according to the law. How this tension is resolved, in turn, bears directly on the commitment of the United States to the rule of law.
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Daniel Margolies. "Imperial Unilateralism in United States Foreign Relations Proclamations." Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences ll, no. 60 (August 2018): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17939/hushss.2018..60.008.
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Chauncey, Helen R., Edward C. Keefer, David W. Mabon, Marvin E. Gettleman, Jane Franklin, Marilyn Young, and H. Bruce Franklin. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957." Pacific Affairs 59, no. 4 (1986): 721. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758579.
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Minat, V. N., and A. G. Chepik. "FOREIGN TRADE RELATIONS AND INNOVATION IN THE UNITED STATES." International Trade and Trade Policy, no. 2 (June 23, 2020): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2020-2-5-21.
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A trend has been identified that reflects a close correlation between the main indicators of US foreign trade and innovation activities carried out in the modern American economy. The article shows the essence of the national innovation system established in the United States and its international significance in the implementation of foreign trade relations of the country in terms of the exchange of scientific and technical information and documentation, the sale of products with a high innovative component, determined by a comparative analysis of relevant indicators. Based on the results of the study noted the positive dynamics of the active foreign trade balance of the USA in the field of exchange of scientific and technical information and documentation, with a high positive balance, the conclusions about the qualitative dominance of the leading industries of the U.S. economy in terms of aggregate innovation and foreign trade activity in ten leading countries of the world.
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Taufiq, Firmanda. "The Future of Turkey - United States Relations." Jurnal ICMES 2, no. 2 (December 26, 2018): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35748/jurnalicmes.v2i2.24.
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Throughout 2018, relations between Turkey and the United States seemed to deteriorate. The leaders of the two countries issued sharp diplomatic statements and the US even imposed economic sanctions on Turkey. This article aims to analyze how the future of relations between Turkey and the United States. Cooperation between the two has a long historical side after the Cold War. Relations between the two countries are based on various interests, both economic, political, military and security interests. The theory used in this study is the theory of national interest. The US has great interests in the Middle East and Turkey is the front-line ally in achieving those interests. However, there are many US foreign policies that ignore the Turkish concern and create tensions between the two countries. On the contrary, Turkey also has considerable economic interests, but the role of the government elite (in this case, President Erdogan) has a significant influence in the determination of Turkish foreign policy. The findings of this study, although it will go through complex challenges and processes, the US and Turkey will continue to maintain their relations.
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Briggs, E. Donald. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: The United States and South Africa, 1968–1985." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 43, no. 2 (June 1988): 341–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208804300210.
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Kwak, Dong Hun. "Romania’s National Security through Alliance Diplomacy." East European and Balkan Institute 46, no. 3 (August 31, 2022): 155–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2022.46.3.155.
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To understand a phenomenon and to overcome it effectively, we need a lens that can see the phenomenon clearly. The meaning and type of the phenomenon look different depending on which lens we look through, and furthermore, the countermeasures and solution method for it are also different. The same goes for international relations. Alliance diplomacy, one of the various approaches to understanding the behavior of international relations, can be said to be a basic diplomatic means to maintain the balance of power between countries. The key to alliance diplomacy is the balance of power. The true purpose of alliance diplomacy is to secure a balanced power against the hostile country by forming an alliance with other countries when national security cannot be achieved on its own.
The military value of Romania is increasing at the European level by the United States trying to strengthen NATO’s current strategic role. Romania is a very important region for the national interest of the United States. It is true that Romania, which is very close to Russia, a hostile hegemon, is also faithfully responding to changes in the security environment through an alliance with the United States.
However, the range of mutual understanding between the United States and European countries across the Atlantic Ocean is getting narrower. Between the two powers, Europe, which provides software values such as economy and culture, and the United States, which provides hardware means such as political and military power, the scope of Romania’s movement may be narrowed. Romania is receiving economic support from the EU, a large European economic community, and security guarantees from NATO, led by the United States. Therefore, in the face of the dilemma of cooperation and discord between the two powers, Romania will have to properly adapt to the international system that is transitioning to a multipolar system by maximizing its strategic flexibility.
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POPESCU, Alba-Iulia Catrinel. "THE EVOLUTION OF ECONOMIC RELATIONS BETWEEN ROMANIA AND THE SUB-SAHARAN STATES BEFORE DECEMBER 1989 AND IN THE FIRST TWO DECADES OF TRANSITION." Strategic Impact 80, no. 3 (February 2, 2022): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/1841-5784-21-19.
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The decolonization of sub-Saharan Africa was an opportunity intelligently speculated by the communist regime in Bucharest. Unlike the other communist states, regimented to the ideological current imposed by Moscow, Romania promoted an independent foreign policy and sought to establish economic relations with all developing states, regardless of their political orientation. But the events of December 1989 radically changed Romania’s policy towards sub-Saharan states. This article proposes an analysis of the way in which the economic relations between Romania and the sub-Saharan states evolved before the events of December 1989 and in the first two decades of the transition to a market economy.
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Rotter, Andrew J. "Gender Relations, Foreign Relations: The United States and South Asia, 1947-1964." Journal of American History 81, no. 2 (September 1994): 518. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081170.
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Burghardt, Raymond F. "The United States and Vietnam." Journal of Macromarketing 32, no. 1 (October 13, 2011): 152–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0276146711423667.
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US and Vietnamese relations have progressed remarkably since diplomatic relations between the two countries were normalized in 1995. The purpose of this essay is to reflect on this progress and to consider implications for the future. Trends suggest the United States and Vietnam will continue to cooperate closely and pragmatically on matters of trade and foreign direct investment, education, public health and well-being, and strategic interests, including military cooperation. While these trends are viewed as beneficial to both countries, they also are considered important to the regional balance of power, as China continues to increase its influence in Southeast Asia and beyond.
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Rubinoff, Arthur G. "Review: United States Foreign Policy, U.S.-Panama Relations 1903–1978." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 41, no. 3 (September 1986): 701–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208604100313.
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Theoharis, Athan, Suzanne E. Coffman, Edward C. Keefer, Harriet Dashiell Schwar, and Glenn W. LaFantasie. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960. Vol. 4: Foreign Economic Policy." Journal of American History 80, no. 3 (December 1993): 1161. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080558.
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Glennon, Michael J., and Louis Henkin. "Process versus Policy in Foreign Relations: "Foreign Affairs and the United States Constitution"." Michigan Law Review 95, no. 6 (May 1997): 1542. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1290017.
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Kline, John M. "A New Federalism for United States Foreign Policy." International Journal 41, no. 3 (1986): 507. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202390.
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Kline, John M. "A New Federalism for United States Foreign Policy." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 41, no. 3 (September 1986): 507–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208604100302.
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Iyasere, Solomon O. "Review: United States Foreign Policy, Crisis and Opportunity." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 41, no. 3 (September 1986): 704–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208604100314.
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Sewell, James P. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: Bureaucracy and Statesmanship." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 43, no. 2 (June 1988): 343–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208804300211.
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Ross, Douglas A. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: The Vietnam War." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 43, no. 2 (June 1988): 344–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208804300212.
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Wheeler, Nicholas, and Phil Williams. "United States Foreign Policy-Making: Chaos or Design?" International Relations 8, no. 3 (April 1985): 226–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004711788500800302.
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Rosato, Sebastian, and John Schuessler. "A Realist Foreign Policy for the United States." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 4 (December 2011): 803–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711003963.
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What kind of policy can the United States pursue that ensures its security while minimizing the likelihood of war? We describe and defend a realist theory of foreign policy to guide American decision makers. Briefly, the theory says that if they want to ensure their security, great powers such as the United States should balance against other great powers. They should also take a relaxed view toward developments involving minor powers and, at most, should balance against hostile minor powers that inhabit strategically important regions of the world. We then show that had the great powers followed our theory's prescriptions, some of the most important wars of the past century might have been averted. Specifically, the world wars might not have occurred, and the United States might not have gone to war in either Vietnam or Iraq. In other words, realism as we conceive it offers the prospect of security without war. At the same time, we also argue that if the United States adopts an alternative liberal foreign policy, this is likely to result in more, rather than fewer, wars. We conclude by offering some theoretically-based proposals about how US decision makers should deal with China and Iran.
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Zanin, Toby. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: The Crisis Years." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 48, no. 1 (March 1993): 178–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209304800110.
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Kawasaki, Tsuyoshi. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: Japan Challenges America." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 48, no. 1 (March 1993): 186–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209304800114.
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Thomsen, Stephen. "Foreign direct investment in the United States." International Affairs 66, no. 3 (July 1990): 640. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623182.
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Major, John. "The politics of United States foreign aid." International Affairs 63, no. 3 (1987): 538. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2619341.
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Bitkova, T. "Romania’s Interests in South-Eastern Europe and Cooperation with Turkey." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 3 (2022): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2022-3-57-68.
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The article deals with Romania’s foreign policy vectors in South-Eastern Europe regarding its membership in NATO and in the European Union. It is noted that the main foreign policy vector of Bucharest in the region is an alignment with the Republic of Moldova and a prospect of these two states uniting. The role of Romania is presented in a platform for negotiations which is the South-Eastern European Cooperation Process (SEECP), in the Three Seas Initiative, the Bucharest Nine Initiative and in the Romania –Poland– Turkey trilateral dialogue. The place of the Black Sea region in ambitions of the Romanian leadership and its significance in a strategic partnership between Romania and the Republic of Turkey are revealed. The author notes that the Balkans are not a priority vector of Romanian foreign policy, but the Western Balkan states are always present in Bucharest’s objects of attention, since here, as well as in the Black Sea region, global players are present, including Russia, a country Romania’s relations with has been in a critical condition for many years. In regards to the Romania’s relations with the Western Balkan countries, cooperation between Romania and Serbia stands out. Despite the pressure from Brussels, Romania supports Serbia in not wanting to tolerate the self-declared independence of Kosovo. Different approaches to policies of the Russian Federation are the reason behind the inconsistencies in the Romanian-Serbian relations. Romania does not possess enough recourses to lead an independent activity in the Balkans region and it mainly integrates in the policy of the European Union and the USA. Turkey pursues a policy of increasing its influence in the Balkans, with the cultural strategy of reconstruction of the Turkic world being one of the evident manifestations of the policy. The Romanian leadership abstains from any comment on this topic. Having not the same weight in world politics, Romania and Turkey на декларативном уровне demonstrate complete trust in one another and mutual understanding on a declarative level, but, according to the analysis of foreign policy platforms and partners’ particular political acts, their relations develop in the context of varying and sometimes even opposite approaches to a list of crucial international events.
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Thompson, John A. "The problem for United States foreign policy." Diplomacy & Statecraft 1, no. 3 (November 1990): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592299008405803.
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Denca, Sorin Stefan. "Europeanization of Foreign Policy: Empirical Findings From Hungary, Romania and Slovakia." Journal of Contemporary European Research 5, no. 3 (November 6, 2009): 389–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v5i3.132.
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This article discusses the influence of the process of European integration on the foreign policy-making in the new member states from Central and Eastern Europe, using as case-studies Hungary, Romania and Slovakia. The impact of the integration process is examined from an institutionalist perspective. The paper is especially interested in the institutional change of the coordination of foreign policy-making at both national and European levels, and on the process of learning and socialization of national representatives participating and interacting with the EU system of foreign policy. The impact of European integration is contrasted with the role of domestic factors in shaping institutions and process. The limits of Europeanization of foreign policy-making are identified.
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Rosi, Bruno Gonçalves. "Brazil-USA relations from Tiradentes to Barão do Rio Branco." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 6, no. 1 (May 22, 2017): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2017.v6n1.04.p37.
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The Baron of Rio Branco is popularly known as the greatest diplomat in Brazil's history. In the literature on Brazilian Foreign Policy, the Baron is seen (along with Joaquim Nabuco) as the founder of Americanism, a foreign policy paradigm in which bilateral relations with the United States were privileged within the Brazilian diplomatic agenda. This paradigm has been adopted with little opposition by the Foreign Ministry until the 1950s, when it was gradually replaced by a globalist paradigm that defines the Brazilian foreign policy since. Without completely denying this now traditional perspective, this article makes a brief assessment of relations between Brazil and the United States in the 19th century, ie before the Baron became foreign minister of Brazil. What is observed is that Brazil and the United States had peaceful, although distant, relations during most of the 19th century. This scenario, however, went through significant changes at the end of the century. Thus, it is important to note that the Baron and Nabucco have not created a new paradigm without any precedent. The analysis provided here is intended to help better consider the role of the Baron and Nabucco in the history of Brazilian foreign policy, particularly in relations between Brazil and the United States.
Keywords: Baron of Rio Branco; Joaquim Nabuco; Brazil-USA relations.
Recebido em: outubro/2016;Aprovado em: abril/2017.
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Cai, Congyan. "Chinese Foreign Relations Law." AJIL Unbound 111 (2017): 336–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2017.91.
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Curtis Bradley has observed that, apart from in the United States, foreign relations law generally has not been treated as a separate academic field, but that this situation is starting to change. This observation can also find evidence in China. In March 2016, I hosted a conference on “Chinese Foreign Relations Law: A New Agenda” at Xiamen University School of Law, where I am a faculty member. This is the first conference engaging with this field in China. Also in 2016, a Chinese professor of private international law published the first article discussing Chinese foreign relations law in a general way, the main argument of which is that foreign relations law should be a component of the “rule of law” in China.
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(Leich), Marian Nash. "Contemporary Practice of the United States Relating to International Law." American Journal of International Law 92, no. 2 (April 1998): 243–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2998034.
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In January 1998, the Department of State released its Publication 10518, Consular Notification and Access: Instructions for Federal, State, and Local Law Enforcement and Other Officials Regarding Foreign Nationals in the United States and the Rights of Consular Officials to Assist Them. Prepared in the Office of the Legal Adviser, the booklet contains “instructions and guidance relating to the arrest and detention of foreign nationals, deaths of foreign nationals, the appointment of guardians for minors or incompetent adults who are foreign nationals, and related issues pertaining to the provision of consular services to foreign nationals in the United States.” The foreword points out that cooperation of federal, state and local law enforcement agencies in ensuring treatment of foreign nationals in accordance with the instructions not only will permit the United States to comply with its consular legal obligations domestically, but also will help ensure that the United States can insist upon “rigorous compliance by foreign governments with respect to United States citizens abroad.”
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Randall, Stephen J. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: A Preponderance of Power." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 48, no. 1 (March 1993): 176–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209304800109.
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Trask, Roger R., John P. Glennon, and Ronald D. Landa. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960. Vol. VI: Cuba." Journal of American History 79, no. 4 (March 1993): 1680. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080346.
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Noer, Thomas J., John P. Glennon, Stanley Shaloff, and Harriet Dashiell Schwar. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957. Vol. 18: Africa." Journal of American History 81, no. 1 (June 1994): 345. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081144.
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Pant, Harsh V. "India: Domestic Politics, Foreign Relations and Cooperation with the United States." Asian Affairs 44, no. 2 (July 2013): 308–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2013.795301.
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Hill, Peter P., and Marie-Jeanne Rossignol. "Nationalist Ferment: The Origins of United States Foreign Relations, 1789- 1812." Journal of American History 84, no. 3 (December 1997): 1047. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2953125.
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Lisanin, Mladen. "Regional position of Serbia in light of foreign policy relations with its “old neighbors”." Medjunarodni problemi 69, no. 4 (2017): 483–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1704483l.
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Due to turbulent circumstances and controversial heritage in regard to the breakup of ex-Yugoslavia, regional position of Serbia is, within academic as well as the wider public, most often observed in the context of its relations with the ?new? neighbors - the states that have emerged from the breakup of the former common country. This is in part because of constant tensions in the relations with ex-Yugoslav states, but also due to the political agenda of Western actors, which sets the framework for regional integration processes through the concept of ?Western Balkans?. Foreign policy relations of Serbia with its ?old? neighbors (most notably, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria, given that Albania has a distinct status as a de facto interested party in the dispute regarding the status of Kosovo and Metohija), nonetheless, remain at least just as important element of Serbia?s regional position. It is the author?s intention to point towards determinants of the foreign policy of Serbia, as factors that work, or are visible, through relations with Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria. This will be observed in the context of bilateral and multilateral, formal and informal foreign policy connections and relations. The conclusion, in the form of a recommendation, is that international political dynamics in the ?Western Balkans? should not completely avert research attention away from Serbian relations with its non-Yugoslav neighbors.
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Page, Susan. "U.S. Race Relations and Foreign Policy." Michigan Journal of Race & Law, no. 26.0 (2021): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.36643/mjrl.26.sp.us.
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It is easy for Americans to think that the world’s most egregious human rights abuses happen in other countries. In reality, our history is plagued by injustices, and our present reality is still stained by racism and inequality. While the Michigan Journal of International Law usually publishes only pieces with a global focus, we felt it prudent in these critically important times not to shy away from the problems facing our own country. We must understand our own history before we can strive to form a better union, whether the union be the United States or the United Nations. Ambassador Susan Page is an American diplomat who has faced human rights crises both at home and abroad. We found her following call to action inspiring. We hope you do too.
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Hintjens, Helen. "Western hemisphere immigration and United States foreign policy." International Affairs 69, no. 2 (April 1993): 343. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621613.
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