Journal articles on the topic 'Roman Wives'
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1
Gellérfi, Gergő. "Misogynistic musings : the Roman wives in Juvenal's Satire 6." Graeco-Latina Brunensia, no. 1 (2022): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/glb2022-1-5.
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Tanner, Heather. "Lords, Wives, and Vassals in the Roman de Silence." Journal of Women's History 24, no. 1 (2012): 138–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2012.0004.
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Mech, Anna. "Reading social relations from Roman African mosaics – an iconographic analyse." Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, no. 16 (December 15, 2017): 155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2017.16.9.
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The paper presents the diversity of Roman African society and the relations between different social groups by analysing the representations on the mosaics. It also analyses the manner of self-presentation of the landowners and their wives.
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Haley, Shelley P. "The Five Wives of Pompey the Great." Greece and Rome 32, no. 1 (April 1985): 49–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500030138.
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For Roman politicians, marriage could be a tool of advancement, a way of forging alliances among the influential and the wealthy. The major figures of the late Republic used marriage to realize their political hopes and to increase their political power. Such marriages and their consequences have been discussed often and much scholarly energy has been expended in exploring the ramifications of these alliances.
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Wainwright, Elaine. "Book Review: Roman Wives, Roman Widows: The Appearance of New Women and the Pauline Communities." Pacifica: Australasian Theological Studies 18, no. 3 (October 2005): 355–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1030570x0501800310.
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Corley, Kathleen E. "Book review: Roman Wives, Roman Widows: The Appearance of New Women and the Pauline Communities." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 58, no. 3 (July 2004): 318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002096430405800319.
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Kunst, Christiane. "Ornamenta Uxoria. Badges of Rank or Jewellery of Roman Wives?" Medieval History Journal 8, no. 1 (April 2005): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097194580400800107.
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Hecht, Jeff. "Roman soldiers defied the rules to keep wives in forts." New Scientist 225, no. 3004 (January 2015): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0262-4079(15)60103-8.
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Greene, Elizabeth M. "Conubium cum uxoribus: wives and children in the Roman military diplomas." Journal of Roman Archaeology 28 (2015): 125–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759415002433.
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For at least the first two centuries of empire, marriage for most soldiers during their years of active service was legally banned by the state. It is equally clear that the law forbidding iustum matrimonium did not stop some auxiliary soldiers from forming de facto relationships and creating families whilst in service. In some cases, families will have traveled with soldiers who were in service. Whether they dwelt within the forts or in extramural settlements, family members formed an integral part of the military community.
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Ziogas, Ioannis. "STRIPPING THE ROMAN LADIES: OVID'S RITES AND READERS." Classical Quarterly 64, no. 2 (November 20, 2014): 735–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838814000494.
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Ovid's disclaimers in the Ars Amatoria need to be read in this context. My main argument is that, in his disclaimers, Ovid is rendering his female readership socially unrecognizable, rather than excluding respectable virgins and matronae from his audience. Ars 1.31–4, Ovid's programmatic statement about his work's target audience, is a case in point. A closer look at the passage shows that he does not necessarily warn off Roman wives and marriageable girls:este procul, uittae tenues, insigne pudoris,quaeque tegis medios instita longa pedes:nos Venerem tutam concessaque furta canemusinque meo nullum carmine crimen erit. Ov. Ars Am. 1.31–4Stay away, slender fillets, symbol of modesty,and you, long hem, who cover half the feet:we shall sing of safe sex and permitted cheatingand there will be no wrong in my song.
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Adams, Edward. "Book Review: Paul and Women; Roman Wives, Roman Widows: The Appearance of New Women and the Pauline Communities." Expository Times 116, no. 3 (December 2004): 95–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452460411600310.
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Sandon, Tatjana, and Luca Scalco. "MORE THAN MISTRESSES, LESS THAN WIVES: THE ROLE OF ROMAN CONCUBINAE IN LIGHT OF THEIR FUNERARY MONUMENTS." Papers of the British School at Rome 88 (May 19, 2020): 151–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246220000057.
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This article focuses on the role of concubinae in the Roman world, through analysis of inscriptions and reliefs on funerary monuments involving these women and their relatives. It investigates why concubinatus was chosen in preference to legal marriage, and how the concubina was perceived as a member of her partner's family. The results bring to light how this type of quasi-marital union was an appealing option for men of social standing, and that the role of concubinae accepted by their partners was not so dissimilar to that of legal wives. The article considers funerary monuments from Roman Italy, dating from the first century BC to the early third century AD. It deals with the role of Roman concubinae by analysing tombstones from both an archaeological and historical point of view; the aim of this analysis is to reconstruct a social pattern of concubinatus and of the individuals involved in this type of quasi-marital relationship, with the aid of two different types of ancient sources.
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Dolansky, Fanny. "Playing with Gender: Girls, Dolls, and Adult Ideals in the Roman World." Classical Antiquity 31, no. 2 (October 1, 2012): 256–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2012.31.2.256.
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This study examines the socio-cultural significance of dolls as Roman girls' toys. It focuses on a sample of ivory, bone, and cloth dolls, many of which have ornate hairstyles, molded breasts and, in some cases, delineated genitalia. As the only explicitly gendered toys from the Roman world, these constitute unique bodies of evidence for exploring questions of socialization and identity formation, and assessing ancient ideals. Often treated as relatively straightforward objects that prepared girls for futures as wives and mothers, this study argues instead that they were more complex and conveyed mixed messages to their young owners. By isolating three specific features of the dolls (an emphasis on adornment, capacity for movement, and resemblance to imperial figures), situating these in their historical and ideological milieux, and linking them with expectations for girls known from literary sources, the dolls' multivalence as artifacts of gender and status is revealed.
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Thompson, Steven. "Was Ancient Rome a Dead Wives Society? What did the Roman Paterfamilias Get Away With?" Journal of Family History 31, no. 1 (January 2006): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0363199005283010.
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Macdonald, Margaret Y. "The Ideal of the Christian Couple: Ign. Pol. 5.1–2 Looking Back to Paul." New Testament Studies 40, no. 1 (January 1994): 105–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500020464.
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Reflecting upon ethical ideals upheld by the Apostolic Fathers scholars have noted the presence of a ‘positive attitude towards pagan society’, ‘ideas comparable to those of nineteenth-century petty bourgeoisie’, a vision of the church made up of ‘generous householders, well-disciplined children, submissive wives, and reliable slaves’. Commenting on the renunciation of Paul's preference for virginity by the beginning of the second century, Elizabeth A. Clark concludes that ‘… the ordering of the household deemed normal by late ancient pagan society tended to prevail in Christianity as well’. Recent work on the implications of remaining unmarried for the lives of early Christian women has perhaps allowed the tipping of the scale away from the preference for the privileges of virginity towards the ideal of wifely submission to stand out in even fuller relief. The obvious question is why the Christian ideal of the married couple with its apparent openness to Greco-Roman ethics emerges so boldly at the turn of the century. The attractive solution most frequently proposed is, as Clark puts it, that wives exhibiting the characteristic virtues of good domestic order, discretion and modesty, stood as ‘apologists for the new faith’.
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Cohen, Elizabeth. "To Pray, To Work, To Hear, To Speak: Women in Roman Streets c. 1600." Journal of Early Modern History 12, no. 3-4 (2008): 289–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006508x369893.
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AbstractUsing pictures, city regulations, and judicial records, this essay claims a place for women of varying rank and status in the street life of early modern Rome. It revises the conventional binary of male public realms and female domesticity that, reinforced by scholarly expectations of Mediterranean gendered seclusion, obscures a necessary female presence in the city. In urban spaces outside their homes beggars, prostitutes, servants, working wives, nubile daughters, and even gentlewomen faced risks, but also cadged opportunities. Though excluded from government and corporate decision-making, women routinely ventured into the streets in pursuit of many goals: heavenly salvation, earthly livelihood, neighborly support, vital information, or momentary pleasure. While Rome's patterns of physical and demographic growth distinguished it in important respects from other Italian cities, it is nevertheless likely that, as in Venice, these female uses of urban space had analogues elsewhere.
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Friedman, David A. "Josephus on the Servile Origins of the Jews." Journal for the Study of Judaism 45, no. 4-5 (September 23, 2014): 523–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340063.
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The story of the Israelites’ slavery in Egypt and subsequent redemption is the central narrative element of the Pentateuch. Josephus’ claim that he was providing an accurate account of the Jews’ ancient history in Jewish Antiquities thus meant that he had to address the Jews’ servile origins; however, first-century Roman attitudes toward slaves and freedmen would have made this problematic for ideological and political reasons. Although Josephus added references to Jews’ slavery to the account of Jewish history in Jewish Antiquities, he appears deliberately to downplay the Jews’ servile origins at key parts of the narrative, including God’s promise to Abraham in Gen 15 and the account of the Jews’ enslavement in Exod 1. Josephus also demonstrates a concern with the servile status of Jacob’s secondary wives Zilpah and Bilhah. The account of Joseph’s life in Jewish Antiquities emphasizes his non-servile qualities and his chance enslavement. Roman hostility to slaves and freedmen, Josephus’ own personal experience of captivity, and the likely presence in Rome of Jewish freedmen might explain Josephus’ sensitivity to the Jews’ servile origins.
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Carey, C. "Apollodoros' Mother: The Wives of Enfranchised Aliens in Athens." Classical Quarterly 41, no. 1 (May 1991): 84–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800003554.
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The banker Pasion, father of the notorious fourth-century litigant and politician Apollodoros, some of whose speeches have survived under the name of Demosthenes, was originally a slave; freed by his owners, he made a substantial fortune from banking and subsequently received Athenian citizenship for his generous gifts to the city. At [Dem.] 59.2 we are given a paraphrase of the decree which enfranchised him: 'Aθηναον εἶναι Πασωνα κα κγνους τοὺς κενου ‘[the Athenian people voted] that Pasion and his descendants should be Athenian’. In common with inscriptions recording grants of citizenship, and unlike Roman military diplomata, the decree appears to have ignored Pasion's wife Archippe. The silence of the decrees of enfranchisement is echoed in the literary sources, with the result that we have no explicit testimony to the legal status of the wife of an alien who was granted Athenian citizenship. M. J. Osborne assumes that the status of the wife was in no way affected by the grant; she remained an alien. D. Whitehead has argued that in such cases the wife's status was indeterminate; in the event of the death of her first husband she might find herself married either to an Athenian citizen or to an alien, whereupon her status would be defined according to that of her husband. This article will argue that Archippe's status was unaffected by Pasion's receipt of citizenship, that is, that she remained a metic. I shall then proceed to consider the question of the implications of the difference in status of Pasion and Archippe subsequent to his enfranchisement for the legal basis of the relationship between them, and finally draw a tentative conclusion about the date of Pasion's receipt of citizenship.
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Moretti, Debora. "Angels or Demons? Interactions and Borrowings between Folk Traditions, Religion and Demonology in Early Modern Italian Witchcraft Trials." Religions 10, no. 5 (May 15, 2019): 326. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10050326.
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In 1638 Caterina di Francesco, from the town of Siena (Tuscany), was accused by the Roman Inquisition of invoking the devil through a spell called “the white angel spell” or “the spell of the carafe” (incantesimo della caraffa). She was interrogated, tortured and kept in and out of prison for nine years. Despite the accusations of the witnesses being focused on her practice of love magic, specifically her ability to bind men to “other” women rather than their wives and to help the disgruntled wives to have their husbands back with the use of a baptised magnet, the Inquisition focused its attention on her practice of the white angel spell, a divination spell to find lost or stolen objects with the help of shadows seen inside the carafe. This was a well-known spell not only among all levels of Italian lay society but also well known to the Inquisition, so much so that the 17th-century Inquisition manual Prattica per Procedere nelle Cause del Sant’Officio lists this spell among the sortilegij qualificati: Those spells presenting serious heretical elements. Using archival sources, this article will examine the effects of borrowed concepts between the theological/elite and folk witchcraft traditions within a specific case-study.
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Ryan, James D. "Christian Wives of Mongol Khans: Tartar Queens and Missionary Expectations in Asia." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 8, no. 3 (November 1998): 411–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300010506.
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In the late thirteenth century the openness and religious toleration of the Mongol Empire created unique conditions which encouraged European missionaries to venture into Asia. The Franciscans and Dominicans who answered the call to evangelize in territories under Tartar dominion enjoyed such success by the early fourteenth century that the papacy created archbishoprics and suffragan sees in Central Asia and China, and entertained dreams of new Christian communities aligned with the Roman Church. This paper focuses on a special set of circumstances which briefly encouraged those expectations. Western missionaries to the Mongols found influential Christian women, the mothers and consorts of rulers, at the courts of several khans. Because these Mongol queens played powerful political roles, their prayers and example might encourage the conversion of their people and those subject to them. Faithful wives of pagan rulers, in times long gone, had played a dynamic part in the conversion of husbands or sons, and of their realms, thus contributing to the spread of Christianity in Europe. Once again, at the close of the thirteenth century, hopes were voiced that pious women might perform a similar task in Asia.
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Mentxaka, Rosa. "NOTES ABOUT THE WIVES OF CHRIST (SPONSAE CHRISTI) AND THE MARRIED WOMEN IN DE HABITU VIRGINUM OF CYPRIAN OF CARTHAGE." RAUDEM. Revista de Estudios de las Mujeres 1 (May 22, 2017): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.25115/raudem.v1i0.564.
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AbstractFollowing a brief introduction, this paper will then focus on Cyprian’s comments regarding the behaviour of Virgins in De Habitu Virginum. Cyprian of Carthage argues with the adulterium, a category of Roman criminal law which was particularly important in contemporary society, in order to justify the requirement for Virgins to adopt a way of life and behaviour that would be described today as ‘well-behaved and discreet’. Although fully aware that married women had a different way of life to sponsae Christi, he was inclined to impose the same rules on allChristian Women.Key words: Cyprian of Carthage, the Dress of Virgins, sponsae Christi, adulterium, Virgins, Christian women.Título en español: Nota mínima sobre las esposas de Cristo (Sponsae Christi) y las mujeres casadas en el De habitu virginum de Cipriano de CartagoResumen El trabajo, tras una primera parte introductoria, se centra en el comentario de algunos párrafos dedicados al comportamiento de las vírgenes. Cipriano no pudo resistir la tentación de argumentar con una categoría jurídica penal romana, particularmente grave en la sociedad laica de la época, el adulterium, para justificar la necesidad de que las vírgenes adoptaran una forma de vivir, de estar en sociedad, que podríamos calificar de recatada y discreta; tampoco dudó en extender estas pautas a todas las mujeres cristianas, si bien fue plenamente consciente de que las mujeres casadas desarrollaron formas de vida distintas de las vírgenes.Palabras clave: Cipriano de Cartago, De habitu virginum, sponsae Christi, adulterium, vírgenes, mujeres cristianas.
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D’Angelo, Mary R. "Bruce W. Winter, Roman Women, Roman Wives: The Appearance of New Women and the Pauline Communities. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2003. vii+236 pp. $26.00 (paper)." Journal of Religion 85, no. 3 (July 2005): 480–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/447704.
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Betzig, Laura. "A Note on Religion." Evolutionary Psychology 19, no. 4 (October 2021): 147470492110667. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14747049211066795.
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At the beginning of our era, after a battle on the Ionian Sea, Antony and Cleopatra took their own lives in Egypt, and Augustus was made an imperator by his senators . Roman emperors had sexual access to those senators’ daughters and wives, and to thousands of slaves. But they ran governments with help from their cubicularii, castrated civil servants. And they enforced an Imperial Cult: subjects made sacrifices to the emperor's genius, or procreative spirit; or they got disemboweled by wild animals, or decapitated. Then Constantine moved off from the Tiber to the Bosporus, and Europe was ruled over by a few. Lords covered the countryside with bastards, but passed on estates on to their oldest sons. Daughters and younger sons were put away in the Church, where some became parents, but most were reproductively suppressed: they were ἄνανδρος or anandros, or without a husband, and ἄγαμος or agamos, or without a wife. Heretics who objected got burned at the stake. Then the Crusaders expanded Europe to the East, and Columbus went off to the West, and politics, sex and religion became more democratic. Power was more widely distributed; more men and women had families if they wanted them, and monasteries emptied out. The Reformation followed the Roman Church, which had followed the Imperial Cult.
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Baernstein, P. Renée. "“In My Own Hand”: Costanza Colonna and the Art of the Letter in Sixteenth-Century Italy*." Renaissance Quarterly 66, no. 1 (2013): 130–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/670406.
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Scholarship on Italian women’s secular writing of the sixteenth century has illuminated the remarkable success female authors enjoyed in print, as well as the complex and ambivalent responses they evoked as a group. This article argues that the more shadowy praxis of ordinary female letter-writing, an obligation for most elite wives and widows, required a baseline level of literacy that enabled more eminent literary women to flourish in print. The essay studies the unpublished letters of the Roman noblewoman Costanza Colonna, the Marchesa of Caravaggio (ca. 1556–1626), to demonstrate her development as a self-taught, competent writer, familiar with the terms of Renaissance debates on the epistolary genre. Colonna exemplifies the hidden world of female literacy that helps explain both the extraordinary flourishing of women’s publishing in sixteenth-century Italy, and the hostility it encountered from some elements of society.
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López González, Luis F. "The Afrenta de Corpes: Embodied Empathy in Cantar de Mio Cid." Revista de Literatura Medieval 31 (December 31, 2019): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37536/rpm.2019.31.0.67332.
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This study is an effort to understand the ways in which the poet of the Cantar de Mio Cid employs rhetorical devices as a way of enhancing the embodied empathy in his audience. I look into theories of performativity extant during the composition of the Cantar that the Cid-poet may have utilized to heighten the dramatic effect of his poem. The Hispano-Roman rhetorician, Quintilian, offers a guideline for orators and performers on how to put themselves «in the shoes» of abused victims and in doing so, move their audience to tears and/or anger. Following these rhetorical strategies, the author of the Cantar stages a performative act of the Afrenta de Corpes, in which the Infantes de Carrión nearly killed their wives, to move the public to feel the harrowing pain of the victims as their own as well as intense anger toward the evildoers.
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Van der Veen, Vincent. "Women in Roman Military Bases: Gendered Brooches from the Augustan Military Base and Flavio-Trajanic Fortress at Nijmegen, the Netherlands." Britannia 52 (October 5, 2021): 343–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068113x21000477.
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ABSTRACTRoman military bases were once regarded as strictly male domains with the only women living there being the senior officers’ wives. This view was challenged by studies that used material culture to identify women in Roman forts and interpret the roles they played. The best of this work considers both the multiple identities expressed through objects and the complexities of depositional and recovery processes. The article presented here fits into this recent development, as it investigates the presence of women in the Augustan military base and the Flavio-Trajanic fortress on the Hunerberg in Nijmegen, the Netherlands, by examining the spatial distribution of brooches (fibulae) associated with women. The distribution of female brooches is compared to that of military (male) brooches in order to highlight and interpret any significant patterns. While numbers are small, the quality of the contextual information allows for the examination of depositional and recovery practices. The paper also raises wider questions about the possibility of ‘gendering’ brooches.
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Koepping, Elizabeth. "Spousal Violence among Christians: Taiwan, South Australia and Ghana." Studies in World Christianity 19, no. 3 (December 2013): 252–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2013.0060.
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Local, often unconscious, understanding of male and female informs people's views irrespective of the religious ideology of (for Christians) the imago dei. This affects church teaching about and dealings with spousal violence, usually against wives, and can be an indicator of the failure of contextualising, from Edinburgh to Tonga and Seoul to Accra, actually to challenge context and ‘speak the Word of God’ rather than of elite-defined culture. In examining five denominations (Assembly of God, Methodist, Lutheran, Roman Catholic, True Jesus Church) in Ghana, South Australia and Taiwan, ecclesial attitudes to divorce are shown to have a crucial effect on an abused woman's decision regarding the marriage, especially where stated clerical practice differs from precept. Adding that to the effects of church teaching, the side-lining of pressure and support groups and the common failure of churches to censure spousal violence of pastors, leads the writer to suggest that any prophetic voice is strangled by shameful culture-bound collusion.
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Tarwacka, Anna. "EI FORAS, MULIER, CZYLI ROZWÓD W KOMEDIACH PLAUTA." Zeszyty Prawnicze 4, no. 1 (May 30, 2017): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2004.4.1.01.
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El FORAS MULIER, VIZ. DIVORCE IN PLAUTUS’ COMEDIESSummary The Romans treated law as a very important element of everyday life. That is why their literature is so full of allusions to law.Plautus wrote his comedies for nearly 30 years, between 210 and 184B.C. His plays were based on the Greek Middle and New Comedy. It isnot always easy to distinguish the parts where he refers to Roman law fromthose where he simply translates the original text without making anychanges.In many of Plautus’ plays we can find information about divorce, though divorce was never shown on the stage for obvious moral reasons.In Menaechmi the husband threatens his wife with repudium because hefeels a slave in his own house - an ideal wife should - under no circumstances - spy on her husband or even ask him about his affairs. The position of a men in this relationship is rather weak - his wife brought a largedowry and he is simply afraid of what he could lose by ending his marriage. In Mercator Syra, a slave-woman, comments that husbans are allowed tohave sexual contacts with other women, whereas their wives can be easilyrepudiated even if seen outside their houses without a permission. Thereseems to have been no possibility for a woman to demand divorce in Romeof the III/II century B. C. Plautus uses this fact for comical purposes. InAmphitruo Alcumena speaks the formula of repudium as if backwords: tibihabeas res tuasy reddas meas, making it sound as if it was her husband to repudiate her.Plautus gives a lot of evidence that divorces were quite common in histimes and that the Romans knew perfectly all its legal aspects.
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Sperling, Jutta. "Dowry or Inheritance? Kinship, Property, And Women's Agency in Lisbon, Venice, and Florence (1572)." Journal of Early Modern History 11, no. 3 (2007): 197–238. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006507781147470.
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AbstractThe marital property regimes, inheritance practices, and kinship structures of Renaissance Italy and early modern Portugal were at opposite ends of a spectrum. In Italy, the legitimacy of marriage was defined as the outcome of dowry exchange governed by exclusio propter dotem, thus conceptually linked to the disinheritance of daughters and wives. In Portugal, where the Roman principle of equal inheritance was never abolished, domestic unions qualified as marriages insofar as joint ownership was established. Kinship structures were rigidly agnatic in Italy, but cognatic, even residually matrilineal, in Portugal. An investigation of notarial records from Lisbon, Venice, and Florence shows how women's capacity for full legal agency as property owners in both societies differed. Female legal agency, however, whether measured by women's capacity to engage in property transactions independently of their marital status (Portugal), or as the manipulation of limited legal resources, even resistance against a system of dispossession (Italy), always unfolded within the context of larger agendas that were beyond women's control, such as the processes of state formation in medieval Italy and empire-building in Portugal.
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Mzite, Martha. "L’espoir illusionnel de l’immigration clandestine Dans Celles qui attendent de Fatou Diome." ALTRALANG Journal 3, no. 03 (December 31, 2021): 124–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.52919/altralang.v3i03.142.
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ABSTRACT: This article is a study of the literary presentation of illegal immigration in the novel Celles qui attendent by Fatou Diome. The work aims to highlight the different reactions of mothers and wives who await the men who have left. As such, it will be a question of analyzing and interpreting how Fatou Diome reveals the daily lives of those who wait. This work builds on feminist ideas by answering Spivak’s question “can subordinates speak?” The study concludes that illegal immigration is utopia.
RÉSUMÉ : Le présent article est une recherche sur la présentation littéraire de l’immigration clandestine dans le roman Celles qui attendent de Fatou Diome. Il s’agit de mettre en exergue les différentes réactions des mères et des épouses qui attendent les hommes partis. À ce titre, il sera question d’analyser et d’interpréter comment Fatou Diome révèle le quotidien de celles qui attendent. Ce travail se fonde sur les idées féministes en répondant à la question de Spivak « les subalternes peuvent-elles parler ? » L’étude conclut que l’immigration clandestine est utopique.
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Marshall, I. Howard. "Roman Wives, Roman Widows: The Appearance of New Women and the Pauline Communities by Bruce W. Winter Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2003. xviii+236 pp. pb. $27 ISBN 978-0-8028-4971-7." Evangelical Quarterly 80, no. 1 (April 30, 2008): 83–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-08001017.
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Marques-Pereira, Bérengère, David Paternotte, and Mariana Valenzuela. "El género como rescurso político: El uso estratégico del género por Michelle Bachelet (Chile) y Laurette Onkelinx (Bélgica)." Revista de la Academia 20 (December 14, 2015): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.25074/0196318.0.46.
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<p align="JUSTIFY"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;">Este artículo se enfoca en la utilización estratégica del género que desarrollan dos prominentes mujeres políticas: Michelle Bachelet en Chile y Laurette Onkelinx en Bélgica. A diferencia de la mayoría de los estudios del área de mujeres y política, el artículo destaca que el género no debe ser entendido solo como una barrera para su inclusión sino que debe ser visto como un recurso político en la medida en que las mujeres en política lo utilizan para perfilar de manera significativa su imagen pública. Bachelet y Onkelinx han intentado dotar de nuevos significados a la maternidad al proponer nuevas combinaciones de sus identidades como mujeres, esposas y madres, definiendo esos procesos en particular en función de los contextos socio-políticos: Bachelet necesitaba probar que ella podía ser una mujer en política sin dañar a la política, re significando la femineidad como un aporte para ella, mientras que Onkelinx quería demostrar que ella podía ser una mujer en política sin dañar a la familia. </span></span></p><p align="JUSTIFY"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;">Palabras claves: género, recurso político, maternidad, Bachelet, Onkelinx</span></span></p><p align="JUSTIFY"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></span></p><p align="JUSTIFY"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></span></p><p align="JUSTIFY"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></span></p><p align="JUSTIFY"><em><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;">Gender as political appeal: the strategic use of gender by Michelle Bachelet (Chile) and Laurette Onkelinx (Belgium)<br /></span></span></em></p><p align="JUSTIFY"><em><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;">This paper focuses on the strategic use of “gender” made by two salient female politic figures: Michelle Bachelet in Chile and Laurette Onkelinx in Belgium. It underscores that gender is not to be understood only as a barrier to inclusion but that it has become a salient political resource, as it is shown by the use made by women in politics when profiling their public images. However, this strategic use is defined regarding each particular socio-political context. Bachelet and Onkelinx have intended to give new meanings to maternity by proposing new combinations of their identities as women, wives and mothers. But, while Bachelet needed to prove that women in politics do not entail a threat to politics, Onkelix underscored the fact that being a woman and a politician does not entail a threat to family. <br /></span></span></em></p><p align="JUSTIFY"><em><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;">Keywords: gender, political resource, motherhood, Bachelet, Onkelinx</span></span></em></p><p align="JUSTIFY"><em> </em></p>
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Latifullah, Malik, and Zia ur Rehman. "E-3 Islamic Reforms for the Value of Human Life." Al-Aijaz Research Journal of Islamic Studies & Humanities 4, no. 2 (December 6, 2020): 16–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.53575/e3.v4.02(20).16-28.
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In the beginning of Islam no value had been given to the human life in the world. Savages killings of men by beasts, slaughtering them like animals and burning them just for entertainment of friends, were common .Under the Roman civil law slaves, were regarded simply as things. Their masters possessed the power of life and death over them. The removal of the female womb and premature abortion of pregnancy was not considered illegal or immoral .The sacrificing of human being was also a religious custom. Woman had lost her respect and honour in the world so usually a man was losing his wife in a gambling game .A widow would often commit sittee (suicide) upon the death of her husband in Indian society. Killing wives by their husbands was like a killing of pet animals. The Syrians had been selling their kids to pay the government dues and debt. Every indebted person in Persia would sell himself like a slave. Self-torturing and killing by suicide was also common. Human flesh was cooked and sold in the food shortage of one thousand thirty. In short, the human value reduced to the level of cattle. These evils and cruel practices have been strictly banned by Islam for the preservation of human life.
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Dixon, Suzanne. "Roman Wives, Roman Widows: The Appearance of New Women and the Pauline Communities. By Bruce W. Winter. Pp. xviii + 236. Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans, 2003. isbn 0 8028 4971 7. Paper $26/£18.99." Journal of Theological Studies 56, no. 2 (October 1, 2005): 558–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/fli134.
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Brunetta, Leslie. "Science for Art's Sake." MRS Bulletin 11, no. 6 (December 1986): 26–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1557/s0883769400054178.
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Victorian men placed fig leaves over those parts of classical statues they didn't want their wives and children to see. Yet it's easy for someone looking at those statues today to assume that the leaves play some part in the Roman and Greek concepts of physical beauty.A fig leaf may be the most blatant breach of an artist's original inspiration you'll encounter in a museum, but it's not likely to be the only one. Other more subtle transgressions are displayed in nearly every gallery and museum in the country—but unmasking them takes more than just a discerning eye. For instance, did the 17th-century painter see the world as quiet and subdued, or have his bright colors been muted by a 19th-century varnish? Did the classical sculptor intend his work to have an even, green patina, or has the Renaissance infatuation with antiquity allowed this corrosion to hide his varying shades of burnished bronze? Did Leonardo conceive the face of the Christ of “The Last Supper” as speaking, or silent, as his overpainters would have it?“Modern conservators really make us think about objects, says Carol Faill, administrator of college collections at Franklin & Marshall College. “There's been a consciousness raising about objects' own integrity.” Art and science are being used together as never before to gain an understanding of the physical and chemical properties of materials and their role in the fine arts.
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Carter, Grayson. "The Case of the Reverend James Shore." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 47, no. 3 (July 1996): 478–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900076065.
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The two hundred or so evangelical clergymen who seceded from the Church of England into Protestant Dissent during the first half of the nineteenth century often paid a considerable price for their action. By crossing the subtle social boundary between Anglican priesthood and Nonconformist ministry they forfeited status and often, no doubt, income. A number vanished into comparative obscurity as pastors of small chapels, whether as ministers of a major denomination, Strict and Particular Baptists, Christian Brethren, or preachers in some unlabelled and impoverished chapel. If not so severely penalised for their secession as many of their colleagues who went to Rome, particularly those with wives for whom entry into the Roman priesthood was closed, they usually came off the worse in temporal terms for following the dictates of conscience. This, no doubt, they fully anticipated. What was not anticipated, however, was the imposition of a legal penalty for their act of secession. Though Anglican secessions to Rome or Dissent were not infrequent, their legality was apparently seldom if ever questioned. Liberal Churchmen like Theophilus Lindsey, who had abandoned the establishment for Unitarianism during the eighteenth century, had set up their chapels with impunity. In 1831 the evangelical William Tiptaft received a threat from Thomas Burgess, the bishop of Salisbury, upon seceding from the parish of Sutton Courtney, Berkshire, but nothing came of it. Those who left the via media for Rome were assumed to be acting within the framework of the law when they took up a new ministry as priests of another apostolic confession.
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Retief, Francois P., and Louise C. Cilliers. "Claudius, the handicapped Caesar (41-54 A.D.)." Suid-Afrikaanse Tydskrif vir Natuurwetenskap en Tegnologie 29, no. 2 (January 13, 2010): 39–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/satnt.v29i2.8.
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Claudius, fourth Caesar of the Roman Empire, proved himself an able administrator, but physically and emotionally handicapped from birth. His parents, members of the imperial family, considered him mentally deficient and he was isolated from the general public and put in the care of an uneducated tutor who firmly disciplined the youngster. The historians report that he had a weak constitution caused by frequent illness, and when he appeared in public he was muffled in a protective cloak. To avoid possible embarrassment the ceremony of the toga virilis, at approximately 14 years of age, was a secretive affair held at midnight and devoid of the traditional procession. His grandfather, Augustus Caesar, had some sympathy for the young lad, but did not consider him capable of managing any position of public office appropriate for his age and position. This would also be the approach of the succeeding emperor, Tiberius. Claudius spent the fi rst four decades of his life in relative idleness, isolated from his family and upper class Romans, consorting with the lower classes, playing dice and revelling in excessive eating and drinking. He did, however, also involve himself seriously in a study of the sciences, literature, Greek and history – his role model in the latter being Livy. During his life time he published quite extensively, including dramas, an autobiography, a work in defence of Cicero, histories of Rome, Carthage and Etruria, and a book on dice. His first public office (besides an augurship under Augustus) was at the age of 47 years when the new emperor, Gaius (Caligula) made him a consul for two months. The Knights and a section of Senate now warmed towards Claudius, but Gaius and the majority of aristocratic Romans still despised him as dull-witted. After the assassination of Gaius, the Praetorian Guard in an extraordinary step, proclaimed a protesting Claudius (50 years old) as emperor, and convinced an astounded Senate to endorse this action. In spite of having had no significant preparation for the task, Claudius proved a most sensible and effective manager, improving the effectivity of Senate, putting the legal system on a sound footing, enlarging the borders of the Empire (including the conquest of England), extending citizenship to some of the provincials, foreigners and freedmen. Sensible building programs were initiated as well as the upgrading of roads and communication systems and the ensuring of an efficient food supply to Rome. Grand and regular gladiatorial games and other forms of public entertainment endeared him to the people. But he was also periodically responsible for mismanagement, corruption and brutality; much of this was subsequently blamed on the inordinate influence of people near him, and his trusted freedmen and wives in particular. The last two of his six wives (Messalina and Agrippina) were particularly guilty, and his death of poisoning at the age of 64 years (54 A.D.) was engineered by Agrippina. Through his life Claudius showed evidence of significant physical and psychological/emotional impediments. By many he was considered mentally deficient, but his impressive record as student of literature and history, and his administrative skill as emperor are ample evidence of his intellectual abilities. Physical abnormalities included an ungainly gait due to weakness of his right leg and probably arm. He had a tremor of the limbs and involuntary shaking of the head. He spoke indistinctly in a coarse, stuttering way, his mouth often drooled, his nose tended to run, and he had an uncouth laugh. He was emotionally labile, and when upset the above symptoms worsened and he became prone to irresponsible actions. We suggest that this symptom complex fits in with the diagnosis of cerebral palsy, and probably its extrapyramidal variant, although one-sided weakness suggests an additional component of hemiplegic paresis.
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Korobeynikov, Dmitry. "On the Byzantine-Mongol Marriages." ISTORIYA 13, no. 11 (121) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023180-7.
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The article focuses on the rapprochement between Byzantium and the Mongols from the 1250s which resulted in marriage alliances between Mongol Khans and Byzantine despoinas (princesses). The key issue is a clash of two different approaches. The Byzantine one was focused on the exclusive status of Byzantium as Christian Roman Empire, whose status was unrivalled and whose sovereigns seldom allowed marriages of Byzantine ladies to the foreign rulers, especially if the latter were heathen or Muslim. The Mongol view considered the Mongol state as the only one destined to dominate over other states. Here, the marriages between Mongol rulers and foreign brides have been suggested as one of vital elements of such domination. The compromise between two views seemed to have been made by the Byzantines: while the Byzantine church law refused to recognize interconfessional marriages, the Byzantines began to see these marriages as a Christian mission of sorts as the Greek brides and wives could have served as agents for spreading Greek Orthodox Christianity. Given the fact that some Khans had already converted to Islam prior to the marriage, these were also the first marriages between the Byzantine Imperial dynasty of the Palaiologoi and the Muslim rulers. It seems that special tolerance of the Mongols towards Christianity (even if they were Muslims) played a key role in the change of the principles of the Byzantine marriage policy: it henceforth became possible for the Emperor’s illegitimate daughter to marry a Muslim ruler. This policy affected the marriages of the later period of the fourteenth and fifteenth century between the imperial dynasties of the Palaiologoi and Grand Komnenoi, on the one hand, and the neighboring Turkish rulers, including the Ottomans, on the other.
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MARTINS, CAROLINE MORATO. "MODELOS ÉTICOS FEMININOS NA ROMA ANTIGA: uma análise sobre a construção da fama de Lívia Drusila e Agripina Maior." Outros Tempos: Pesquisa em Foco - História 17, no. 29 (February 12, 2020): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.18817/ot.v17i29.754.
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Neste artigo, apresentamos parte da investigação que temos feito acerca da fama de duas específicas personagens femininas do início do período imperial romano: Agripina Maior e Lívia Drusila. Para tanto, discutimos múltiplas apresentações dessas figuras nas narrativas de Tácito e Suetônio, posteriores ao período Júlio-Cláudio sob o qual tais mulheres viveram. Analisamos como a construção ou reconstrução da fama ligadas às duas personagens convergem, nos Anais e nas Vidas dos doze césares, para uma alteração das condições ético-morais dessas mulheres. A alteração da fama de ambas é ocasionada pela morte de seus respectivos maridos. Ao tornarem-se viúvas, ambas se transformam nas narrativas: o padrãogeral é que, de esposas virtuosas, elas passam a ser apresentadas como mães ambiciosas e movidas por vícios e poder. Neste sentido, delineamos, para estes dois casos, uma passagem da fama à infâmia por meio de balizas relacionadas ao matrimônio e maternidade. Palavras-chave: Exempla. Ética. Mulheres Júlio-Claudianas. WOMEN'S ETHICAL MODELS IN ANCIENT ROME: an analysis onthe construction of the fame of Livia Drusila and Agrippina Maior Abstract: This article presents part of the research wehave done on the fame of two specific female characters of the early Roman imperial period: Agrippina Maior and Livia Drusila. Therefore, multiple presentations of these figures are discussed in the Tacitus and Suetonius narratives after the Julio-Claudianperiod under which these women lived. It is analyzed how the construction or reconstruction of the fame linked to the two characters converge, in the Annals and the Lives of the twelve Caesars, for a change in the ethical and moral conditions of these women. The change in their fame is caused by the death of their respective husbands. When they became widows, they both became narratives: the general pattern is that fromvirtuous wives,they are presented as ambitious mothers, driven by vice and power. In this sense, it is outlined, for these two cases, a passage from fame to infamy through beacons related to marriage and maternity. Keywords: Exempla. Ethics. Julio-Claudian Women. MODELOS ÉTICOS DE LAS MUJERES EN ROMA ANTIGUA: un análisis de la construcción de la fama de Lívia Drusila y Agrippina Maior Resumen: Este artículo presenta parte de la investigación que hemos realizado sobre la fama de dos personajes femeninos específicos del inicio del período imperial romano: Agrippina Maior y Lívia Drusila. Con este fin, se discuten múltiples presentaciones de estas figuras en las narraciones de Tácito y Suetonio posteriores al período Julius-Claudius en que vivieron estas mujeres. Analizamos cómo la construcción o reconstrucción de la fama vinculada a los dos personajes convergen, en los Anales y en las Vidas de los doce Césares, para un cambio en las condiciones éticas y morales de estas mujeres. El cambio en sus famas es causado por la muerte de sus respectivos esposos. Cuando se convierten en viudas, ambas se transforman en narrativas: el patrón general es el de las esposas virtuosas, ellas pasan a ser presentadas como madres ambiciosas, impulsadas por vicios y poder. Así, delineamos, para estos dos casos, un pasaje de la fama a la infamia a través de balizas relacionadas con el matrimonio y la maternidad. Palabras Clave: Exempla. Ética. Mujeres Julio-Claudianas.
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Oikya, Upal Aditya. "Wartime Sexual Acts as Prosecutable War Crimes." DÍKÉ 2020, no. 2 (March 11, 2021): 108–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/dike.2020.04.02.08.
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Human history is littered with the mass rape of women particularly as a military strategy in warfare, dating back centuries from ancient Greek, Roman, and Hebrew concubines through the Middle Ages to the 20th century ‘comfort women’ of the 2nd World War. Ancient literature explicitly refers to rape or the seizure of vanquished women, who were regarded as the enemy’s property, to become wives, servants slaves, or concubines. The plight of women worsened in the twentieth century when civilian women suffered the most consequences of armed conflicts including rape. Rape served as an oppressive and humiliating tool to severe family identity to dominate, demoralize, and destroy the entire enemy society and way of life. In the past, there appeared to be no international law that specifically dealt with rape in armed conflicts. This was caused by the ambivalent relationship between the law of armed conflict and gender-based crimes. Rape was overlooked as an unfortunate yet inevitable by-product of war. Both international humanitarian and human rights laws did not initially recognize rape as a serious war crime and a fundamental breach of human rights. This deafening legal silence and gap are being addressed through an ongoing evolutionary process by criminalizing wartime predatory sexual acts as a war crime, crimes against humanity, and even genocide. However, with the developments of international law and its practice, for the first time in the history, mass rape and sexual enslavement in the time of war be regarded as ‘crimes against humanity’ in a landmark ruling from the Yugoslav War crime tribunal in the Hague on 22 February 2001. But, even before that, some prior legal instruments for example the Lieber Code, promulgated during the American Civil War regarded [wartime] rape as war crime with capital punishment. Thus, this paper aims to analyze how the historical legal instruments have articulated the extend of criminality and culpability of wartime rapes and other sexual violence and their nexus with crimes of humanity, genocide, and war crimes within the corpus of international norms and criminal prohibitions as well as the historical development of wartime sexual acts as prosecutable war crimes.
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Komar, Paulina. "Consumption of Greek wines in Roman Italy." Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, no. 12 (December 15, 2015): 417–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2015.12.26.
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Budzanowska-Weglenda, Dominika. "Cato the Elder on Human and Animal Diseases and Medicines for Them – According to the Treatise on "Agriculture"." Classica Cracoviensia 21 (July 2, 2019): 31–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/cc.21.2018.21.02.
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Cato the Elder was a great speaker, respected politician, military commander and writer. His treatise De agri cultura (On Agriculture) contains not only numerous passages on farm management, but also cooking recipes, religious principles, advice on how to obtain supplies, and very specific medical advice and medicinal recipes. Cato heals many different diseases of humans and quadrupeds (especially oxen). He knows how these medicines, various types of wines and cabbage dishes, should be concocted. His recipes are detailed and appear to indicate that the author knows them well. Cato does not neglect the religious and magical elements in his medical advice. Therefore, his treatise is an interesting source of Roman spells. First of all Cato’s manual on agriculture is a significant testimony of Roman medicinal and veterinary knowledge of the time, but also of the importance of these issues for the elite of the Roman Republic.
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Komar, Paulina. "Aegean Wine Imports to the City of Rome (1st century BC – 3rd century AD)." Studies in Ancient Art and Civilisation 22 (January 31, 2019): 95–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/saac.22.2018.22.05.
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This paper investigates the imports of Aegean wines to the city of Rome between the Late Republican and the Middle Imperial period (1st century BC – 3rd century AD). Its main aim is to show the share of the Roman wine market that was supplied by the Aegean region, as well as investigating which areas of the Aegean were the main wine exporters.
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Stanley, Phillip V. "Gradation and quality of wines in the greek and roman worlds." Journal of Wine Research 10, no. 2 (August 1999): 105–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09571269908718166.
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Komar, Paulina. "WINE TABOO REGARDING WOMEN IN ARCHAIC ROME, ORIGINS OF ITALIAN VITICULTURE, AND THE TASTE OF ANCIENT WINES." Greece and Rome 68, no. 2 (September 8, 2021): 239–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001738352100005x.
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A number of ancient sources suggests that Roman women in the archaic period were not allowed to drink wine. Various theories have so far been proposed to explain this taboo, most of them assuming that it meant a complete alcohol ban, and relating it to the special role of women in the Roman family. However, a reconsideration of these theories, which takes into account the results of recent studies on the origins of wine consumption in Italy, shows that the archaic wine taboo had more to do with the nature of wine than with the nature of women.
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Purinaša, Ligija. "FACTORS OF INSPIRATION IN ČENČU JEZUPS’ NOVEL “PĪTERS VYLĀNS”." Via Latgalica, no. 8 (March 2, 2017): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/latg2016.8.2237.
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Čenču Jezups or Dzērkste (real name Jezups Kindzuļs, 1888–1941?) was a Latgalian public figure, agronomist, publicist and writer. Date of his death is unknown – he was arrested in February 1941 by NKVD (People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs), but after that there is no information about his further life. He participated in the Latgalian Awakening movement at the beginning of 20th century. Later J. Kindzuļs was one of the organizers of the Latgalian congress (1917) in Rēzekne and a member of Constitutional Assembly of Latvia (1920–1922). He was an editor of such periodicals as “Latgalīts” (1921), “Latgolas Zemkūpis” (1924–1935), “Latgolas lauksaimnīks” (calendar, 1924–1935). He wrote his novel “Pīters Vylāns” between 1935 and 1941. It was first published in Daugavpils in 1943 by writer and publisher Vladislavs Luocis. Later it was published again in Germany in 1967.Čenču Jezups’ novel “Pīters Vylāns” was analysed by Miķelis Bukšs, Ilona Salceviča, Oskars Seiksts. The mentioned papers reveal the meaning of Latgalian self-confidence, which is disclosed in “Pīters Vylāns”, but unfortunately the author of this novel seems to be forgotten. Therefore the aim of this research is to “decode” factors of inspiration in Čenču Jezups’ novel “Pīters Vylāns” to gain more information about author’s life and his value system.Inspiration is always connected with writer’s life experience. Furthermore, the writer creates his own world. Vladislavs Luocis wrote that J. Kindzuļs planned to write a trilogy (Lōcis 1965: 26), but because of Latvia’s occupation by the Soviet Union this intention was not fulfilled. Factors of inspiration are divided into two groups: literary and non-literary (Lukaševičs 2007: 5). Non-literary factors of inspiration are those connected with J. Kindzuļs’ life (social and political events, education and public activities, private life). Literary and cultural factors of inspiration refer to his interests and Latgalian self-identification.Novel “Pīters Vylāns” was written during the authoritarian regime of Kārlis Ulmanis (1934–1940) and deals with peasants’ life during the Russian Revolution of 1905 (1905–1907) in Latgale. The problems of Latgalian identity (to be russified or polonized, quest for identity as a possibility) are dealt with by means of such characters as Vera Semjonova, Stefa, Meikuls Stumbris and Buks. It may be that the characters Pīters Vylāns and Ontons Sleižs are the two sides of J. Kindzuļs’ alter ego. His life experience until World War I is revealed in Pīters Vylāns, but after 1920 – in Ontons Sleižs. J. Kindzuļs may have studied either agronomy or law in Petersburg (after 1907). He took part in Latgalian Musical society and later he worked in the editorial office of newspaper “Drywa” (1908–1912). J. Kindzuļs was involved in the First World War and after that he worked in Rēzekne Commerce School (1919). After 1922 he started farming in his household “Pelēķi” in Laucesa rural municipality and was busy with issues of agronomy in Latgale.J. Kindzuļs’ private life is revealed in two women characters: Elvira and Stefa. Kindzuļs himself had three wives: unknown (married before 1919), Hortenzija Kindzule (Dardedze, married about 1921), Jadviga Kindzule (Kondrāte, married before 1933). J. Kindzuļs became a widower twice. He had two sons: Česlavs (from his first marriage) and Andrivs Jēkabs (from the second marriage). The third child was a daughter, but he and his wife Jadviga lost her because she died of an illness when she was 3.Because of lack of information about J. Kindzuļs, there is no possibility to find out his interests. The only way to get more information about J. Kindzuļs is to research his novel “Pīters Vylāns”. From the novel we know that for J. Kindzuļs there are three groups of literary and cultural factors of inspiration. Firstly, it is Latgalian self-confidence, which appears in the use of Roman Catholic elements such as rites, prayers and honour songs for God. Secondly, it is syncretism of Christian faith and paganism, which is presented as rewriting of folksongs by hand and “vakariešona” or evening gathering. Thirdly, it is European culture, because it is clear that J. Kindzuļs knew, for example, such writers as Goethe, Dostoevsky, Tolstoy, classical music (F. F. Chopin) and architecture. The amount of information about J. Kindzuļs must be enriched and research must be continued. Novel “Pīters Vylāns” was written after 1935 and it is autobiographical. Such characters as Pīters Vylāns and Ontons Sleižs reflect the personality of J. Kindzuļs, but Elvira and Stefa reveal some traits of his wives Hortenzija and Jadviga. J. Kindzuļs glorifies values which became significant after 1934: land and farming, peasants and unity. He describes the Latvians of Latgale during the Russian Revolution of 1905 (1905–1907), but at the same time he criticizes the tendency to be latvianized. The same attitude he has to russification. He accepts the ideological course of Kārlis Ulmanis policy and this ideological position of J. Kindzuļs is manifested as a form of rebellion.
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SLAVKOVA, MAGDALENA. "Evangelical transformations of empowerment and female Romani pastors." Romani Studies 31, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 259–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/rs.2021.13.
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This article analyses the empowerment of Romani women in Pentecostal societies in Bulgaria, discussing their diverse experiences in church lives, their opportunities, and the limitations they have as spiritual leaders. Using case material from my ethnographic research, I examine how Pentecostalism intersects with gender dynamics. In presenting the voices of pastors’ wives and female leaders, I reveal their areas of action and participation in formal, or less formal, religious practices. The text suggests that performing miracles is one of the key elements of the transmission of respect from male to female pastors and represents an attempt to achieve a cultural change through the adoption of evangelical Christianity. Moreover, the woman’s involvement in harmonizing social relations between church members, and between evangelists and non-evangelists has become important for non-religious aspects of everyday life. The main goal of the article is to foster an open discussion on the transformations of empowerment and female leadership, which are less studied topics within the much-explored research area of Romani Pentecostalism.
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Harutyunyan, Mkrtich, Renato Viana, Joana Granja-Soares, Miguel Martins, Henrique Ribeiro, and Manuel Malfeito-Ferreira. "Adaptation of Ancient Techniques to Recreate ‘Wines’ and ‘Beverages’ Using Withered Grapes of Muscat of Alexandria." Fermentation 8, no. 2 (February 17, 2022): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/fermentation8020085.
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The production of wines using ancient techniques is a present trend with commercial interest among consumers valorising their historical background. Therefore, the objective of the present work was to recreate wines and piquettes produced from dehydrated grapes, vinified according to the techniques described in classical Roman agricultural manuals. Muscat of Alexandria grapes were harvested and subjected to greenhouse drying under ambient temperature for 7 days, during the 2020 and 2021 harvests. When weight loss was approximately 30%, grapes were processed according to different protocols, including a rehydration step using saltwater or white wine (2020 harvest). Fermentation was conducted with the addition of commercial yeast without sulphur dioxide supplementation. The piquettes were obtained from the pressed pomaces diluted with water solution (5 g/L tartaric acid). The 2020 wines showed alcoholic content and residual sugar ranging from 14.8 to 17.0% (v/v), and 0.8 g/L to 18 g/L, respectively. Volatile acidity was less than 1 g/L (as acetic acid) in all wines, except for the fermentation of crushed grapes alone, which yielded 2.3 g/L volatile acidity. The fermentation of dehydrated crushed grapes in the semi-industrial trial run in the harvest of 2021 yielded 1.1 g/L volatile acidity. The piquettes analysis showed ethanol ranging from 10.2% (v/v) to 16.0% (v/v), reducing substances less than 2 g/L and volatile acidity less than 0.8 g/L. Overall, the physicochemical analysis showed that it was possible to recreate ancient winemaking techniques that may be further improved to produce commercially and legally acceptable wines.
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Fotic, Aleksandar. "André Jullien and the first world classifications of Serbian wines(1816, 1822, and 1832)." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 176 (2020): 519–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn2076519f.
Full textAbstract:
This paper analyses the first world classifications of Serbian wines based on Andr? Jullien?s famous Topographie de tous les Vignobles connus? published as early as 1816 (18222, 18323). It points to the far-reaching importance of Jullien?s work, clarifies the circumstances of its creation, its methodology, the significance and types of data presented, and, which is particularly important, identifies most of the sources used by the author. Jullien?s Topographie is not a perfect book free of geographical and historical errors, nor does it cover all winegrowing regions in the world. However, it is the first general classification of all wines, both French and ?foreign?, based on fairly clear criteria and written by an experienced and, as it seems, unprejudiced connoisseur. Its importance was recognized immediately after publication, and the global nature of its classification made it the basis for all similar undertakings. The analytical focus in the article is restricted to the territory of the present-day Serbia. In the Ottoman ?province? of Serbia, he singled out the environs of Belgrade as the most important winegrowing region, adding to it the environs of Pristina in the third edition. Wines produced in the eastern Srem (Karlovci) stand out in terms of quality. This overview also includes the winegrowing region of Banat with Vrsac and Bela Crkva (Weisskirchen). In the wine world of that time wines from Srem and Banat were classified as the wines of the Austrian Empire or, more narrowly, as Hungarian wines. Andr? Jullien obviously did not taste any of the mentioned Serbian wines personally. He relied above all on the information available in encyclopaedias, statistic records, geographies and travel accounts. The search for and identification of his sources has shown how thorough, consistent and honest he was in using such data. Undoubtedly, the best Serbian wines were made in and around Karlovci. A sweet red wine, Ausbruch, gained a high repute around the mid-18th century, retaining it into the 20th century. At first, Jullien classified it into the third and then into the exceptionally high second class of all world?s sweet red wines. For example, of all Hungarian wines, only Tokay was rated above it. Karlovci?s semi-sweet and dry wines received the same high second-class rating. Jullien?s classifications of Serbian wines confirmed the continued existence of high-quality winegrowing areas in what is now Serbia, from Roman times to the beginning of the 19th century.
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Stock, S. R., M. K. Stock, and J. D. Almer. "Combined computed tomography and position-resolved X-ray diffraction of an intact Roman-era Egyptian portrait mummy." Journal of The Royal Society Interface 17, no. 172 (November 2020): 20200686. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsif.2020.0686.
Full textAbstract:
Hawara Portrait Mummy 4, a Roman-era Egyptian portrait mummy, was studied with computed tomography (CT) and with CT-guided synchrotron X-ray diffraction mapping. These are the first X-ray diffraction results obtained non-invasively from objects within a mummy. The CT data showed human remains of a 5-year-old child, consistent with the female (but not the age) depicted on the portrait. Physical trauma was not evident in the skeleton. Diffraction at two different mummy-to-detector separations allowed volumetric mapping of features including wires and inclusions within the wrappings and the skull and femora. The largest uncertainty in origin determination was approximately 1.5 mm along the X-ray beam direction, and diffraction- and CT-determined positions matched. Diffraction showed that the wires were a modern dual-phase steel and showed that the 7 × 5 × 3 mm inclusion ventral of the abdomen was calcite. Tracing the 00.2 and 00.4 carbonated apatite (bone's crystalline phase) reflections back to their origins produced cross-sectional maps of the skull and of femora; these maps agreed with transverse CT slices within approximately 1 mm. Coupling CT and position-resolved X-ray diffraction, therefore, offers considerable promise for non-invasive studies of mummies.