Journal articles on the topic 'Roman Villa Museum'

Additional information about the Romano-British villa at Woodham's Farm was discovered whilst researching the villas at Sparsholt and Twyford. Amongst the Sparsholt material held by the late David Johnston was an envelope containing coins from Woodham's Farm. Similarly, amongst the Twyford paper archive held by Martin Biddle was a letter from Mr. W. H. Blake of Woodham's Farm to Lieut. Colonel Montague dated 14th September 1925. The letter briefly described his excavation of the site and contains a sketch of the exposed ground plan of parts of the villa. This short report is based on the information held by Winchester Museum Services (History File ARCH 296). It documents the discoveries found and attempts to put the Romano-British Villa at Woodham's Farm into a regional context.

The authors present the first results of an archaeometric research project set up by the Rovereto Civic Museum Foundation in collaboration with MUSE–Trento Science Museum, aiming at analysing and comparing Roman plasters from different sites in order to highlight similarities and differences related to the preparation and realization of Roman wall renderings. The data concern the characterization of plaster samples from the Roman Villa of Isera and Ventotene (northern and central Italy) by means of a thin-section mineropetrographic examination under an optical microscope and a scanning electron microscope (SEM).

<p>The roman villa La Olmeda (Palencia) is open for the visitors again. The works in order to protect the remains are finished. Balawat team made the virtual reconstruction of the mansion helped by the archaeologist managers of the villa. We made some animations for its museum. Amongst them there is a version of the mythological mosaic of Achilles in the main room of the house. It’s made following the ancient iconography of black figure pottery.</p>

Those who visit the tourist attractions of the Villány–Siklós wine route may not even suspect that a ruin of a high-status Roman villa is hiding under the picturesque landscape with vineyards at the foot of the Szársomlyó Mountain. The Mediterranean beauty and climate of this region attracted the late imperial elite of the Roman Empire, among whom an influential, senatorial family built its luxury villa here. This villa only revealed its significance and treasures slowly. After the excavation of its bathhouse, an unfortunately commissioned deep ploughing twisted large pieces of the mosaic floors out of the ground. After a long pause, the Hungarian National Museum continued the investigation of the site in 2016. The excavations brought to light the villa’s banquet hall, the floor of which was once covered with colourful mosaics representing the highest quality of Roman mosaic art. Masterpieces of Roman glass craftmanship – pieces of a wine set – were also found here. The villa of Nagyharsány plays an important role in the research of the Seuso Treasure too. The luxury reflected by the interior decoration and the artefacts of the banquet hall proved that the educated and wealthy imperial aristocracy was present in late Roman Pannonian provinces, the members of which could afford a set of silver tableware comparable to the Seuso Treasure in quality, understood the literary and visual culture based on the classical education of the elite, and spoke its sophisticated language.

Abstract:In February 2013 Christos Tsirogiannis linked a fragmentary Athenian red-figured cup from the collection formed by Dietrich von Bothmer, former chairman of Greek and Roman Art at New York’s Metropolitan Museum of Art, to a tondo in the Villa Giulia, Rome. The Rome fragment was attributed to the Euaion painter. Bothmer had acquired several fragments attributed to this same painter, and some had been donated to the Metropolitan Museum of Art as well as to the J. Paul Getty Museum. Other fragments from this hand were acquired by the San Antonio Museum of Art and the Princeton University Art Museum. In January 2012 it was announced that some fragments from the Bothmer collection would be returned to Italy, because they fitted vases that had already been repatriated from North American collections. The Euaion painter fragments are considered against the phenomenon of collecting and donating fractured pots.

In the summer of 2020, a fragmentary lower part of a statue base with a Latin inscription carved on its underside was accidentally discovered in Vinca, in the area of the archaeological site of Osljane. The remains of ? Roman building (presumably a villa rustica) were located at the aforementioned site. After the discovery, the monument was stolen, then it was soon recovered and transferred to the National Museum of Serbia. The inscription records the career of a member of the equestrian order.

The Roman villa of Noheda, located in the municipality of Villar de Domingo García (Cuenca), is one of the most important archaeological sites in Spain and one of the most important museum complexes in Europe. In recent years, several archaeological investigations have been developed (archaeometry of building materials, natural resources, ways and roads). Furthermore, various restoration and consolidation works have been carried out on structures, walls and floors. The archaeological management team requested a characterisation of the mortars found in the coatings of the walls and floors of the complex to identify differences in its production. After checking the rooms, the state of conservation of the elements and the significance of the materials used, several mortar samples were analysed by means of macroscopic techniques before applying a petrographic analysis. The results showed an interesting variety in the distribution of aggregates, a complex microstratigraphy and a range of grain sizes in the mortars from different rooms. Magnesium, silica and aluminium from limestone were found. Crushed and powdered limestone was used as an aggregate with irregular distribution. Calcite nodules were observed as evidence that the mortar had been poorly mixed in preparation.

The Roman villa of Noheda, located in the municipality of Villar de Domingo García (Cuenca), is one of the most important archaeological sites in Spain and one of the most important museum complexes in Europe. In recent years, several archaeological investigations have been developed (archaeometry of building materials, natural resources, ways and roads). Furthermore, various restoration and consolidation works have been carried out on structures, walls and floors. The archaeological management team requested a characterisation of the mortars found in the coatings of the walls and floors of the complex to identify differences in its production. After checking the rooms, the state of conservation of the elements and the significance of the materials used, several mortar samples were analysed by means of macroscopic techniques before applying a petrographic analysis. The results showed an interesting variety in the distribution of aggregates, a complex microstratigraphy and a range of grain sizes in the mortars from different rooms. Magnesium, silica and aluminium from limestone were found. Crushed and powdered limestone was used as an aggregate with irregular distribution. Calcite nodules were observed as evidence that the mortar had been poorly mixed in preparation.

Paintings and sculptures depicting gazelles ( Gazella spp.) are frequent in Ancient Roman art. Images of gazelles have been discovered during the archaeological explorations of Herculaneum and Pompeii, devastated by the eruption of Mount Vesuvius in ad 79. Two bronze statues of ungulates from the Villa of the Papyri, Herculaneum, now on display at the Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli (National Archaeological Museum of Naples), have not been correctly identified, consequently causing erroneous speculation about their cultural significance. The aim of this paper is to suggest which gazelle species inspired these artefacts, and to also discuss the wider context of the artistic representations of gazelles from Herculaneum and Pompeii and their surroundings.

Excavations carried out in several parts of the settlement complex of Aquincum (legionary fortress, Military and Civil Towns, villa estates) have so far revealed 250 complete or fragmentary hand querns and millstones of different types. Most were discovered reused in secondary contexts, but some were found in their original position (i.e. in the courtyards of town houses or villas).The cataloguing of this group of finds has just been completed (although new ones continue to be found in ongoing excavations), and therefore detailed research on the types, material, and economic significance has only just begun (in a cooperation between the University of Oxford and the BHM Aquincum Museum). This paper presents the preliminary results of this work on the find location and dating of these stones, as well as distinguishing between hand querns and water-mills. It explores the potential of this neglected group of Aquincum finds, and especially what they might suggest about the extent of the use of water-powered milling on the Roman frontier in Pannonia.

In the Regional Museum of Srem in Sremska Mitrovica, Serbia, a Roman brick is preserved, containing an inscription (Inv. A/5342). Originating from any of the numerous Roman structures in the capital city of Sirmium - most probably from Site 4 (Villa) or Site 1a (Palace) - the brick exhibits a graffito in Latin which reads as follows: Domino et fraturi Maxime salutem Valerus Januarius Written before the brick was baked, this greeting obviously went from somebody present at the brick plant to another person engaged locally in the business of construction. To address the recipient of a message as dominus frater is a well-attested style in Roman military circles, especially between equals, from the early 2nd century on. Phonologically, the spelling fraturi (for fratri) is a remarkable instance of anaptyxis, vulgar, but only rarely occurring in the sources. The pendent vocative Maxime is probably due to the actual formula being a contamination of two known types, Maximo salutem and Maxime vale. Judging by their cognomenta, both men, Januarius and Maximus, may very well have been of indigenous origin, whereas the nomen Valerius may have been acquired through service in the imperial army or administration under the Tetrarchs.

In 1830 a hoard of Roman silver weighing some 25 kilograms was recovered from farmland near Berthouville, between Rouen and Caen. The silver was mostly worked into drinking vessels and associated items such as jugs, ladles, and bowls. Two statuettes of the god Mercury confirmed this as a votive deposit, as indicated by various dedications from Romano-Gallic pilgrims, notably on nine pieces left by Quintus Domitius Tutus (‘Mr Safe’) in the mid-first century ad. Restored by conservation experts at the Getty Museum, the cache – along with several other treasures from Gaul – has served as witness to ‘Roman luxury’ in an exhibition on tour in the USA. The exhibition's catalogue is a volume that earns its place in any classical library. The Berthouville Silver Treasure and Roman Luxury may not add very much to our understanding of luxuria in Roman discourse: it is left unclear what happens when a ‘luxury object’ is put out of circulation, or at least transferred into the enclosed economy of a sanctuary; and if Mercury was a deity of fortune favoured particularly by freed slaves, perhaps a set of silver spoons was not such an ‘elite’ attribute as supposed? Beyond such factors of value, however, the figurative elaboration on display is striking. At the centre of a libation bowl we find the Lydian queen Omphale in a drunken slumber, exposing her derrière – as if to say ‘Beware how you imbibe’. One wine pitcher shows Achilles leaping aboard his chariot, with the body of Hector trussed in tow; turn the jug round, and there is Achilles again, now himself stricken in battle. On another pitcher, Achilles is among Greeks mourning the death of Patroclus; and there is Hector's corpse in a pair of scales, as the price of his ransom is assessed. We would be impressed to find such ‘sophisticated’ iconography upon objects in use at some stately villa at Rome or around the Bay of Naples. What does its appearance in the moist pastures of Normandy signify – at least for our preconceptions of ‘provincial taste’?

A bronze portrait of a child (figs. 1-4) belonging to the category of “small format” portraits is preserved in the Archaeological Museum of Badajoz (inv. no. 4471). It was found in 1970 in excavations conducted by J. M. Peralta y Sosa on a farm in the Vega del Ortiga, an area east of Medellín in the territory between that town and Don Benito (Lusitania), some 35 km from Mérida (Augusta Emerita). In the excavated area of 40 m2 (fig. 5) were two cisterns and a rectangular well, at the bottom of which was the bronze portrait. The N cistern measured 3.8 x 1.25 m. Attached to its E side was a rectangular (80 x 60 cm) well. A channel in the centre of the S wall of the well was connected to a square (3.45 x 2.9 m) cistern. From its W wall a drain leads into a channel towards the Ortiga river, which flows by some 50 m away. On the E side of the excavation area were two identical column bases which could have belonged to a peristyle. One is a square (90 x 80 cm) block preserving traces of a column shaft 65 cm in diameter, while the other, 3 m to the north, retains the beginning of the shaft. From this point a wall (45 cm thick) faced with stucco starts to head north. The pottery found during the excavation included Arretine, South Gaulish and thin-walled wares belonging to the first quarter of the 1st c. A.D. The site appears to have been part of a Roman villa.

Las excavaciones arqueológicas realizadas en Monte Molião permitieron la recogida de un importante conjunto de artefactos de hueso pulido, de la Edad del Hierro y de época Romana, que supone un total de 80 piezas. Están distribuidas por distintas categorías funcionales, relacionadas con el adorno personal, con la actividad textil, con el juego y con la escritura. Otros integran la categoría de complementos de muebles. El conjunto es revelador de la presencia, en el sur de Portugal, de individuos con costumbres y usanzas que siguen patrones estéticos y sociales del Mediterráneo romanizado.Palabras clave: Algarve romano, mundus muliebris, textiles, ludi, stiliTopónimo: PortugalPeriodo: Edad del Hierro, época romana ABSTRACTThe archaeological digs undertaken in in Monte Molião led to the discovery of 80 bone artefacts, dating from Iron Age and Roman times. They are divided into several functional categories, connected with personal adornment, textile activity, games, and writing. 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(2018), “A cerâmica de paredes finas de Monte Molião (Lagos, Portugal)”, CuPAUAM, 44, pp. 201-226.Sousa, E., Pereira, C. y Arruda, A. M. (2019), “O serviço de mesa de época romana republicana de Monte Molião (Lagos, Portugal)”, en J. Coll Conesa (coord.), OPERA FICTILES Estudios transversales sobre cerâmicas antiguas de la Península Ibérica, vol. 2, Madrid, pp. 357-368.Sousa, E. y Serra, M. (2006), “Resultados das intervenções arqueológicas realizadas na zona de protecção do Monte Molião (Lagos)”, Xelb, 6, 1, pp. 5-20.Spasić-Đurić, D. (2002), Viminacium. The capital of the roman province of Upper Moesia, Požarevac.Tabar, M. y Unzu, M. (1985), “Agujas y punzones de hueso de época romana en Navarra”, Trabajos de Arqueología de Navarra, IV, pp. 187-226.Tirado Martínez, J. (2005), “Objectos de hueso del solar de la casa del oculista. C/ Chavarria, Calahorra (La Rioja)”, Kalakoricos, 10, pp. 137-149.Urturi Rodríguez, P. (2012), “Un taller de industria ósea en el yacimiento de época romana de Rubina (Nanclares de la Oca, Iruña de Oca, Araba/Álava)”, Kobie Serie Paleoantropología, 31, pp. 105-136.Veiga, E. da (1910), “Antiguidades Monumentaes do Algarve. Tempos históricos”, O Arqueológo Português, 1ª Serie, 15, pp. 209-233.Viana, A., Formosinho, J. y Ferreira, O. (1952), “Alguns objectos inéditos do Museu Regional de Lagos. Monte Molião”, Revista de Guimarães, 62, 1-2, pp. 133-142.

Located along a meander of the Drôme river, the site of Condamine has been known since the nineteenth century to contain the remains of a villa, including a mosaic which was removed in 1974. Since then, new opportunities to document the site, through aerial photography and subsequent pedestrian surveys conducted by the Museum of Die and Diois in June 2009, identified a large tri-portico Roman sanctuary, whose plan, characteristic of those throughout the Mediterranean, echoes in particular that of La Bâtie-Montsaléon (Mons Seleucus) (Leveau, Segard 2002). Five miles downstream from Die (Colonia Dea Augusta Vocontiorum), this monumental sanctuary (80 x 60 m) is located on the edge of the via Vocontia, a road connecting the Rhone to Italy by way of the valleys of the Drôme, and Durance rivers. Archaeological testing has identified that the substantial masonry foundations of this sanctuary cut through nearly 1,50 m of stratigraphy, including occupations separated by demolition layers derived from earlier daub buildings. These late-Republican occupation levels, whose sediments are littered with faunal remains, fragments of ceramics, as well as a relatively dense concentration of small hearths, are associated with metal artefacts found elsewhere at the site : included amongst these are the upper portions of two handles of simpulae representing the heads of a wolf and a duck. Two pits with ritual use, dated to late-Republican period, were also discovered during recent archaeological recording of a series of trenches related to the updating of the city’s sanitation network (Teyssonneyre et al. 2014). Like other indegenous sanctuaries which continue to be used during the Roman period in the south-eastern quarter of Gaul (Glanum, Nîmes, Nages …), and based on our observations, we advance the seductive hypothesis that this “ Laténien complex” was already used as a sacred area during the 2nd-1st centuries BC, and therefore predating the more substantial 1st-2nd century AD roman sanctuary.

The historicity of the ‘Gallic Emperor' Domitianus has long been disputed, but two quite separate events in 2003 have now provided incontrovertible confirmation of his existence. The first was the rediscovery in the collections of the Musée Dobrée in Nantes of what had been for a century the only known coin carrying the obverse legend IMP(ERATOR) C DOMITIANUS P(IUS) F(ELIX) AUG(USTUS), discovered in a coin hoard at the villa of Cléons at Haute-Goulaine near Nantes in 1900, but mislaid at some point after its arrival in the museum in 1929. Its reappearance in turn allowed Sylviane Estiot to disprove conclusively the aspersions cast on its authenticity by various influential scholars during the twentieth century. In addition, however, and with a serendipity which for most scholars is the stuff of dreams, a coin hoard containing a second coin of Domitianus, minted from the same dies as the first, was discovered in farmland at Chalgrove near Oxford. This numismatic evidence, combined with the failure of Domitianus' regime to show up in the historical record—aside from Zosimus' brief notice (1.49.2) of three rebellions against Aurelian early in his reign, by ‘Septiminus, Urbanus and Domitianus', the latter presumably referring to the same man—suggests that this usurper occupied a position of power very briefly indeed, but did occupy a position of power. Not only was Domitianus capable of issuing official coinage, albeit in extremely small quantities (his absence from all but two of the numerous coin hoards from this turbulent period is telling), but also, as Estiot's research reveals, he would appear to have combined the two hitherto separate mints that produced the coinage of the Gallic Empire—the feat of a man who exerted real control over significant elements of the Gallo-Roman state machinery, however momentarily.

The remains unearthed in the Dulkadiroğlu district, one of the central districts of Kahramanmaraş, are thought to belong to Caesarea Germanicia, which was founded in the Roman Period. Research and excavations carried out by the Kahramanmaraş Museum and us in the region have revealed that the spread of archaeological cultural remains is more than 150 hectares. Although the concentration of Roman Period cultural remains in the research and excavations was remarkable, the discovery of Byzantine, Seljuk, and Ottoman Period ceramic pieces indicates an uninterrupted settlement in the research area for centuries. However, as can be seen in the images, the dense residential texture in the region is one of the biggest obstacles to archaeological research and excavations. Because, in order to carry out archaeological excavations of the identified structures, expropriations are required. However, the expropriation period covers an average of 2-4 years, which makes it difficult to conduct scientific research. Archeogeophysical methods provide information about the location, depth, and dimensions of the archaeological remains by applying them from the surface, without causing any damage to the archaeological remains sought. In this context, Ground Penetrating Radar (GPR) measurements were carried out to determine the quality of the mosaic-based structure on 445 layout, which were previously unearthed through illegal excavations in 2019, and the parcels on which it extends. GPR was carried out along 6 profiles. The obtained results were compared both with each other and with the existing surface conditions, and GPR depth maps were created. When the GPR depth sections were examined, 4 important reflections were found. It has been interpreted that 3 of these reflections belong to the archaeological building remains and 1 of them originates from a metal material (pipe). It was determined that the depth of the archaeological remains identified in the GPR sections started at a depth of approximately 20 cm. As a result of the excavation, it was seen that the reflections determined in the GPR sections belonged to the wall remains and metal pipe. As a result of archaeological excavations, it was determined that the GPR reflections belong to the remains of the walls of the Villa Rustica of the Early Byzantine Period or a Roman bath, as well as a metal pipe. In the measurements of the ground radar, it was determined that other walls cut the building walls in parallel. As a result of archaeological excavations, it was understood that these walls were made of rubble stone with mud additives. It was discovered during archaeological excavations and was discovered in the 11th-13th centuries AD. One of the ceramic fragments indicates that this structure was used again in the Middle Byzantine Period.

The report informs about the conference organized by the Museum of Romani Culture in Brno titled „Places of memory: from building exhibitions to education in museums / memorials“, which took place on 10 and 11 November 2021 in Villa Stiassini and in the area of Roma and Sinti Holocaust Memorial in Hodonín by Kunštát. This international conference was held in a hybrid form in the Czech and Polish language, with the attendees from both the Czech Republic and Poland. The report summarizes the individual contributions as well as the accompanying program.

The research focuses on the generation of 3D models aimed at creating interactive virtual environments as the outcomes of scalar representations of existing realities. The purpose is to increase the narration, fruition, and dissemination of the findings that emerged from the archaeological investigations carried out in a large sector of the south-eastern suburbs of Rome. In this context, the research proposes a process oriented toward designing a virtual museum of the first group of works from the Appia Antica Archaeological Park and now exhibited at the Museo Nazionale Romano, the Antiquarium di Lucrezia Romana, and the Antiquarium di Villa Dei Quintili. Managing high historical and cultural findings through geometrical surveys, high-resolution data from 3D survey analysis, archival research, and interactive digital representation is the aim of the study. The digitisation of artefacts has made it possible to build new forms of communication that enrich virtual and on-site visits with content, both of the park and of the Museums that host the collections. In particular, it has gradually allowed a ‘virtual’ relocation of works from the Appia Park, favouring the definition of a method capable of communicating new content and laying the basis for the development of a virtual museum, a temporary exhibition, and a web platform for one of the most important historical sites of ancient Rome.

Abstract The Roman Domus in Mdina, Malta, has become an idealised example of the Roman presence in the Maltese Islands; the partial remains of a lavishly decorated domus that would have in its time been situated within the walls of the urbanised Roman city of Melite. The site, last excavated more than 100 years ago, is also home to the only museum in the Maltese Islands, which is solely dedicated to house and showcase a collection of artefacts that date from the Roman period in Maltese history. This site alone provides a unique perspective on Roman Malta, being our only substantial remnant from the Roman Maltese capital, and needs a refocused and renewed exploration. For a long time, the archaeology of Roman sites in Malta has suffered a distinct lack of priority, and it has only been in the last two decades that considerably more focus has been placed on understanding the Roman period. Most of the archaeological focus, in this respect, has centred on agricultural villas, and though this study has illuminated a better understanding of the Roman period, very little has been undertaken in the last century in piecing together the importance of urban Melite to the broader nature of life in the islands, as well as their place in the larger context of the central Roman Mediterranean. The Melite Civitas Romana Project offers the potential of new understanding of the domus and the surrounding archaeological environment through a modern exploration of the site and the promise of the first available assemblage of Roman material from an urban Roman context.

A villa Romana de S. Cucufate é um dos exemplos melhor conservados de villa aulica.Iniciada a ocupação romana em meados do Séc. I d. C, a villa evoluiu ao longo do tempo, com momento de reforma bem visíveis, como aquele do Século II d.C e o do século IV que lhe desenhou o perfil cujas ruínas hoje observamos.O sítio arqueológico foi intensamente escavado e de para com esse trabalho de recolha de dados primários para análise decorreu um intensivo programa de prospecção no espaço envolvente, em ordem a definir a rede de funcionamento de S. Cucufate, como estrutura agro-pastoril do período romano.Publicados, de modo detalhado, os dados recolhidos e as interpretações alcançadas foram alguns materiais expostos em museu, na Casa do Arco, em Vila de Frades. O museu, parte integrante da narrativa que os dados forneceram, está ao abandono.S.Cucufate, o santo mártir que foi cultuado nos edifícios da villa, teve direção mais feliz e está hoje recolhido na Igrejamatriz de Vila de Frades, onde o culto nunca se apagou e parece cada vez mais atuante. Na capela de s. Brás, namesma localidade, podem ser admiradas as pinturas murais que relatam o martírio do Santo.As ruínas, cujas escavações se iniciaram há quatro décadas, estão , mais descuidadas que cuidadas, abertas aosdiálogos que o presente nos desperta.

<p>Recovery of the Roman wall painting in the southeast Spanish is done, by a party's own excavations in the archaeological site, where you can find this mural in two ways, still located in the walls of Roman villas or at the foot of these walls collapsed, fragmented and even buried, making it necessary cooperation in the recovery work of the archaeologist and restorer. You can also recall Roman wall paintings in the collections of archaeological museums, as many boxes remain innumerable multitude of fragments of mural pieces found in excavations and record stored there pending further study, grading and restoration. Examples of the above are discussed.</p>

En l’estudi següent es presenta el repertori monetari aparegut durant les excavacions arqueològiques a la vil·la romana de Casa Ferrer I (Alacant). Es fa una catalogació de les troballes monetàries que contenen un marc temporal comprès entre els segles II aC-VI dC, i es fan consideracions sobre la circulació monetària en aquest enclavament, i en general, a les comarques meridionals del País Valencià.

The Dora-Maira Unit is a geological unit cropping out in the inner part of the Cottian Alps and belonging to the Penninic Domain of the Western Alps (northwestern Italy). It consists of a Paleozoic basement and its Mesozoic carbonate cover, metamorphosed under eclogite facies conditions in the Cenozoic. Due to the complexity of the rock associations and the textural-metamorphic transformations, the Dora-Maira Unit has been a source of ornamental stones over the centuries, and still represents a reservoir of material locally employed for historical and contemporary buildings. Several varieties of orthogneiss, quartzite and marble, derived from the Paleozoic basement and Mesozoic cover, are known by different local names (e.g. Luserna Stone, Borgone and Vaie Stone, Perosa Stone, Bargiolina Quartzite, Foresto and Chianocco Marble).These stones were largely employed during the 17th and 18th centuries for some of the most famous and important monuments in Turin (capital of Piedmont region, northwestern Italy), as well as in the countryside, since Roman times. Some of the materials exploited in the Dora-Maira Unit were also exported to foreign countries: Borgone and Vaie Stone were used for the paving of the Louvre Museum, and Perosa Stone was employed for the construction of the monument of Independence in Lagos, Nigeria. Consequently, the Dora-Maira Unit can be designated as a Global Heritage Stone Province.RÉSUMÉL’Unité Dora-Maira est une unité géologique affleurant dans la partie interne des Alpes Cottiennes; elle appartient au Domaine Penninique des Alpes occidentales (Italie du Nord-Ouest). Elle se compose d'une croûte continentale d’âge Paléozoïque supérieur et de sa couverture carbonatique Mésozoïque, métamorphosées en faciès éclogite pendant le Cénozoïque. En raison de la complexité des associations lithologiques et des transformations métamorphiques et structurelles, l’Unité Dora-Maira a été une source de pierres ornementales au cours des siècles, et encore il représente un réservoir de matériau employé localement pour des bâtiments contemporains et historiques. Plusieurs variétés de gneiss, de quartzite et de marbre, provenant du socle paléozoïque et de la couverture mésozoïque et connues sous différents noms locaux (par exemple Pierre de Luserna, Pierre de Borgone et Vaie, Pierre de Perosa, Bargiolina, marbres de Foresto et Chianocco), étaient largement utilisées pour certains monuments les plus célèbres et importants à Turin (capitale de la région Piémont), au cours des 17ème et 18ème siècles, et dans les alentours de la ville depuis l'époque romaine. Certains des matériaux exploités dans l'Unité Dora-Maira ont été également exportés aux pays étrangers: la Pierre de Borgone et Vaie a été utilisée pour le pavage du Musée du Louvre, et la Pierre de Perosa a été employé en Afrique, à Lagos, au Nigéria, pour la construction du monument de l'indépendance. Par conséquent, l'Unité Dora-Maira peut être indiquée comme une Pierre Province du patrimoine mondial.

<p class="MsoNormal">Kulturhistorisk Museum Randers har i de senere &aring;r sat &oslash;get fokus p&aring; byens indvandrerhistorie. I 2003 dokumenterede museet de tyrkiske g&aelig;stearbejderes historie, og i 2005 blev der set n&aelig;rmere p&aring; tyrkernes b&oslash;rn.<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: small;">&nbsp;</span>Tyrkerne var den f&oslash;rste store gruppe af indvandrere i Randers, men er i antal siden blevet overhalet af bosnierne, hvoraf de f&oslash;rste kom til byen som krigsflygtninge i 1993.</p> <p class="MsoNormal">Denne artikel er baseret p&aring; en unders&oslash;gelse af de bosniske krigsflygtninge, som museet foretog henover sommeren 2010. Udover at klarl&aelig;gge det historiske forl&oslash;b for bosniernes tilv&aelig;relse i Randers, giver unders&oslash;gelsen gennem tolv interviews et indblik i, hvordan bosnierne er faldet til i byen. Det beskrives desuden, hvorledes det er at v&aelig;re bosnier i Randers i dag. Interviewgruppen udgjordes af otte kvinder og fire m&aelig;nd. Blandt kvinderne var der fire, der aldersm&aelig;ssigt befandt sig i tyverne, mens de resterende befandt sig i henholdsvis trediverne, fyrrerne og halvtredserne. For m&aelig;ndenes vedkommende var den ene halvdel i fyrrerne og den anden i halvtredserne.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span></p> <p class="MsoNormal">Unders&oslash;gelsen viser blandt andet, at de m&aring;l for integration, som Randers Kommune satte sig, da det fra 1995 stod klart, at de bosniske flygtninge ville blive i byen, p&aring; de fleste omr&aring;der stemte overens med &oslash;nskerne fra st&oslash;rstedelen af bosnierne. For kommunen blev det i l&oslash;bet af kort tid det v&aelig;sentligste, at de mange nye borgere blev i stand til at klare sig selv gennem sprog, besk&aelig;ftigelse og bolig, mens det for bosniernes vedkommende handlede om hurtigst muligt at komme i gang med det liv, som krig og uvished havde afbrudt. At de bosniske flygtninge skulle integreres socialt i det danske f&aelig;llesskab og gennem danske netv&aelig;rk var af begge parter prioriteret lavere. Selvom kontakten til danskerne i Randers stadig mest er begr&aelig;nset til arbejde og uddannelse, opfattes bosnierne i Randers i dag, b&aring;de af dem selv og den danske majoritetsbefolkning, alligevel som den mest velintegrerede st&oslash;rre indvandrergruppe i byen.</p>

The Piedra Berroqueña region in the Guadarrama Mountains, part of Spain’s Central Range, supplies most of the construction granite used in Madrid and surrounding provinces. The region’s quarrying towns preserve their granite extraction and hewing traditions. Historic quarries form part of the landscape, as do current extraction sites with huge reserves that guarantee a speedy supply of variously finished dimension stone. Piedra Berroqueña granite has been in use as a construction material since long before Roman times. Many important monuments, including San Lorenzo Royal Monastery at El Escorial (1563−1584), Madrid’s Royal Palace (1738−1764), the Alcalá Gate (1770−1778), the Prado Museum (1785−1808) and Puerta del Sol (one of Madrid’s main squares), owe their good state of preservation to the stone’s petrophysical characteristics and durability. The granite is also found in most of the city’s housing and streets, as well as in modern buildings the world over, such as the airport terminals at Athens and Cork, and the British consulate at Hong Kong. Four major types of monzogranite occur including: biotitic monzogranites containing some cordierite, biotitic monzogranites containing some amphibole, biotitic monzogranites having no cordierite or amphibole, and leucogranites. The petrological, petrophysical and chemical properties of Piedra Berroqueña, which afford it great durability, vary little from one variety to another and depend on the degree of alteration. Physical and chemical characteristics were determined for five granites representative of historic or active quarries in the Piedra Berroqueña region: Alpedrete (monzogranite containing cordierite); Cadalso de los Vidrios (leucogranite); La Cabrera (monzogranite containing amphibole); Colmenar Viejo (monzogranites containing cordierite) and Zarzalejo (monzogranites having no cordierite or amphibole). The Piedra Berroqueña region meets the requirements of a Global Heritage Stone Province, and this paper supports the Piedra Berroqueña region's application for recognition as such. This distinction would enhance public awareness of an area committed to quarrying and working the local stone.RÉSUMÉLa région de Piedra Berroqueña dans les monts de Guadarrama, qui fait partie de la chaine centrale d'Espagne, est la principale source du granite de construction utilisé à Madrid et dans les provinces environnantes. Les agglomérations de la région qui exploitent une carrière conservent leur tradition d’extraction et de taille du granite. Les anciennes carrières font maintenant partie du paysage, comme les sites d'extraction actuels avec d'énormes réserves ce qui garantit un approvisionnement rapide en pierre de taille de fini varié. Le granite de Piedra Berroqueña a été utilisé comme matériau de construction bien avant l'époque romaine. De nombreux monuments importants, y compris le monastère royal de San Lorenzo à l'Escurial (1563–1584), le palais royal de Madrid (1738–1764), la porte d'Alcalá (1770–1778), le musée du Prado (1785–1808) et la Puerta del Sol (une des principales places de Madrid), doivent leur bon état de conservation aux caractéristiques pétrophysiques et à la durabilité de la pierre. Ce granite se retrouve également dans la plupart des habitations et des rues de la ville, ainsi que dans des bâtiments modernes du monde entier, tels que les terminaux de l'aéroport d'Athènes et de Cork, et le consulat britannique à Hong Kong. Il est constitué de quatre grandes classes de monzogranite : des monzogranites à biotite contenant un peu de cordiérite, des monzogranites à biotite contenant un peu d’amphibole, des monzogranites à biotite ne contenant ni cordiérite ni amphibole, et les leucogranites. Les propriétés pétrographiques, pétrophysiques et chimiques des granites de Piedra Berroqueña qui leur assurent une grande durabilité, varient peu d'une variété à l'autre et dépendent du degré d'altération. Les caractéristiques physiques et chimiques ont été déterminées sur cinq granites représentatifs des carrières historiques et actives de la région de Piedra Berroqueña : Alpedrete (monzogranite à cordiérite); Cadalso de los Vidrios (leucogranite); La Cabrera (monzogranite à amphibole); Colmenar Viejo (monzogranite à cordiérite); et Zarzalejo (monzogranite sans cordiérite ni amphibole). La région Piedra Berroqueña répond aux critères d'une Province pétrologique du patrimoine mondial, et le présent article documente la candidature de la région de Piedra Berroqueña à cet effet. Cette distinction permettrait d'améliorer la sensibilisation du public concernant une région spécialisée dans l’extraction et à la taille de la pierre locale. Traduit par le Traducteur

RESUMENEste trabajo presenta los resultados de la última documentación y estudio de los grabados existentes en el Pozo de la Cruz, que forman parte de las estructuras visibles en el yacimiento arqueológico de San Marcial de Rubicón (Yaiza, Lanzarote, España). Gracias al uso combinado de la fotografía nocturna y de la fotogrametría 3D, y a partir del análisis detallado de dos de sus grabados más singulares, se propone una nueva hipótesis de trabajo que apoya en gran medida la teoría inicial lanzada por sus descubridores a finales de la década de 1980. El objetivo es arrojar luz sobre uno de los hallazgos más polémicos de la arqueología canaria, sobre el que se han construido y apoyado varias teorías hasta la fecha. Palabras clave: grabados, pozos, fotogrametría, podomorfos, marcas de cantero Topónimos: islas Canarias, Lanzarote Período: Edad Media ABSTRACTThis paper presents the results of the latest documents and studies on the existing engravings in Pozo de la Cruz, which are part of the visible structures in the archaeological site of San Marcial de Rubicón (Yaiza, Lanzarote, Spain). Thanks to the use of 3D photogrammetry and from the detailed analysis of two of its most unique engravings, a new working hypothesis is proposed supporting the initial theory launched by its discoverers in the late 1980s. The aim is to shed light on one of the most fascinating archaeological findings in the Canary Islands, on which several theories have been built and supported to date. Keywords: engravings, wells, photogrammetry, footprints, stonemason marks Place names: Canary Islands, Lanzarote Period: Middle Ages REFERENCIASAlarcón, F. J. 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AbstractThe paper presents evidence of Roman marble production in the Balkan region, specifically from the south-eastern Rhodope Mountain area (modern Bulgaria) and Armira. Although the Roman marble trade and production in antiquity are well known in Prokonnesos, Thasos, and several other production sites, marble deposits from inland Thrace have received far less attention. In 2018–2019, a systematic survey of south-eastern Bulgaria (Roman Thrace) was carried out by our team in collaboration with the National Archaeological Institute with Museum in Bulgaria. White marble quarries and outcrops were investigated in situ with the goal of characterizing the macroscopic qualities of the stone. Quarry samples were collected and analyzed through various techniques—petrography, isotopic, and chemical analyses—and compared with the architectural decorative marble and artifacts from the Roman villa at Armira. We demonstrate that the geochemical and petrographic features of these samples indicate a marble provenance restricted to a few selected sources. We conclude that the local marble from the Armira and Kamilski Dol quarries was widely used for the complete architectural program of the Roman villa of Armira.

Among other roman artifacts from the collection of the Highland Banat Museum, we have also several artifacts that have drawn our attention for a more detailed analysis required for a new publication. !ese are six jewellery items, all of them discovered on the territory of Banat, more precisely they have been discovered in the archaeological researches on the Roman forts and settlements or near to them, in the medieval context. Some of them have already been published brie"y, others are still unpublished. !e present article wishes to bring them into question in order to introduce them into a generally accepted typology that will help us to date them more easy. Between them there are three pieces of chain, a ring, a gem and one hairpin and they have been discovered in roman legionary fort from Berzovia-Bersovis, in a quadriburgium from Gornea and also in roman villa from Brebu, roman settlement from Mehadia and in the medieval church from Obreja, near the roman centre from Tibiscum.

AbstractThe paper presents a very efficient, quick, low-cost and minimally micro-destructive approach to discriminating between Roman artefacts sculpted with Göktepe (Aphrodisia, Turkey) or Carrara (Apuan Alps, Italy) white marbles by using a standard X-Ray Powder Diffractometer (XRPD) and a refinement of the unit cell parameters and volume of calcite. At present, the routine way of differentiating between these two almost indistinguishable by-eye marbles is based on the typically higher strontium content of calcite in the Microasiatic lithotype, a unique geochemical-crystallographic feature with respect to all other non-Göktepe fine-grained white marbles used in classical times. The XRPD approach has been verified by testing eighteen samples of known composition, nine from Carrara and nine from Göktepe quarries, which had already been analysed with other laboratory techniques. The applicability of the method to archaeological artefacts was confirmed by an archaeometric study performed on some famous Roman sculptures of the National Archaeological Museum of Venice and from Hadrian’s Villa at Tivoli. The results show that Göktepe/Carrara discrimination is always possible and that this XRPD approach can potentially become a useful and low-cost routine procedure to solve provenance issues.

Emergency hoards concealed in mainland Greece during the reign of Gallienus (A.D. 253-268) and the Chaironeia/2001 ‘hoard’. Boeotia during the first half of the third cent. A.D. and the Herulians. The Chaironeia/2001 coin hoard, exhibited today in the Numismatic Collection of the Chaironeia Archaeological Museum, was found during a rescue excavation of a Roman farmhouse (villa rustica), 500 m. outside of modern Chaironeia. This hoard consists of 10 antoniniani issued either during the joined reign of Valerianus I – Gallienus (A.D. 253-260) or the sole reign of Gallienus (A.D. 260-268).The date of the latest coin, issued from 266 to the middle of 267 or to the beginning of A.D. 268, establishes either the date of hoard’s concealment or the date of farmhouse’s abandonment. The short space between the earliest and the latest coin of the hoard, 10-11 years, the almost good condition of the coins, and their small number suggests that the house’s owner concealed the money lest he suffer some danger, so that he could regain his money safely at a later date.Prompted by this small find an overview of the emergency hoards concealed in mainland Greece during the reign of Gallienus (A.D. 253-268) has been undertaken, so that conclusions concerning their geographical distribution, the quality, and the quantity of hoards can be deduced.When looking for reasons why a farmer would feel the need to hide his money, one possible explanation comes from the literary evidence. In Historia Augusta, Vita Gallieni 13.8, the Herulians are going through Boeotia and sacking villages and farms. Their course, in combination with the findspots of the emergency hoards and the scattered information collected from the partly preserved Itinerarium Antonini 325/6, of Diocletianus era, and Tabula Peutingeriana map, of the second half of the fourth century A.D., helps strengthen the argument that Boeotians had reason to hide their money until it was safe to go back to their homes.Finally, it is likely that the Herulian going through Boeotia is more than possible, since the German intruders eventually fled northwards to Epirus and Macedonia. The Chaironeia/2001 hoard constitutes one of a lost link in a chain of emergency hiding places deposited during the reign of Gallienus. To the unproved indication of Herulian presence in Lebadeia could be added now the more secure proof of Chaironeia, which is based on the heavier numismatic evidence. The fact that the Herulian troops were persecuted by the Roman legions could be a good reason for the absence of well-founded destruction remains throughout Boeotia.

The numismatic collection of the Banat Museum in Timişoara includes two rare bronze medals dedicated to members of the well known Weifert family from Pančevo (Serbia). One is a medal dedicated to Ignaz Weifert on his 64th anniversary by his son Georg Weifert, crafted by the Austrian engraver Anton Schar (1845 – 1903). The second one is dedicated to Georg Weifert on his 44th anniversary, created by the Austrian engraver Franz Xaver Pawlik (1865 – 1906). They were purchased in 1907 by the Banat Museum from Fejér József, antiquarian in Budapest, for the sum of 22 crowns. The medals were given inventory numbers 731 and 732 in the old register of the collections. The medal dedicated to Ignaz Weifert (1826 – 1911) is made of bronze, patinated (55.5 mm; inventory no 136; Pl. I.1 – 2). It is generally but wrongly dated in 1870. Given the marked date (MDCCCLXX), one considers that it had been realized on the occasion of Ignaz Weifert’s 20th year of industrial activity. Actually, one thousand eight hundred seventy represents the year of establishment for the Weifert brewery in Belgrade. There are several arguments in favor of a correct dating of the coin (i.e. 1890): the age of Ignaz Weifert, marked on the obverse of the medal (LXIV), as he fulfilled 64 in the year 1890. Secondly, the medal is mentioned among the works of the engraver Anton Schar from 1890 (in the same year Schar had also realized a plaque, 136 mm in diameter, with the portrait of Ignaz Weifert). More so, Felix Milleker affirmed in his study on the Weifert family that in December 1890 Georg Weifert dedicated a medal to his father Ignaz, crafted by the Austrian engraver Anton Schar (Milleker 1925, 11).The second medal, dedicated to Georg Weifert (1850 – 1937) on his 44th anniversary is made of bronze, has 52.2 mm in diameter (inventory no 84; Pl. III.1 – 2) and was created by Franz Xaver Pawlik in 1894. The same engraver had molded a medal dedicated to Ignaz and Georg Weifert in 1903, in two variants: 25 mm and 140 mm in diameter. We know about the existence of a 25 mm medal as part of a private collection in Timişoara. Originally from north Austria, the Weiferts settled in Banat during the first half of the 18th century, initially in Vršac, where from a certain Georg Weifert (1798 – 1887) moved to Pančevo. Here he became one of the prominent local merchants and, from 1841, the owner of the brewery (established in 1722). In 1849 the elder son of Georg, Ignaz Weifert (Ignjat Vajfert in Serbian) assumed the control of the brewery, after previously following a course of beer making in Munich (Bavaria). After expansion and modernization, the family business thrived and the Weifert brewery in Pančevo became one of the most important enterprises of the kind from Banat (Pl. II.1). In 1870 Ignaz expanded the business by building a new brewery in Belgrade, first in Serbia in time, on the Smutekovac Hill (nowadays Topčider). His son, Georg Weifert (Đorđe Vajfert in Serbian) took over its control in 1872. The Weifert brewery from Pančevo remained in care of Ignaz and his son Hugo. The one to become General Governor of the National Bank of Serbia, mighty industrialist and pioneer of modern mining in Serbia, Georg Weifert (Pl. IV) was born on June 15, 1850 in Pančevo. After elementary and secondary studies in Pančevo, he studied at the Commercial School in Budapest. Between 1869 and 1872 he followed the technology courses in brew at the Agricultural School in Weihenstephan, near Munich. He was 22 when he took his father’s brewery from Belgrade, which he modernized and turn into one of the most largest and modern of its kind from the Balkans (Pl. II.2). The Weifert beer became the most sought beer in Serbia. As one of the most rich and inuential person in Serbia, he is remembered as a great philanthropist, Maecenas for numerous institutions, cultural and charitable societies. He was awarded the highest Serbian and also French, Romanian or other orders. For decades he held the most important positions in the Serbian and Yugoslav Masonic lodges. He was married to Marie Gassner but had no ospring. In 1923, on the occasion of celebrating 50 years of marriage, he financed the building of St. Ana Church in Pančevo, in memory of his mother Anna. In the same year he was elected honorary citizen of his home city. He died aged 87 on January 12, 1937, at his villa on Vojvode Putnika Street. He was buried on January 16 in the Catholic cemetery in Pančevo, left of the portal built in 1924 on his expenses. The name Weifert is also associated with the well-known numismatic collection owned by this family, of which three members were passionate collectors: Ignaz and his sons, Hugo and Georg. The one who settle the collection (around 1878) was Hugo (1852 – 1885). After his early death in 1885, aged only 33, the collection passed to his father Ignaz, who continued to gather coins. In 1911, after the death of Ignaz, the numismatic collection passed to Georg Weifert. All three of them had been members of the Numismatic Society in Vienna: Hugo from 1879, Ignaz from 1885 and Georg from 1889. Although the members of Weifert family collected all kind of Greek and Roman coins, it seems that Hugo was the one passionate for medals concerning Belgrade, Ignaz paid special attention to Viminacium issued coins while Georg was interested in 4th century AD Roman coins. The numismatic collection held antique coins: Greek, Celtic and Roman, Byzantine coins, medieval Serbian ones, taler from Central Europe, medals concerning Belgrade etc. The Republican and Imperial Roman coins dated to 1st – 5th c. AD compose the largest part of the collection, including numerous rarities. There are also Roman colonial coins issued by the cities in the Balkans, especially Viminacium and from Asia Minor. Today we hold no longer information on the ending place of these coins, except for the golden Late Roman solidi found in the spring of 1879 near Borča, that are to be considered among the most valuable pieces of the collection. The PMS COL VIM type coins, issued between 239 and 255 AD in Viminacium (today Stari Kostolac, Serbia) are also important, although the collection does not comprise the complete series and all the variants. One can notice the interest of the Weiferts in collecting this monetary type and the existence of a special relation of the Weifert family with the area of the antique Viminacium (Kostolac). The first coins that entered the Weifert collection came from this area, where Georg held a coal mine and locals often brought him coins for his collection. In two cases, both on the medal dedicated to Georg Weifert in 1894 and on the one dedicated to Ignaz and Georg Weifert in 1903 (the 25 mm variant), realized by Pawlik, there are representations of reverse type of the Roman coins of PMS COL VIM type. The Weifert numismatic collection had been aected by the turmoil of WW I. The rare golden coins held in Belgrade were saved by Georg and taken to France. The rest of the numismatic collection, held in Pančevo, was taken to Vienna by his nephew Adolf Gramberg, where from it came back in 1925, completely disorganized. Unfortunately, the collection of medieval Serbian coins and medals concerning Belgrade that could not be saved disappeared during the war. Georg Weifert donated this valuable collection holding over 14,000 antique coins to the University of Belgrade on September 9, 1923. It had been taken over only in 1929 by Professors Miloje M. Vasić and Nikola Vulić, as representatives of the University, following its arranging by Balduin Saria, custodian of the National Museum in Belgrade and Georg Elmer, a nephew of Hugo Weifert, custodian of the Numismatic Cabinet of Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna. After World War II, the Weifert numismatic collection had been handed over to the National Museum in Belgrade, where is kept today.This donation made by Georg Weifert was not a singular act. Ignaz Weifert had donated over time numerous coins, antiquities and maps to the High Gymnasium in Pančevo and the Museum in Vršac. Georg had also donated in 1931 his collection of historic documents (photographs, lithographs, plans and maps) to the City Museum of Belgrade. The medals from the collection of the Banat Museum in Timişoara dedicated to the Weiferts are a testimony for a family that played an important role in the economical history of Banat and Serbia. Its name remains associated with a beer brand especially appreciated over time and for the numismatists with one of the most important collections from the end of the 19th century and beginning of the 20th century.

Two other kinds of art played an extremely important role in providing appropriate decoration for the domestic setting. Mosaics so often survive on Roman archaeological sites, even when little wall-painting remains, that we think of them as one of the most typical of Roman art-forms. Domestic sculptures were more portable and are harder to pin to their original locations, but they also are well known today. Eighteenth-century gentlemen shared the Romans’ tastes in sculpture, and Roman villas in Italy were excavated to produce many of the ancient works that can now be seen in British country houses and museums. Roman mosaics and domestic sculptures represent an enormous body of material and it is hard to make generalizations either about their character or their recent study. However, some general observations are required.

Five fresco fragments from a second-century villa at Tor Marancia outside Rome, now housed in the Vatican Museums, depict five mythological women guilty of crimes – adultery, incest, treason, bestiality, and suicide – shown in different moments of desire, intention, and remorse. The series recalls the popular literary catalogues of passionate women by Latin authors as well as performances, but painted on the walls of a small room, the static series invited particular kinds of viewer response. I argue that viewers could associate the figural types and poses (schemata) with well-known images of women in similar straits. The iconography of the figures suggests sophisticated viewing habits and a kind of intervisuality quite like the intertextuality found in written versions of the same tales. The Tor Marancia frescoes appear to be one surviving example of a much older, ongoing tradition of Greek and Roman pictorial galleries of tragic heroines.

The question of colour in architecture offers many potential points of entry. Taking an historical standpoint, one could discuss the use of bright colour in ancient Greek and Roman architecture, the importance of brilliantly coloured mosaic and stained glass to sacred architecture in the Byzantine and medieval periods, and the primacy of colour in non-Western architectural traditions both ancient and modern. It would be possible to trace prohibitions against the use of applied colour, derived from late 18th century notions of architectural morality—ideals demanding authenticity, honesty and directness in the expression of structure, function and materials. This puritan strand could be pursued into the modern movement, to its quasi-pathological attachment to whiteness.1 It would also be possible to note a trend which ran counter to dominant modernist attitudes to colour, in the eclectic 'neon historicism' of so-called 'post-modernist' architecture. But while it would be remiss of me not to acknowledge the history of colour in architecture in passing, it has been well addressed elsewhere, and is in any case outside the scope of this paper.2 What is significant is that this history is marked throughout by many of the same, largely unspoken, prohibitions against colour that can be traced across other cultural realms—that which David Batchelor has described as a history of 'chromophobia'. As Batchelor writes; 'Chromophobia manifests itself in the many and varied attempts to purge colour from culture, to diminish its significance, to deny its complexity…. [T]his purging of colour is usually accomplished in one of two ways. In the first, colour is made out to be the property of some 'foreign' body—usually the feminine, the oriental, the primitive, the infantile, the vulgar, the queer or the pathological. In the second, colour is relegated to the realm of the superficial, the supplementary, the inessential or the cosmetic. In one, colour is regarded as alien and therefore dangerous; in the other it is perceived merely as a secondary quantity of experience, and thus unworthy or serious consideration.'3 Numerous examples of the attempt to 'purge' colour can be identified throughout the history of architecture in the modern period. The mode of chromophobia particular to architecture may be summarised thus: colour in architecture has been associated with illusion and frivolity, and thus with decoration—it has been seen as being excess or supplementary to 'real' architecture.4 Discussions of colour in architecture can never be completely distinguished from discussions of ornament, or of materials and materiality. Colour is not necessarily a problem in itself—it is acceptable, for instance, when it is inherent to the material or to its weathering process, as in the bright green of copper verdigris. It is the application of colour, in the form of paint or stain, that raises questions of authenticity. The importance of surface and colour have been consistently made subordinate to architectural form; and the idea that colour is acceptable in interiors but not exteriors is merely the expression of another hierarchy, linking and demoting the trivial, contingent, feminised interior in favour of universal, masculinized, heroic external form. In the modern period, a work of 'serious' Architecture (as opposed to vernacular, commercial, or 'popular' architecture) has most often either been white, or coloured in the subdued palette afforded by the inherent characteristics of 'natural' materials.5 This is nowhere more true than in institutional architecture generally, and museum architecture in particular. Museums and their stake in the neutral monochrome The museum as an institution has traditionally functioned as a symbol of the establishment and its authority, a symbolic role often expressed in conventionally monumental architecture. This monumentality has, in turn, been reinforced by prestigious materials: much of the dignity and status of institutional architecture is taken from materials valued for their expense, rarity, or durability.6 Museum buildings are required to last, and thus they must not only use enduring materials, but materials which demonstrate their durability by being self-finishing in their natural, apparently neutral, state. The very idea that 'natural' materials are also somehow 'neutral' opens onto another, more ideological investment that the museum has in avoiding colour. Museums have long held a stake in the idea of an objective stance, and maintained the pretence of an unmediated presentation of historical fact. The notion of the museum as 'white cube' embodies all of this—the idea of the white cube, with its aformal form and achromatic colour, signifies purity and transcendence. Just as the whiteness of modern architecture was a continuation of the hygienic whiteness of doctor's coat, bathroom tiles, and hospital walls, the whiteness of the museum signifies clinical objectivity.7 It also, perhaps more significantly, stands for the ideal of the tabula rasa, the clean slate upon which the documentary evidence of art, history, or any other metanarrative could be methodically examined and arranged. For the museum, abandoning the neutrality of its public presentation may also mean a symbolic abandonment of objectivity. It would mean, if not a surrender to partiality, at least the admission of partiality—and the renunciation of universal whiteness for the specificities of colour. In the modern period, applied colour can never be neutral, but is read as mask, disguise, or stain. In the postmodern period, the discourse of the 'new museology' has challenged and discredited many of the ideological complicities of the idea of the museum as 'white box', linked as they are with a suspiciously absolutist rhetoric of abstract purity. Museums have increasingly begun to render explicit their role in the re-presentation of history, and to work at recontextualising ideas and artefacts. But even if a critical and self-reflexive stance is now more common in museological practice, it has taken much longer to begin to inform museum architecture. It would be a very courageous museum indeed that was willing to cash in all of the chips of its cultural authority, of which prestigious monumental architecture is a particularly powerful source. Most museums are still, if not white, at least respectably neutral, inside and out. But not so the National Museum of Australia (NMA). This museum, in its polychromatic formal complexity, could hardly be further from a 'white cube' museum. The National Museum of Australia: flirting with the flippant The NMA is housed in a loud and gregarious building. From its controversial strategy of literally appropriating elements from other canonical modernist works, through the coded messages of the Braille patterns on its surface, to the device of the extruded string and red 'knot' which passes through and around the building's form, it is relentless in its challenge to conventional institutional architecture. This is nowhere more true than in its colouration—there is hardly a neutral tone in sight. For that matter, there is hardly a 'natural' material in sight either—the majority of the building is constructed from pre-formed aluminium panelling in grey, yellow, red and khaki, crossed in places by sweeping calligraphic symbols.8 The dramatic aerial loop at the museum's entry is white and bright orange. There are walls of black dimpled pre-formed concrete, blue painted poles (get it?), a 'Mexican wave' of multicoloured steel sheets, and of course the richly cacophonous Garden of Australia Dreams. There are also some deliberate plays on colour symbolism—Le Corbusier's gleaming white modernist classic, the Villa Savoye, is reversed and reconstituted in black, corrugated steel. The fact that this forms part of the Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies is a hint of the building's clear, even dangerously frank, employment of colour symbolism. Given the architects previous work, we can safely assume that in this case, as elsewhere in the building, the choice of colours is calculated for maximum rhetorical effect. But I am less concerned here with the specific ploys of the architects than with the ways in which the building's reception has been conditioned by its employment of colour, specifically the ways in which it has been construed as populist. The NMA has polarised the architectural community in Australia. While much of the comment directed at the building has centred around its contravention of standards of taste and propriety in civic architecture, I would argue that this is only the symptom of a deeper reaction against its apparent frivolity, as signified most strongly by its colour. This is exemplified in a critique of the building by Stephen Frith, a respected Canberra academic. Concluding a polemical review in the Canberra Times, Frith asks: But why such tongue-lashings and breast-beatings over what has quickly established itself as a happy theme park to mediocrity? Surely its condoning of the ruthless kitsch of petty capitalism in its imagery and finishes provides for some spectre of merit? The problem becomes one of the civic domain in which architecture and its rhetoric is interpreted. For a supposedly public work, the museum is an intensely private building, privately encoded with in-jokes, and in the end hugely un-funny... The confection of cheap cladding and plasterboard is a spurious sideshow of magpie borrowings passing themselves off as cultural reference...9 Everything in this passage decries what Frith reads as the NMA's verisimilitude of popularity - the reference to theme-parks, sideshows, commercialism - a confection constructed with poor quality materials and finishes, which nevertheless flirts 'pretentiously' with the canon of modern architecture. To Frith the building reads not as a cheap and cheerful reflection of the Australian vernacular, but as a demeaning attempt to raise a laugh from the elite at the expense of the uncomprehending masses. His complaint is thus two-fold—that the building has insufficient gravitas, and that this is compounded rather than redeemed by the fact that it is not truly popular at all, but rather 'intensely private'. There is an important distinction to be made here, then, between 'populism' and 'popularity'. Populism has the negative connotation of deliberately seeking popular acceptance at the cost of quality, intellectual rigour, or formal aesthetic value. 'Popularity' still retains its more neutral modern sense, either of actual public involvement, or of things that are socially recognised as popular. In architecture, populism is already hedged about with prohibitions springing from the idea that a deliberately populist architecture is somehow fraudulent. A piece of serious, civic, monumental architecture should neither set out expressly to be popular, nor to look like it is, so the logic goes: if a work of high architecture happens to gain popular acclaim, then that is a happy accident. But there are significant reasons why such popularity must be seen to be incidental to other, more lofty concerns. Given that colour is seen to be 'popular', a highly coloured building is thus assumed to be 'lowering' itself in order to appeal to popular taste. Old systems of thought endure, and both museums and architecture are each subject to an unspoken hierarchy that still sees 'populism', if not actual popularity, as inferior. Conclusions: colour as the sign of a critical engagement But there is another possible reading of the NMA's apparent populism. I would argue that the building in fact presents and problematises the question of popularity in formal architectural terms. This leads to a proposition: that there is a 'look' of populism that exists independently of any intended or actual popularity, or even a connection with popular culture. I would argue that the NMA opens an elaborate play on this 'look' of the popular, and that it does so by manipulating certain key aesthetic devices: literal and figurative elements, visual jokes, non-orthogonal forms, and most significantly, bright and mixed colour. Such devices carry a weight of expectation and association, they cause a building to be read or socially recognised as being populist, largely as a result of pre-existing dichotomies between 'high' and 'low' art. In this conception the NMA, turning the modernist prohibition on its head, uses colour as the deliberately frivolous disguise of a profoundly serious intent. Rather than concealing the absence of meaning, it conceals an overabundance of meaning—a despairing accumulation of piled up allegories, codes and fragments. It is thus deeply ironic that the NMA has been read as a light, flippant, and populist confection, since I would argue that it could hardly be further from being those things. Rather than taking the usual path, of seeking cultural authority through allusion to traditional monumental architecture, the NMA makes perverse references to the seemingly trivial, commercial, and populist. The reasons why the architects might want the building to be (mis)read in this way are complex. But by renouncing the aesthetic trappings of a serious institution, the NMA reveals the very superficiality of such trappings. Furthermore, by renouncing the 'look of authority' in favour of colour, frivolity, and apparent populism, it introduces a note of doubt. Could the building, and thus the institution - a national museum, remember, charged with representing the nation and placed in the national capital - really be as flippant as it seems? Or is there some more subtle game afoot, a subversive questioning of accepted notions of Australian national history and national identity? I would argue that this is so. In the NMA, then, colour is the sign of a critical engagement. It positions the building itself as a discourse or discussion, not only of architectural colour as conferring inferiority and flippancy, but of a lack of colour as conferring authority and legitimacy. Of course, it is precisely because of architecture's history of chromophobia that colour can itself become a tool for subversiveness, provide an invitation to alternative readings, and collapse unspoken hierarchies. In this respect, the colour in and of the NMA provides an emblem of that which has long been marginalised in architecture, and in culture more generally. Notes 1. Mark Wigley writes that the primacy of whiteness in high modernist architecture (particularly the work of Le Corbusier) lies partly in the removal of decoration. '[The] erasure of decoration is portrayed [by Le Corbusier] as the necessary gesture of a civilized society. Indeed, civilization is defined as the elimination of the 'superfluous' in favour of the 'essential' and the paradigm of inessential surplus is decoration. Its removal liberates a new visual order. Echoing an argument at least as old as Western philosophy, Le Corbusier describes civilization as a gradual passage from the sensual to the intellectual, from the tactile to the visual. Decoration's 'caresses of the senses' are progressively abandoned in favour of the visual harmony of proportion.' Mark Wigley, White Walls, Designer Dresses: The Fashioning of Modern Architecture, MIT Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1995, pp. 2-3 2. See for example John Gage's superb and authoritative history of the use and meaning of colour, Colour and Meaning: Art, Science and Symbolism, Thames and Hudson, London, 1999. For a survey of the use of colour in architecture, see Tom Porter, Architectural Colour: A Design Guide to Using Colour on Buildings, Whitney Library of Design, New York, 1982, or the more recent Architectural Design Profile number 120: Colour in Architecture, AD, vol. 66, no 3/4, March/April 1996. These are only a few examples of the available literature. 3. David Batchelor, Chromophobia, Reaktion Books, London, 2000, pp. 22-23. 4. The notable exception to this - the architecture of schools is emblematic in itself: colour is appealing to children, so the logic would go, because they have undeveloped, 'primitive' tastes. 5. William Braham has perceptively examined the allure of 'natural' materials and colours in the modern period. He writes that 'the natural can only be understood as a somewhat flexible category of finishes, not by a single principle of use, manufacture, or appearance. The fact that a family of paint colours neutrals, ochres, and other earth colours fit within the definition of natural is only partly explained by their original manufacture with naturally occurring mineral compounds. Though they are opaque surface coatings, they resemble the tones produced in natural materials by weathering.' He goes on to say that the 'natural/neutral palette' is characterised by 'the difficult pursuit of authenticity', and this question goes indeed to the heart of the issue of colour in architecture. William W. Braham, 'A Wall of Books: The Gender of Natural Colours in Modern Architecture', JAE Journal of Architectural Education, vol. 53. No.1, September 1999, p. 10. 6. But perhaps more important than actual durability in institutional architecture is the appearance of durability, and this appearance is undermined by protective treatments like paint, whether coloured or not. Materials which are seen as flimsy or fragile may as well be coloured, so the logic goes, since they require constant re-painting anyway, and since it fits their low status. 7. Mark Wigley, White Walls, Designer Dresses: The Fashioning of Modern Architecture, MIT Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1995, p. 5. 8. Aluminium panelling is a new technology and a new material one that was unknown in the high modernist period but which is becoming increasingly ubiquitous today. The fact that aluminium panelling is coloured during the manufacturing process opens a new and interesting question: is this colour inherent, or is it simply applied earlier in the building process? Is it, in other words, an 'honest' or a 'dishonest' colour? Given that aluminium does have its own colour, and that it can be lacquered or anodised to retain that colour, it seems that the aluminium panelling of the NMA have been received as 'dishonest'. 9. Frith, 'A monument to lost opportunity', The Canberra Times, 20 March 2001 Citation reference for this article MLA Style Stead, Naomi. "White cubes and red knots" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.3 (2002). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0207/whitecubes.php>. Chicago Style Stead, Naomi, "White cubes and red knots" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5, no. 3 (2002), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0207/whitecubes.php> ([your date of access]). APA Style Stead, Naomi. (2002) White cubes and red knots. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5(3). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0207/whitecubes.php> ([your date of access]).

AbstractThe possibility to use light in the visible spectrum to induce near-infrared luminescence in some materials, particularly Egyptian blue and related pigments, offers a significant advantage in terms of their detection. Since 2008, this property has been exploited to reveal the presence of those pigments even in tiny amounts on ancient and decayed surfaces, using a technical-photography method. This paper presents a new type of imaging device that enables real-time, easy, and inexpensive identification and mapping of Egyptian blue and related materials. The potential of the new tool is demonstrated by its effectiveness in detecting Egyptian blue within some prestigious sites: (a) Egyptian findings at Museo Egizio, Turin; (b) underground Roman frescoes at Domus Aurea, Rome; and (c) Renaissance frescoes by Raphael, Triumph of Galatea and Loggia of Cupid and Psyche, at Villa Farnesina, Rome. The device is based on night vision technology and allows an unprecedented fast, versatile, and user-friendly approach. It is employable by professionals including archeologists, conservators, and conservation scientists, as well as by untrained individuals such as students or tourists at museums and sites. The overall aim is not to replace existing photographic techniques but to develop a tool that enables rapid preliminary recognition, useful for planning the work to be carried out with conventional methods. The ability to immediately track Egyptian blue and related pigments, through real-time vision, photos, and videos, also provides a new kind of immersive experience (Blue Vision) and can foster the modern use of these materials in innovative applications and future technologies.

The Fæsted iron shackleEvidence of the slave trade between Barbaricum and the Roman Empire? In 2018-19, Sønderskov Museum excavated the remains of a multi-phase Iron Age hall at Stavsager Høj, north of the village of Fæsted in southern Jutland (fig. 1). Fæsted and the nearby village of Harreby are thought to have been the site of a pre-Christian cultic centre during the Iron Age and Viking Age, similar to well-known localities such as Tissø and Lejre on Zealand and Uppåkra in Scania. Like Scandinavia’s other central places, Fæsted’s environs are characterised by rich and extraordinary archaeological finds. These include large amounts of gold and silver and, in the case of the Iron Age, also relatively large quantities of continental imports such as Roman bronze artefacts, drinking glasses and silver coins. A remarkable discovery in 2018 constituted four depositions, two of weapons and two of gold, in two pairs of postholes for roof-bearing posts in the western half of a multi-phase longhouse. Moreover, the eastern half of the longhouse yielded metal finds which, after conservation, must be seen as being at least as interesting as these depositions, with a well-preserved iron shackle attracting particular attention (fig. 2). The longhouse, which, in the light of its robust character and the finds it yielded, is interpreted as a hall or temple (fig. 3), encompassed as many as eight construction phases, all dating from the Roman Iron Age and the beginning of the Early Germanic Iron Age. The shackle derives from a later phase in this sequence.The shackle is made up of four separate parts, all made from iron rod with a round cross-section; a large central, complex, composite hoop and three elongate chain links that only vary slightly innermost (figs. 2 & 5). One link is solely attached to an eye in the hoop. It is 68 mm long and has a maximum width of 41 mm – both measured externally. The link is obviously worn, as the iron is clearly thinner at its ends. The opposing eye on the composite hoop has two chain links attached in continuation of one another. The outer link is more elongated than the inner one; they measure 29 x 31 mm and 65 x 44 mm, respectively. Consequently, the inner link appears thicker than the outer ones, but it is unclear to what degree this is due to corrosion. Both links attached to an eye on the hoop are slightly bent, possibly because they have been subjected to tension, twisting and pressure over a longer period. Common to all three links is that they appear to have been welded shut. The central, composite hoop appears to be made up of three bars, which have been welded together, bent into an approximate horseshoe shape and then laid on top of each other. The hoop is c. 98 mm wide externally and c. 76 mm internally. At the two proximal eyes, the otherwise flat-forged iron divides into three separate pieces, which then run parallel around the outside. They appear to have been twisted (fig. 6), which has increased their strength. Even though an attempt was made to reinforce the hoop with the three external, twisted rods, metallurgical analyses of its structure show that it was also necessary to deal the hoop some heavy blows with a hammer, and this must have been done without first heating the iron. Moreover, the conservation process revealed evidence that the shackle was rather worn (fig. 7) when it ended up at the bottom of the posthole (fig. 4). The internal transverse dimension of the Fæsted shackle suggests that it would have been applicable to a human wrist or slender ankle, although it is also possible that it may have been used for animals. It would not have been suitable for use on the necks of either humans or animals.This is one of the first potential slave shackles found outside the Roman Empire. To date, only one locality in Barbaricum is known to have yielded a similar example. Based on the comparable archaeological material, it seems likely that the Fæsted shackle belongs to Hugh Thompson’s type, which is known particularly from present-day France, Germany and the British Isles. The iron used for the Fæsted shackle has been identified as having been made in England, which concurs with the distribution of this shackle type. The type is considered to date from the Late Roman Iron Age.So far, only a few examples of slave shackles from this period have been recorded north of Limes, with the exception of those found at Roman forts situated on this border. In 2011, there were records of 114 shackles from the northern Roman provinces, but from widely differing contexts. Analyses of the distribution of shackles from the Roman Iron Age (fig. 8) have led to the suggestion that they reveal the locations of the most important slave markets in the Roman Empire, and a clear concurrence has been demonstrated between Roman villas, towns and military camps and the incidence of slave shackles. Given this conclusion, it can be argued that Fæsted was a Scandinavian centre for the Iron Age slave trade.There has been little discussion of the use of shackles with respect to the finds from the Roman period. Unequivocal evidence that the find from Fæsted constitutes a prisoner or slave shackle is, however, provided by an article published by Chris Chinnock and Michael Marshall in Britannia 2021, which addresses the use of shackles of, the type to which the Fæsted shackle belongs. This relates to the excavation of an atypical burial at Great Casterton, Rutland, England in 2015 (fig. 9). The deceased had been placed somewhat carelessly in the burial pit and a set of iron shackles of the same type as described here were found around their ankles. These appeared, however, to constitute a complete set, which it is reasonable to assume the Fæsted example was also a part of. The grave could be 14C-dated to AD 226-427, making the burial approximately coeval with the Fæsted shackle. The burial at Great Casterton is interpreted as being that of a Roman slave.An extremely diverse range of Roman imports was found at Fæsted, which testifies to interaction via a highly ramified network of contacts. The clearest indication of trade appears to be the occurrence of Roman denarii (fig. 10). Also found at the locality were three fragments of scrap bronze, interpreted as pieces of draped cloth from a rather large figurine. No less interesting are the large numbers of glass shards, derived from imported drinking glasses. The locality clearly encompasses an extraordinary finds assemblage – especially when viewed in the light of other coeval localities in southern Jutland, where no other settlements with a comparable assemblage of artefacts have yet been found. Only the well-known Dankirke site has a finds assemblage of a similar typological composition.The iron shackle is the latest in a series of spectacular finds from Stavsager Høj which testify to a highly developed network involving both the ‘civilised’ Roman Empire and the barbarians to the north. Very little is known about the circumstances of slaves or thralls during the Nordic Iron Age, but this group is relatively well investigated in Roman archaeology and history. Were these individuals Scandinavians who were sold out of the country as slaves – perhaps prisoners of war – or were slaves brought to Scandinavia from the British slave markets? This question cannot be answered unequivocally based on the discovery of a single artefact, but the Fæsted shackle does makes an important contribution to the discussion about the slave trade between Barbaricum and Rome.

Strootman, Rolf / Floris van den Eijnde / Roy van Wijk (Hrsg.), Empires of the Sea. Maritime Power Networks in World History (Cultural Interactions in the Mediterranean, 4), Leiden / Boston 2020, Brill, X u. 361 S. / Abb., € 119,00. (Lena Moser, Tübingen) Schilling, Lothar / Christoph Schönberger / Andreas Thier (Hrsg.), Verfassung und Öffentlichkeit in der Verfassungsgeschichte. Tagung der Vereinigung für Verfassungsgeschichte vom 22. bis 24. Februar 2016 auf der Insel Reichenau (Beihefte zu „Der Staat“, 25), Berlin 2020, Duncker &amp; Humblot, 220 S., € 69,90. (Michael Stolleis, Kronberg) Pieper, Lennart, Einheit im Konflikt. Dynastiebildung in den Grafenhäusern Lippe und Waldeck in Spätmittelalter und Früher Neuzeit (Norm und Struktur, 49), Wien / Köln / Weimar 2019, Böhlau, 623 S. / Abb., € 90,00. (Pauline Puppel, Aumühle) Das Totenbuch des Zisterzienserinnenklosters Feldbach (1279 – 1706), hrsg. v. 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Wills and Death-Related Property Arrangements in Europe, 1200 – 1600 (Medieval Law and Its Practice, 23), Leiden / Boston 2018, Brill, X u. 287 S., € 110,00. (Christian Vogel, Saarbrücken) Fouquet, Gerhard / Sven Rabeler (Hrsg.), Ökonomische Glaubensfragen. Strukturen und Praktiken jüdischen und christlichen Kleinkredits im Spätmittelalter (Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte. Beihefte, 242), Stuttgart 2018, Steiner, 162 S., € 39,00. (Philipp R. Rössner, Manchester) Schneidmüller, Bernd (Hrsg.), König Rudolf I. und der Aufstieg des Hauses Habsburg im Mittelalter, Darmstadt 2019, wbg Academic, XIV u. 512 S. / Abb., € 74,00. (Steffen Krieb, Mainz) Van Loo, Bart, Burgund. Das verschwundene Reich. Eine Geschichte von 1111 Jahren und einem Tag, aus dem Niederländischen übers. v. Andreas Ecke, München 2020, Beck, 656 S. / Abb., € 32,00. (Klaus Oschema, Bochum) Smith, Thomas W. / Helen Killick (Hrsg.), Petitions and Strategies of Persuasion in the Middle Ages. 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IntroductionFor over five years, Romanians have been using their bodies in public spaces to challenge politicians’ disregard for the average citizen. In a region low in standards of civic engagement, such as voter turnout and petition signing, Romanian people’s “citizenship of the streets” has stopped environmentally destructive mining in 2013, ousted a corrupt cabinet in 2015, and blocked legislation legalising abuse of public office in 2017 (Solnit 214). This article explores the democratic affordances of collective resistive walking, by focusing on Romania’s capital, Bucharest. I illustrate how walking in protest of political corruption cultivates a democratic public and reconfigures city spaces as spaces of democratic engagement, in the context of increased illiberalism in the region. I examine two sites of protest: the Parliament Palace and Victoriei Square. The former is a construction emblematic of communist dictator Nicolae Ceaușescu and symbol of an authoritarian regime, whose surrounding area protestors reclaim as a civic space. The latter—a central part of the city bustling with the life of cafes, museums, bike lanes, and nearby parks—hosts the Government and has become an iconic site for pro-democratic movements. Spaces of Democracy: The Performativity of Public Assemblies Democracies are active achievements, dependent not only on the solidity of institutions —e.g., a free press and a constitution—but on people’s ability and desire to communicate about issues of concern and to occupy public space. Communicative approaches to democratic theory, formulated as inquiries into the public sphere and the plurality and evolution of publics, often return to establish the significance of public spaces and of bodies in the maintenance of our “rhetorical democracies” (Hauser). Speech and assembly, voice and space are sides of the same coin. In John Dewey’s work, communication is the main “loyalty” of democracy: the heart and final guarantee of democracy is in free gatherings of neighbors on the street corner to discuss back and forth what is read in the uncensored news of the day, and in gatherings of friends in the living rooms of houses and apartments to converse freely with one another. (Dewey qtd. in Asen 197, emphasis added) Dewey asserts the centrality of communication in the same breath that he affirms the spatial infrastructure supporting it.Historically, Richard Sennett explains, Athenian democracy has been organised around two “spaces of democracy” where people assembled: the agora or town square and the theatre or Pnyx. While the theatre has endured as the symbol of democratic communication, with its ideal of concentrated attention on the argument of one speaker, Sennett illuminates the square as an equally important space, one without which deliberation in the Pnyx would be impossible. In the agora, citizens cultivate an ability to see, expect, and think through difference. In its open architecture and inclusiveness, Sennett explains, the agora affords the walker and dweller a public space to experience, in a quick, fragmentary, and embodied way, the differences and divergences in fellow citizens. Through visual scrutiny and embodied exposure, the square thus cultivates “an outlook favorable to discussion of differing views and conflicting interests”, useful for deliberation in the Pnyx, and the capacity to recognise strangers as part of the imagined democratic community (19). Also stressing the importance of spaces for assembly, Jürgen Habermas’s historical theorisation of the bourgeois public sphere moves the functions of the agora to the modern “third places” (Oldenburg) of the civic society emerging in late seventeenth and eighteenth-century Europe: coffee houses, salons, and clubs. While Habermas’ conceptualization of a unified bourgeois public has been criticised for its class and gender exclusivism, and for its normative model of deliberation and consensus, such criticism has also opened paths of inquiry into the rhetorical pluralism of publics and into the democratic affordances of embodied performativity. Thus, unlike Habermas’s assumption of a single bourgeois public, work on twentieth and twenty-first century publics has attended to their wide variety in post-modern societies (e.g., Bruce; Butler; Delicath and DeLuca; Fraser; Harold and DeLuca; Hauser; Lewis; Mckinnon et al.; Pezzullo; Rai; Tabako). In contrast to the Habermasian close attention to verbal argumentation, such criticism prioritizes the embodied (performative, aesthetic, and material) ways in which publics manifest their attention to common issues. From suffragists to environmentalists and, most recently, anti-precarity movements across the globe, publics assemble and move through shared space, seeking to break hegemonies of media representation by creating media events of their own. In the process, Judith Butler explains, such embodied assemblies accomplish much more. They disrupt prevalent logics and dominant feelings of disposability, precarity, and anxiety, at the same time that they (re)constitute subjects and increasingly privatised spaces into citizens and public places of democracy, respectively. Butler proposes that to best understand recent protests we need to read collective assembly in the current political moment of “accelerating precarity” and responsibilisation (10). Globally, increasingly larger populations are exposed to economic insecurity and precarity through government withdrawal from labor protections and the diminishment of social services, to the profit of increasingly monopolistic business. A logic of self-investment and personal responsibility accompanies such structural changes, as people understand themselves as individual market actors in competition with other market actors rather than as citizens and community members (Brown). In this context, public assembly would enact an alternative, insisting on interdependency. Bodies, in such assemblies, signify both symbolically (their will to speak against power) and indexically. As Butler describes, “it is this body, and these bodies, that require employment, shelter, health care, and food, as well as a sense of a future that is not the future of unpayable debt” (10). Butler describes the function of these protests more fully:[P]lural enactments […] make manifest the understanding that a situation is shared, contesting the individualizing morality that makes a moral norm of economic self-sufficiency precisely […] when self-sufficiency is becoming increasingly unrealizable. Showing up, standing, breathing, moving, standing still, speech, and silence are all aspects of a sudden assembly, an unforeseen form of political performativity that puts livable life at the forefront of politics […] [T]he bodies assembled ‘say’ we are not disposable, even if they stand silently. (18)Though Romania is not included in her account of contemporary protest movements, Butler’s theoretical account aptly describes both the structural and ideological conditions, and the performativity of Romanian protestors. In Romania, citizens have started to assemble in the streets against austerity measures (2012), environmental destruction (2013), fatal infrastructures (2015) and against the government’s corruption and attempts to undermine the Judiciary (from February 2017 onward). While, as scholars have argued (Olteanu and Beyerle; Gubernat and Rammelt), political corruption has gradually crystallised into the dominant and enduring framework for the assembled publics, post-communist corruption has been part and parcel of the neoliberalisation of Central and Eastern-European societies after the fall of communism. In the region, Leslie Holmes explains, former communist elites or the nomenklatura, have remained the majority political class after 1989. With political power and under the shelter of political immunity, nomenklatura politicians “were able to take ethically questionable advantage in various ways […] of the sell-off of previously state-owned enterprises” (Holmes 12). The process through which the established political class became owners of a previously state-owned economy is known as “nomenklatura privatization”, a common form of political corruption in the region, Holmes explains (12). Such practices were common knowledge among a cynical population through most of the 1990s and the 2000s. They were not broadly challenged in an ideological milieu attached, as Mihaela Miroiu, Isabela Preoteasa, and Jerzy Szacki argued, to extreme forms of liberalism and neoliberalism, ideologies perceived by people just coming out of communism as anti-ideology. Almost three decades since the fall of communism, in the face of unyielding levels of poverty (Zaharia; Marin), the decaying state of healthcare and education (Bilefsky; “Education”), and migration rates second only to war-torn Syria (Deletant), Romanian protestors have come to attribute the diminution of life in post-communism to the political corruption of the established political class (“Romania Corruption Report”; “Corruption Perceptions”). Following systematic attempts by the nomenklatura-heavy governing coalition to undermine the judiciary and institutionalise de facto corruption of public officials (Deletant), protestors have been returning to public spaces on a weekly basis, de-normalising the political cynicism and isolation serving the established political class. Mothers Walking: Resignifying Communist Spaces, Imagining the New DemosOn 11 July 2018, a protest of mothers was streamed live by Corruption Kills (Corupția ucide), a Facebook group started by activist Florin Bădiță after a deadly nightclub fire attributed to the corruption of public servants, in 2015 (Commander). Organized protests at the time pressured the Social-Democratic cabinet into resignation. Corruption Kills has remained a key activist platform, organising assemblies, streaming live from demonstrations, and sharing personal acts of dissent, thus extending the life of embodied assemblies. In the mothers’ protest video, women carrying babies in body-wraps and strollers walk across the intersection leading to the Parliament Palace, while police direct traffic and ensure their safety (“Civil Disobedience”). This was an unusual scene for many reasons. Walkers met at the entrance to the Parliament Palace, an area most emblematic of the former regime. Built by Communist dictator, Nicolae Ceaușescu and inspired by Kim Il-sung’s North Korean architecture, the current Parliament building and its surrounding plaza remain, in the words of Renata Salecl, “one of the most traumatic remnants of the communist regime” (90). The construction is the second largest administrative building in the world, after the Pentagon, a size matching the ambitions of the dictator. It bears witness to the personal and cultural sacrifices the construction and its surrounded plaza required: the displacement of some 40,000 people from old neighbourhood Uranus, the death of reportedly thousands of workers, and the flattening of churches, monasteries, hospitals, schools (Parliament Palace). This arbitrary construction carved out of the old city remains a symbol of an authoritarian relation with the nation. As Salecl puts it, Ceaușescu’s project tried to realise the utopia of a new communist “centre” and created an artificial space as removed from the rest of the city as the leader himself was from the needs of his people. Twenty-nine years after the fall of communism, the plaza of the Parliament Palace remains as suspended from the life of the city as it was during the 1980s. The trees lining the boulevard have grown slightly and bike lanes are painted over decaying stones. Still, only few people walk by the neo-classical apartment buildings now discoloured and stained by weather and time. Salecl remarks on the panoptic experience of the Parliament Palace: “observed from the avenue, [the palace] appears to have no entrance; there are only numerous windows, which give the impression of an omnipresent gaze” (95). The building embodies, for Salecl, the logic of surveillance of the communist regime, which “created the impression of omnipresence” through a secret police that rallied members among regular citizens and inspired fear by striking randomly (95).Against this geography steeped in collective memories of fear and exposure to the gaze of the state, women turn their children’s bodies and their own into performances of resistance that draw on the rhetorical force of communist gender politics. Both motherhood and childhood were heavily regulated roles under Ceaușescu’s nationalist-socialist politics of forced birth, despite the official idealisation of both. Producing children for the nationalist-communist state was women’s mandated expression of citizenship. Declaring the foetus “the socialist property of the whole society”, in 1966 Ceaușescu criminalised abortion for women of reproductive ages who had fewer than four children, and, starting 1985, less than five children (Ceaușescu qtd. in Verdery). What followed was “a national tragedy”: illegal abortions became the leading cause of death for fertile women, children were abandoned into inhumane conditions in the infamous orphanages, and mothers experienced the everyday drama of caring for families in an economy of shortages (Kligman 364). The communist politicisation of natality during communist Romania exemplifies one of the worst manifestations of the political as biopolitical. The current maternal bodies and children’s bodies circulating in the communist-iconic plaza articulate past and present for Romanians, redeploying a traumatic collective memory to challenge increasingly authoritarian ambitions of the governing Social Democratic Party. The images of caring mothers walking in protest with their babies furthers the claims that anti-corruption publics have made in other venues: that the government, in their indifference and corruption, is driving millions of people, usually young, out of the country, in a braindrain of unprecedented proportions (Ursu; Deletant; #vavedemdinSibiu). In their determination to walk during the gruelling temperatures of mid-July, in their youth and their babies’ youth, the mothers’ walk performs the contrast between their generation of engaged, persistent, and caring citizens and the docile abused subject of a past indexed by the Ceaușescu-era architecture. In addition to performing a new caring imagined community (Anderson), women’s silent, resolute walk on the crosswalk turns a lifeless geography, heavy with the architectural traces of authoritarian history, into a public space that holds democratic protest. By inhabiting the cultural role of mothers, protestors disarmed state authorities: instead of the militarised gendarmerie usually policing protestors the Victoriei Square, only traffic police were called for the mothers’ protest. The police choreographed cars and people, as protestors walked across the intersection leading to the Parliament. Drivers, usually aggressive and insouciant, now moved in concert with the protestors. The mothers’ walk, immediately modeled by people in other cities (Cluj-Napoca), reconfigured a car-dominated geography and an unreliable, driver-friendly police, into a civic space that is struggling to facilitate the citizens’ peaceful disobedience. The walkers’ assembly thus begins to constitute the civic character of the plaza, collecting “the space itself […] the pavement and […] the architecture [to produce] the public character of that material environment” (Butler 71). It demonstrates the possibility of a new imagined community of caring and persistent citizens, one significantly different from the cynical, disconnected, and survivalist subjects that the nomenklatura politicians, nested in the Panoptic Parliament nearby, would prefer.Persisting in the Victoriei Square In addition to strenuous physical walking to reclaim city spaces, such as the mothers’ walking, the anti-corruption public also practices walking and gathering in less taxing environments. The Victoriei Square is such a place, a central plaza that connects major boulevards with large sidewalks, functional bike lanes, and old trees. The square is the architectural meeting point of old and new, where communist apartments meet late nineteenth and early twentieth century architecture, in a privileged neighbourhood of villas, museums, and foreign consulates. One of these 1930s constructions is the Government building, hosting the Prime Minister’s cabinet. Demonstrators gathered here during the major protests of 2015 and 2017, and have walked, stood, and wandered in the square almost weekly since (“Past Events”). On 24 June 2018, I arrive in the Victoriei Square to participate in the protest announced on social media by Corruption Kills. There is room to move, to pause, and rest. In some pockets, people assemble to pay attention to impromptu speakers who come onto a small platform to share their ideas. Occasionally someone starts chanting “We See You!” and “Down with Corruption!” and almost everyone joins the chant. A few young people circulate petitions. But there is little exultation in the group as a whole, shared mostly among those taking up the stage or waving flags. Throughout the square, groups of familiars stop to chat. Couples and families walk their bikes, strolling slowly through the crowds, seemingly heading to or coming from the nearby park on a summer evening. Small kids play together, drawing with chalk on the pavement, or greeting dogs while parents greet each other. Older children race one another, picking up on the sense of freedom and de-centred but still purposeful engagement. The openness of the space allows one to meander and observe all these groups, performing the function of the Ancient agora: making visible the strangers who are part of the polis. The overwhelming feeling is one of solidarity. This comes partly from the possibilities of collective agency and the feeling of comfortably taking up space and having your embodiment respected, otherwise hard to come by in other spaces of the city. Everyday walking in the streets of Romanian cities is usually an exercise in hypervigilant physical prowess and self-preserving numbness. You keep your eyes on the ground to not stumble on broken pavement. You watch ahead for unmarked construction work. You live with other people’s sweat on the hot buses. You hop among cars parked on sidewalks and listen keenly for when others may zoom by. In one of the last post-socialist states to join the European Union, living with generalised poverty means walking in cities where your senses must be dulled to manage the heat, the dust, the smells, and the waiting, irresponsive to beauty and to amiable sociality. The euphemistic vocabulary of neoliberalism may describe everyday walking through individualistic terms such as “grit” or “resilience.” And while people are called to effort, creativity, and endurance not needed in more functional states, what one experiences is the gradual diminution of one’s lives under a political regime where illiberalism keeps a citizen-serving democracy at bay. By contrast, the Victoriei Square holds bodies whose comfort in each other’s presence allow us to imagine a political community where survivalism, or what Lauren Berlant calls “lateral agency”, are no longer the norm. In “showing up, standing, breathing, moving, standing still […] an unforeseen form of political performativity that puts livable life at the forefront of politics” is enacted (Butler 18). In arriving to Victoriei Square repeatedly, Romanians demonstrate that there is room to breathe more easily, to engage with civility, and to trust the strangers in their country. They assert that they are not disposable, even if a neoliberal corrupt post-communist regime would have them otherwise.ConclusionBecoming a public, as Michael Warner proposes, is an ongoing process of attention to an issue, through the circulation of discourse and self-organisation with strangers. For the anti-corruption public of Romania’s past years, such ongoing work is accompanied by persistent, civil, embodied collective assembly, in an articulation of claims, bodies, and spaces that promotes a material agency that reconfigures the city and the imagined Romanian community into a more democratic one. The Romanian citizenship of the streets is particularly significant in the current geopolitical and ideological moment. In the region, increasing authoritarianism meets the alienating logics of neoliberalism, both trying to reduce citizens to disposable, self-reliant, and disconnected market actors. Populist autocrats—Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Turkey, the Peace and Justice Party in Poland, and recently E.U.-penalized Victor Orban, in Hungary—are dismantling the system of checks and balances, and posing threats to a European Union already challenged by refugee debates and Donald Trump’s unreliable alliance against authoritarianism. In such a moment, the Romanian anti-corruption public performs within the geographies of their city solidarity and commitment to democracy, demonstrating an alternative to the submissive and disconnected subjects preferred by authoritarianism and neoliberalism.Author's NoteIn addition to the anonymous reviewers, the author would like to thank Mary Tuominen and Jesse Schlotterbeck for their helpful comments on this essay.ReferencesAnderson, Benedict R. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso, 2016.Asen, Robert. “A Discourse Theory of Citizenship.” Quarterly Journal of Speech 90.2 (2004): 189-211. 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