To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Roman Stoics.
Journal articles on the topic 'Roman Stoics'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Roman Stoics.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Stephens, William O. "The Roman Stoics." Ancient Philosophy 26, no. 2 (2006): 438–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil200626223.
Full text
2
Plecas, Tamara, and Ivan Nisavic. "Roman stoics Seneca and Epictetus on epicurean hedonism and the social roles of philosophers." Theoria, Beograd 65, no. 3 (2022): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/theo2203005p.
Full textAbstract:
Epicureans and Roman Stoics interpreted pleasure (?????) differently from each other: for the Epicureans, pleasure was the ultimate good, while most Stoics perceived pleasure as something indifferent. This difference in understanding of pleasure is the crucial point of a disagreement between these two Hellenistic schools of philosophy, in particular if we consider their ethics. This paper examines this difference and highlights the significant similarities between the Roman Stoic and the Epicurean positions. Further, it briefly explores the Epicurean and the Roman Stoic understanding of social relations and philosophers? role in politics and society.
3
Plecas, Tamara. "Voluntary death as an affirmation of dignified life: Death and suicide in Roman late Stoa." Theoria, Beograd 57, no. 2 (2014): 107–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/theo1402107p.
Full textAbstract:
This paper will examine the relation that Roman Stoics had towards death and suicide (voluntaria mors). After brief analysis of the historical and social context of the Roman society in which Stoics formed their opinion, it could be claimed that the Stoic defense of suicide is based on their defense of fulfilled and dignified life. According to their ethical thought, Stoics did not consider death as something terrifying, but the opposite; they valued and praised rationally chosen death. Rational death, in their opinion, is not a testimony of useless life, but a confirmation of the idea that the only life worth living is a life according to virtue.
4
Russell B., Sisson. "Roman Stoic Precreation Discourse." Religion & Theology 18, no. 3-4 (2011): 227–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430111x631025.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Cosmological imagery figures prominently in the precreation discourse of Roman Stoics, more so than in the precreation discourse of Jewish and Christian writers of the Hellenistic-Roman period. Roman Stoics imagine a realm of eternal time and space beyond the world of ordinary human experience and understanding. What humans can know of this realm is not revealed to them by a deity who dwells there, but by the spirits of virtuous souls who speak to select family members from the places where they dwell in the afterlife. Two examples are Aeneas’ father Anchises who describes primal reality to his son in the underworld, in Book VI of Virgil’s Aeneid, and Scipio Africanus, the Roman soldier and statesman, who speaks of similar matters when his grandson of the same name travels to the outermost realm of heaven in a dream, in Book VI of Cicero’s Republic. The myth and philosophy from which Cicero and Virgil draw their images of the primordial realm make the rhetography of their precreation discourse much richer than that found in Jewish and Christian precreation discourse of the period. Also, the relationship between rhetography and rhetology is more complex in Roman Stoic discourse and poses challenges for translators and interpreters of Cicero and Virgil.
5
Brouwer, René. "The Normativity of Law in Nature Revisited: Natural Law in Late Hellenistic Thought." Ancient Philosophy Today 4, Supplement (December 2022): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anph.2022.0080.
Full textAbstract:
In this paper I revisit nature as a source of normativity for law in the later Hellenistic period, that is beyond the opposition of law and nature in the early classical period, Plato’s and Aristotle’s naturalism, or the early Stoics’ conception of the common law. I will focus on the first century BCE, when the expression ‘natural law’ gained prominence, reconstructing its origins in the interaction between Hellenistic philosophers and the Roman elite, including jurists. I argue that for the jurists the Stoic doctrine of law in nature offered a theoretical underpinning for their unique practice of dispute resolution, whereas for the Stoics this Roman practice offered an unexpected opportunity to instrumentalise their conception of law.
6
Jundziłł, Juliusz. "Praktyka i teoria wychowania w rodzinie w pismach Seneki, Epikteta i Marka Aureliusza." Vox Patrum 8 (August 16, 1985): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.10418.
Full text
7
Brown, Eric. "The Roman Stoics: Self, Responsibility, and Affection (review)." Journal of the History of Philosophy 45, no. 3 (2007): 490–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hph.2007.0053.
Full text
8
Turpin, William. "Tacitus, Stoic exempla, and the praecipuum munus annalium." Classical Antiquity 27, no. 2 (October 1, 2008): 359–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2008.27.2.359.
Full textAbstract:
Tacitus' claim that history should inspire good deeds and deter bad ones (Annals 3.65) should be taken seriously: his exempla are supposed to help his readers think through their own moral difficulties. This approach to history is found in historians with clear connections to Stoicism, and in Stoic philosophers like Seneca. It is no coincidence that Tacitus is particularly interested in the behavior of Stoics like Thrasea Paetus, Barea Soranus, and Seneca himself. They, and even non-Stoic characters like Epicharis and Petronius, exemplify the behavior necessary if Roman freedom was to survive the monarchy.
9
Biricheva, Ekaterina V. "ROMAN STOICS AND JAPANESE SAMURAI ON THE EXISTENTIALS OF HUMAN BEING." Вестник Пермского университета. Философия. Психология. Социология, no. 4 (2021): 550–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2078-7898/2021-4-550-560.
Full textAbstract:
The article represents a comparative study of the positions of the ancient Stoics and medieval samurai on the question «how to be?» in the conditions of blurred landmarks. Such conditions may arise within di-verse socio-cultural contexts and seem to be the features of the contemporary globalization. The experi-ence of comprehending the issue of human self-realization at the turning points of history undoubtedly took place not only in the Western European tradition of the 1st-2nd centuries and in the East Asian tradi-tion of the 16th-17th centuries. Nevertheless, the unite grounds of human being found in these seemingly disparate cultural and historical localities are again relevant today. The purpose of the article is to analyze the conditions of the conceptualization of these ideas by the Roman Stoics and Japanese samurai, and to demonstrate the similarities and differences in their interpretation of fate, freedom, death, struggle, reali-ty, and time. Methodologically, the research is based on the material of the historical-philosophical and existential-hermeneutic analysis of the treatises of Lucius Annei Seneca, Marcus Aurelius Antonin, Yu-zan Daidodzi, Yamamoto Tsunetomo, and Miyamoto Musashi. The main conceptual result may be given in the following idea. Under the conditions of pluralism and groundlessness, a disoriented person seeks for support in him-/herself and realizes the «courage to be» through the ultimate determination to accept reality in its entirety and paradoxicality, including death, unpredictability of fate, and uncertainty of the further development path. The practice of «inner struggle» and non-choice between opposite positions and values appears to provide an escape to the golden mean of «the own», which allows self-realization to the maximum extent possible and gaining of a reliable ground in one’s own way of being for genuine par-ticipation in the «fluid» reality by a free act. The study is novel not only in that it is the first to reveal sim-ilarity of the existential grounds of stoicism and bushido, but also in that it pays attention to the turning periods in history during which, regardless of cultural affiliation, similar life-meaning questions arise. The answers found appear to be essential for a contemporary person, who finds themselves in the same situation of groundlessness, pluralism, and ambiguity of the transformations taking place around.
10
Salimgareev, Maxim V. "IMAGES OF THE ROMAN STOICS IN THE WORKS OF V.I. MODESTOV." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 400 (November 1, 2015): 134–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/400/21.
Full text
11
Siwicka, Małgorzata. "Starość – szansa czy zagrożenie dla rozwoju moralnego człowieka w ocenie stoików." Vox Patrum 56 (December 15, 2011): 147–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4213.
Full textAbstract:
The old age in the ancient culture of Greece and Rome, in contrast to popular opinion, appears not to be held in high esteem by everyone. This observation can be illustrated by a lot of sources in the Greek and Roman literature. The old age has been considered as difficult and troublesome both for persons, whose were afflicted by this age, and for their family, friends and all attendants. This period of human life has been exposed to illness and the other afflictions – weakness of body and mind, less intense clarity and precision of thought. Consequently, the old people would take active part in the social and political life only in this case, when they were in good health, in good physical and mental condition. Because of this in Greek and Roman literature can be found a lot of lamentations and complaints of the old age. Only Plato and representatives of new stoic school – Seneca, Epictetus and Marcus Aurelius formulated opposite theories about the old age. According to Stoics’ perceiving of the world and the time and cyclical changes of them, the man’s nature and condition from his birth directs inevitably to his death. The whole world is ruled by God and nothing in it happens without his will. So the good and wise man will accept everything, as well the old age, and all its disadvantages. This acceptance off all that happens will bring man peace of mind and protection against whatever he may suffer. The old age – for a lover of wisdom is an occasion to develop and grow up his moral virtues and to improve his character. This intellectual and ethical process issues from human reason, which is a part of divine reason, pervasive all things in the world and all men. The Stoics warn against a danger of a moral decline and in the old age. This corruption would be caused by direction of man’s attention to the shortness of life instead of the improving his character. The number of years of human life appears not to be important for Stoics. They condemn an aim for long life, if it not connected with an aspiration for wisdom.
12
Harris, W. V. "Child-Exposure in the Roman Empire." Journal of Roman Studies 84 (November 1994): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300867.
Full textAbstract:
The exposure of infants, very often but by no means always resulting in death, was widespread in many parts of the Roman Empire. This treatment was inflicted on large numbers of children whose physical viability and legitimacy were not in doubt. It was much the commonest, though not the only, way in which infants were killed, and in many, perhaps most, regions it was a familiar phenomenon. While there was some disapproval of child-exposure, it was widely accepted as unavoidable. Some, especially Stoics, disagreed, as did contemporary Judaism, insisting that all infants, or at least all viable and legitimate infants, should be kept alive. Exposure served to limit the size of families, but also to transfer potential labour from freedom to slavery (or at any rate tode factoslavery). Disapproval of exposure seems slowly to have gained ground. Then, after the sale of infants was authorized by Constantine in A.D. 313, the need for child-exposure somewhat diminished, and at last — probably in 374 — it was subjected to legal prohibition. But of course it did not cease.
13
Hill, Lisa. "The Two Republicae of the Roman Stoics: Can a Cosmopolite be a Patriot?" Citizenship Studies 4, no. 1 (February 2000): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/136210200110030.
Full text
14
صالح, أ. د. غانم محمد. "The concept of justice in the ancient Western political heritage." مجلة العلوم السياسية, no. 53 (February 20, 2019): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.30907/jj.v0i53.82.
Full textAbstract:
The concept of Justice in the Ancient western political thought The title of research is the concept of Justice in the ancient western political heritage. It includes the definition of the idea of Justice as well as its evolution and relation to the Law the study discussed two main period . the first one was regarding the concept of Justice in the Greek political thought ( sophists ,Socrates , plato , Aristotle ,Epicureans , and stoics ) . While the second ocused on the concept of justice in Roman political thought Via their great thinkers as polypus and Cicero .
15
MILLER, PETER N. "STOICS WHO SING: LESSONS IN CITIZENSHIP FROM EARLY MODERN LUCCA." Historical Journal 44, no. 2 (June 2001): 313–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x01001790.
Full textAbstract:
Lucca was the smallest and least important of the three Italian republics that survived the Renaissance. Venice and Genoa still command the attention of historians. But in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, for all that it might seem out-of-the-way, Lucca developed an extraordinary political literature. The regular election of senators was marked by the musical performance of a text, generally drawn from Roman history, that illustrated the way citizens of a republic were to behave. The poet and composer were natives and the event was a lesson in citizenship. A close look at the content of these serenades, or operas, makes clear that the republic's motto might have been Libertas but its teaching emphasized constantia. The themes and the heroes of Lucca's political literature were those we associate with neo-Stoicism. The relationship between neo-Stoicism and citizenship in early modern Lucca is the focus of this article. These texts present us with the self-image of an early modern republic and its understanding of what it meant to be a citizen. They are an important source for anyone interested in early modern debates about citizenship and in the political ideas that are conveyed in the commonplaces of baroque visual and musical culture.
16
Amacker, René. "Homogénéité et hétérogénéité de la langue latine selon Varron et Aulu-Gelle: aspects historique, social et fonctionnel." Travaux neuchâtelois de linguistique, no. 34-35 (October 1, 2001): 369–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.26034/tranel.2001.2566.
Full textAbstract:
Of the many Latin texts in which we find views on language — and in particular on linguistic change and variation — Varro’s De Lingua Latina and Gellius’ Noctes Atticae provide good examples of the perspectives, respectively, of the Stoic philosopher and of the ‘antiquarian’ philologist. Stoics consider that language was created as perfect as possible, almost completely motivated; in this view, every inconsistency is due to some initial error, to borrowing, or to the wear of time (following the epistemological model of the Four Ages). Morphological heterogeneity can be ascribed to anomaly, a principle which contrasts analogy and formal perfection. For Gellius, the original perfection of language is attested in the first Roman writers; but he knews that phonology, morphology, lexicon and even syntax have changed over time. He also refers to synchronic discrepancies in pronunciation and lexical variations due to local and mostly social circumstances (thus following the model of rhetorics). Generally speaking, linguistic changes or variations are always considered, both by the philosopher and the philologist, as the result of the working of the natural law of progressive corruption.
17
Jackson-McCabe, Matt. "The Stoic Theory of Implanted Preconceptions." Phronesis 49, no. 4 (2004): 323–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568528043066998.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractA number of late Stoic sources describe either ethical concepts or a supposed universal belief in gods as being innate in the human animal. Though Chrysippus himself is known to have spoken of "implanted preconceptions" (ε¨μϕυτοιπρολν´ψειζ) of good and bad, scholars have typically argued that the notion of innate concepts of any kind would have been entirely incompatible with his theory of knowledge. Both Epictetus' notion of innate concepts of good and bad and the references to an innate belief in gods by other philosophers of the Roman era are thus generally held to be later developments, probably owing to a Platonist-Stoic syncretism. Review of the evidence, however, shows that Chrysippus, like Epictetus, held ethical concepts to represent a special category of conception in that their formation was guaranteed by oikeiôsis. Unlike other concepts, that is, these represent a formal conceptualization of an innate tendency to distinguish between things fitting for one's constitution and things not fitting that all animals, according to the Stoics, bring to their empirical experiences. While the notion that human belief in gods is similarly innate does seem to have been a later development, it too was explained with reference to oikeiôsis rather than resulting from a simple "syncretism."
18
Hubbard, Jeffrey M. "Paul the Middle Platonist? Exegetical Traditions on Timaeus 28c and the Characterization of Paul in Acts 17:16–31." Harvard Theological Review 115, no. 4 (October 2022): 477–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816022000281.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractPaul’s speech to the Areopagus in Acts 17 places the apostle in philosophical dialogue with Stoics and Epicureans. This article identifies important points of contact between Paul’s speech and Middle Platonic exegesis of a famous Platonic phrase from Timaeus 28c. There, the philosopher declares that the maker and father of the world is hard to find, and even more difficult to talk about. Many later interpreters of Plato commented on the dictum. Middle Platonists such as Plutarch mused about the theological implications of naming god both “maker” and “father.” Jewish and Christian interpreters like Philo and Justin employed Plato’s phrase to describe their access to divine revelation. The first portion of this article argues that the Areopagus speech contains evidence of similar exegesis, both in its references to god’s roles as maker and father and in Paul’s claim to declare the unknown god. These resonances do more than clarify the author’s philosophical background; they also have previously unexplored implications for our understanding of Paul’s characterization in Acts 17. The second half of the article argues that in aligning Paul with the Platonic tradition, the author participates in an established Greco-Roman practice of depicting the Platonists, Stoics, and Epicureans in theological dialogue.
19
Sorabji, Richard. "Philosophy and Life in Ancient Greek and Roman Philosophy: Three Aspects." Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement 74 (June 30, 2014): 45–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1358246114000125.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractPhilosophy, in the ancient Graeco-Roman world, and in various other cultures too, was typically thought of as, among other things, bearing on how to live. Questions of how to live may now be considered by some as merely one optional specialism among others, but Derek Parfit for one, we shall see, rightly treats implications for how to live as flowing naturally from metaphysical theories. In the hope of showing something about the ancient Graeco-Roman tradition as a whole, I shall speak of things that I and others have said before,1 but I will highlight certain aspects of how the various groups or individuals related their philosophy to their lives. I shall start with the ancient Stoics as providing a clear case, then move on more briefly to their rivals, the Epicureans, and finally, more briefly again, to consider their predecessors and successors in other ancient schools and periods. This will not be a survey of the main central doctrines, although that is also something useful to attempt. But it will involve a selection of important ideas to illustrate their application to how to live.
20
Sanzhenakov, Alexander A. "Can Senecan Theater of Passions Educate a Virtuous Person?" Siberian Journal of Philosophy 17, no. 3 (2019): 245–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2541-7517-2019-17-3-245-257.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the consideration of the pedagogical content of Seneca’s tragedy. The article provides a solution for the problem, which is contained in the controversy – on the one hand, Seneca as other Stoics believes that the passions negatively affect the soul of human being, on the other hand, his tragedies portray plots overrun with passions involving murder, perfidy, betrayal and other crimes. The author suggests that this feature of the plot of dramatic works of Seneca cannot be explained by simple respect of the tradition, according to which the passion is the main driving force of both the ancient Greek and ancient Roman tragedies. The author shows that Seneca intentionally uses certain artistic techniques to achieve the pedagogical effect.
21
Stepanova, Anna. "Discussion on the relationship of philosophy and rhetoric in the Hellenistic and Roman periods (from the Stoics to Cicero)." ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 15, no. 1 (2021): 214–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2021-15-1-214-227.
Full textAbstract:
The article discusses the evolution of the relationship between philosophy and rhetoric in Helenistic and Roman periods. In addition to discussing the value of such factors as eloquence and usefulness for rhetoric, the Hellenistic epoch drew attention to the problem of developing the foundations of rhetoric. These ideas were developed in schools of Stoics and Skeptics. Following the Aristotelian line, Chrysippus objectively contributed to the formalization of rhetorical knowledge. Cicero, who considered this approach narrow, actualized another Platonic line aimed at the "idea," while he translated the understanding of rhetoric as this kind of dialectical knowledge, which, being experience-oriented (in theory and practice), resembles art and corresponds to the spiritual ideal as the highest value. Ciceronian project is a variant of an expansive interpretation of rhetoric as the most complete generalization of reality.
22
Kofanov, Leonid L. "Roman Iustitia Naturalis and Modern Positivist Justice." Pravosudie / Justice 4, no. 1 (2022): 144–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.37399/2686-9241.2022.1.144-168.
Full textAbstract:
Introduction. The modern definition of the concept of “justice” is too narrow when we compare it to the famous Roman classical definition of the concept of iustitia as a synonym for justness. Justness is expressed by the constant will to “grant everyone their right”. Ancient thinkers associated the concept of justice with natural law, which unfortunately, is almost lost in modern legal theory. Theoretical Basis. Methods. The article was prepared using general scientific methods (systemic, logical) and special legal methods (comparative legal, formal legal). Results. The concept of “justice” arguably first appeared in Ancient Greece during the 6th to 2nd centuries BC in the philosophy of Pythagoras, Plato, Aristotle and the Stoics. Plato contrasted this understanding of justice with the right of the strong. In the first century BC, Cicero developed this concept further, stating that justice proceeds from natural law, based on the principles of love, friendship, trust and consent. As these principles do not apply equally at different levels (that is, in the family, between friends, between trade partners, between fellow citizens, between foreigners, etc.), the main task of justice is to make an honest allocation of justness to everyone. The Roman lawyer and philosopher would argue that human laws that reject iustitia naturalis lead to lawlessness and the collapse of society. In discussion with Carneades, (who argued that natural justice is folly, and that real civil justice is based on the protection of the benefit or utilitas of the strongest), Cicero argued that without mutual love, trust and friendship, the common benefit of society as a whole, based on the fundamental concept of honesty (honestum), suffers. These principles were adopted by the Roman classical jurists and Justinian compilers in the famous definition of iustitia. Discussion and Сonclusion. Unfortunately, modern positivism in its most extreme manifestation of “pure law” has abandoned the ideas of “natural justice”. This is evidenced by the separation of the principles of morality based on nature, that is, customary law, as a centuries-old practice of regulating relations in society. The result is a significant weakening of the principles of natural unity of people in societies of all levels, including the international human community.
23
Lévy, Carlos. "Philosophie romaine : à propos de deux ouvrages récents. [G. Reydams Schils, The Roman Stoics. Self, Responsibility and Affection ; Brad Inwood, Reading Seneca : Stoic Philosophy at Rome]." Bulletin de l'Association Guillaume Budé 1, no. 2 (2007): 174–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bude.2007.2268.
Full text
24
Thorsteinsson, Runar M. "Paul and Roman Stoicism: Romans 12 and Contemporary Stoic Ethics." Journal for the Study of the New Testament 29, no. 2 (December 2006): 139–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x06072835.
Full text
25
Wigura, Karolina. "Namiętności, uczucia czy emocje? Trzy tradycje myślenia o afektach i trzy doktryny afektów w polityce." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 61, no. 4 (October 10, 2017): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2017.61.4.1.
Full textAbstract:
The author proposes tools for the analysis of affects in politics. First she distinguishes three historical ways of thinking about affective phenomena: the tradition of passion, deriving from ancient Greece; the tradition of feelings, begun by the Greek and Roman stoics; and finally the tradition of emotions, which was fully shaped in the nineteenth century and which most closely corresponds to the contemporary understanding of affective phenomena. The author concentrates on the meeting of two fields—the history of emotions and the philosophy of politics. Each of the three traditions of thinking has its own specific doctrine for dealing with affects, that is, it indicates ways of managing the unusually difficult challenges presented by our emotions. The author describes and critiques these approaches. She believes that although they are often burdened with presentism and anachronism, taking them into account in analyses of the social world—especially in the sphere of contemporary politics—could help understand the nuances of political thought and actions.
26
Tomasiewicz, Marcin. "The Idea of Justice in Historiosophy of Antiquity." Gubernaculum et Administratio 2(24) (2021): 357–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/gea.2021.02.37.
Full textAbstract:
The article asks a question about the influence of historiosophy on how the notion of justice is understood in Greek and Roman philosophy of law. Historiosophy, named also the philosophy of history, has been defined as an effort to explain general history in categories of sense and aim by proving that there is a general rule leading the historical process. In the course of the discussion there are two such historiosophical rules presented. Chronologically, the first of them is Homeric Moirai, which throughout the development of the Greek philosophy has been replaced by a notion of providence. Moirai was the rule of destiny controlling destinies of both men and gods. In this approach, justice was understood as a certain “share” or “allocation”, seen as a role given to each person who needed to play it in history. The same content element was included in the notion of providence. In the philosophy of stoics providence was the ordering force that created nature and at the same time constituted an indirect source of justice and law.
27
Inwood, Brad. "The Roman Stoics: Self, Responsibility, and Affection. By Gretchen Reydams‐Schils. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005. Pp. [xi] + 224. $35.00 (cloth)." Classical Philology 101, no. 1 (January 2006): 88–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/505675.
Full text
28
Graver, Margaret. "Philo of Alexandria and the Origins of the Stoic Πρoπαειαι." Phronesis 44, no. 4 (1999): 300–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685289960464610.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe concept of πρoπαειαι or "pre-emotions" is known not only to the Roman Stoics and Christian exegetes but also to Philo of Alexandria. Philo also supplies the term πρoπαεια at QGen 1.79. As Philo cannot have derived what he knows from Seneca (despite his visit to Rome in 39), nor from Cicero, who also mentions the point, he must have found it in older Stoic writings. The πρoπαεια concept, rich in implications for the voluntariness and phenomenology of the passions proper, is thus confirmed for the Hellenistic period. It is not to be expected that Philo's handling of this or any concept will necessarily conform to the usage of his Stoic sources. His evidence is nonetheless of great value where it coincides with that of other witnesses. In QGen 4.73 the emphasis falls upon involuntariness and the mechanisms of impression and assent as in Epictetus fr. 9. The πρoπαεια saves the virtuous person's insusceptibility to emotion exactly as it does for the Stoic spokesman in Gellius NA 19.1; this point is of some interest in view of the Christological use of this concept in Origen and Didymus. QGen 1.55 and 3.56 indicate that the occurrence of the πρoπαειαι is dependent upon uncertainty, and further, that for Philo, as for Seneca in Ira 2.3.4, a thought not acted upon can count as a πρoπαεια. In QGen 4.15-17 and 1.79, Philo indicates that hope and perhaps laughter may be related to joy as πρoπαεια to παoς; these assertions are not paralleled in extant Stoic texts. Further, in QGen 2.57, he names "biting and contraction" as the ευπαεια corresponding to grief, supplying a helpful parallel for Cic. Tusc. 3.83 and Plut. Virt. Mor. 449a. The topic may well have been discussed by Posidonius, as suggested by Cooper and others, but Posidonius' attested innovations are rather different in character from the points which have caught the attention of Philo. Taking together the indirect evidence of Philo, Seneca, and Cicero, we may reasonably infer that the πρoπαεια concept belonged already to an earlier period of Stoicism.
29
Gutiv, B., and Yu Oliinyk. "Mark Aurelius political and legal ideas on human rights as a significant contribution to roman legal thought." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law 1, no. 72 (November 16, 2022): 49–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.72.8.
Full textAbstract:
The article is dedicated to a general overview of the political and legal ideas of Marcus Aurelius on human rights. In today’s period of fatal events, when the worst episodes of the past are becoming a reality again, namely the unleashing of an unprovoked brutal war against Ukraine by the Russian Federation, the world community is obliged to discuss human rights issues in the natural and legal aspects. In this regard, it seems necessary to turn to the origins of ideas about subjectively significant state and legal phenomena, devoid of problematic and veiled ideas. Undoubtedly, the world today needs more ideas full of humanity and the common good, ideas of the right decisions, which in their numbers can become something of a catalyst for peace around the world. Such political and legal ideas are able to change the world and adjust a certain group of people to the direction of development and improvement, rather than impoverishment and degradation. Among other things, it is important to take into account historical experience and views on the state and law, analyzing which can be at least closer to the truth in the relevant issue.
The significance of the Roman Empire, which for some time stretched over large areas from England to Syria in the context of the concepts of history of state and law and political and legal doctrines is extremely great. The Roman Empire largely shaped world culture, science, law, art and education. The influence of the same Roman law on the jurisprudence of medieval and new states is enormous. The Roman Empire, both during its existence and after its disappearance, became a symbol of the development of law. Of great interest in this regard are the political and legal teachings of Marcus Aurelius - Emperor-philosopher, who introduced the idea of a state with equal law for all, governed by equality and equality of all, and the kingdom in which the highest good is the freedom of subordinates. The philosopher believed that the state should have the same laws for all, respect the freedom of citizens, and govern on the basis of equality and equality of all citizens.
This philosopher pursued a balanced policy, his rule is characterized by respect for the people, the Senate and its members. Aurelius reign was called the «Senate Renaissance» because the emperor himself emphasized his obedience to the senate, which was the highest imperial power at the time. Marcus Aurelius directed his policy to help orphans, slaves, the poor and the sick, donated money to help all those in need. During this historical period, attitudes toward slavery and violence against them changed, and their murder was recognized as a crime thanks to Marcus Aurelius. In this article, the authors evaluates the main ideas of the Roman Stoics. The the authors clarifies some principles of equality of human rights and the functioning of the state in this direction, in particular on the basis of political and legal views of Marcus Aurelius.
30
Gutorov, Vladimir. "The State as a Personality: Tradition and Main Trends of Theoretical Interpretation." ISTORIYA 13, no. 5 (115) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021546-9.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyzes various aspects of the interpretation of the concepts of personification of the state in modern political philosophy and political science. In particular, it is emphasized that, in purely theoretical terms, the paradoxes associated with numerous theoretical attempts to identify a “political personality” with the state go back to the philosophy of the early modernity. In their original form, they were very clearly presented by Thomas Hobbes in Leviathan and his other political writings. The immediate source of much of the theoretical debates in modern scientific and philosophical literature are the Hobbesian definitions of the personality and the state in chapters 16 and 17 of Leviathan. The authors examine in detail the complex process of analytics of the Hobbesian legacy in the works of M. Oakeshott, Q. Skinner, D. Runciman, F. Pettit, A. Abizadeh, D. Gauthier, B. Holland, S. Fleming and other scientists and political theorists, focusing especially on the continuity between Hobbesian political philosophy and ancient tradition (Plato, Aristotle, Thucydides, Roman Stoics). A number of complex issues related to the interpretation of the personification of the state in modern political philosophy and international political theory are studied in detail. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of theoretical discussions between supporters of political realism and constructivism (N. G. Onuf A. Wendt, F. Kratochwil, R. Schuett, R. Pettman, R. Oprisko, K. Kaliher, etc.).
31
Gill, Christopher. "G. Reydams-Schils, The Roman Stoics: Self, Responsibility, and Affection. Chicago/London: University of Chicago Press, 2005. Pp. 210. ISBN 0-226-30837-5. £24.50/US$35.00." Journal of Roman Studies 96 (November 2006): 237–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s007543580000112x.
Full text
32
Maciejewski, Marek. "Alma Mater Studiorum. O genezie i początkach uniwersytetów." Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne 15, no. 2 (June 30, 2017): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/osap.1268.
Full textAbstract:
The origin of universities reaches the period of Ancient Greece when philosophy (sophists, Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, stoics and others) – the “Queen of sciences”, and the first institutions of higher education (among others, Plato’s Academy, Cassiodorus’ Vivarium, gymnasia) came into existence. Even before the new era, schools having the nature of universities existed also beyond European borders, including those in China and India. In the early Middle Ages, those types of schools functioned in Northern Africa and in the Near East (Baghdad, Cairo, Constantinople, cities of Southern Spain). The first university in the full meaning of the word was founded at the end of the 11th century in Bologna. It was based on a two-tiered education cycle. Following its creation, soon new universities – at first – in Italy, then (in the 12th and 13th century) in other European cities – were established. The author of the article describes their modes of operation, the methods of conducting research and organizing students’ education, the existing student traditions and customs. From the very beginning of the universities’ existence the study of law was part of their curricula, based primarily on the teaching of Roman law and – with time – the canon law. The rise of universities can be dated from the end of the Middle Ages and the beginning of modernity. In the 17th and 18th century they underwent a crisis which was successfully overcome at the end of the 19th century and throughout the following one.
33
Sadowski, Piotr. "FILOZOFIA PRAWA W ŻYCIU I NAUCZANIU ULPIANA." Zeszyty Prawnicze 8, no. 1 (June 23, 2017): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2008.8.1.04.
Full textAbstract:
The Philosophy of Law in Ulpian’s Life and TeachingSummaryThe purpose of this article, is to show, taking into account Ulpian’s life and teaching, that the Roman jurisprudence was interwoven with some elements of philosophy. The first part of the article illustrates the influence of Ulpian’s life history on his philosophical and legislative views, whereas the second part presents the latter.His knowledge of law, the posts which he occupied, and numerous works prove that Ulpian was preoccupied with studying „law through its first causes”. He asked about the essence of the law, about what the natural law is, and what justice is. He described the juridical reality using the language of law and philosophy. His concept of lawfulness can be perceived as integral, combining material and formal legality He did not depart from the ethical dimension of law although he respected the rigours of the formalised norms. Referring to aequitas did not disturb him in paying attention to certitudo legalis. In his concept of lawfulness one can see a reference to Cyceron’s ideas and in his concept of natural law one can observe a reference to the Stoics. In the field of the penal lawfulness one can perceive Ulpian as a precursor of the ability to perceive the human equality in the sphere of natural law, the concept elaborated as late as several centuries afterwards. Perceiving the equality of people, approximates him to the Christian’s philosophical idea.
34
Strijdom, Johan M. "A Jesus To Think With and Live By: Story and Ideology in Crossan's Jesus Research." Religion and Theology 10, no. 3-4 (2003): 267–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430103x00088.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe aim of this article is to challenge Crossan in two related fronts. First, concerning 'story': did ancient authors consciously reflect on the distinction between fact and fiction, history and myth, literal and metaphorical? Could they view myths as made-up tales about divine intervention ? Further, could they question the reality of divine intervention as such, or were these questions introduced only much later by the Enlightenment and then illegitimately projected onto antiquity, as Crossan holds? My answer refers to the evidence in Thucydides, the Hippocratic corpus and the Gnostics, but focuses especially on Plato's conscious manipulation of the myths of Atlantis and the metals. I also respond to Crossan's understanding of the Platonist Celsus. Secondly, concerning 'ideology': if jesus'message and program were about systemic justice as distributive egalitarianism, about non-violent but provocative protest against violent and oppressive imperialism, how do his vision and life then relate to ancient and modern views on and practices of social justice? My objection is that whereas Crossan correctly emphasizes the concern for a just society in the Jewish and Near Eastern traditions, he underestimates the contribution of Greco-Roman paganism (except for the Cynics) in this regard. By means of a cursory discussion of Hesiod, Solon, and Socrates, and a more elaborate treatment of Plato, Aristotle and the Stoics (eg, Musonius Rufus and Seneca) I indicate just how important such a nuanced comparison is.
35
Wick, David P. "The Lyceum in Twilight: Athens’ “Second School” and its Struggle to Re-Invent Itself and Survive in the Last Years of the Roman Republic." Athens Journal of History 8, no. 2 (February 28, 2022): 99–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.8-2-1.
Full textAbstract:
After the Athenian crisis of the early 80’s, which saw the ancient city held hostage between an Anatolian military expedition (whose leader at least claimed some intellectual credentials from Athenian schools including the Lyceum) and a renegade Roman with only the most cynical interest in heritage or culture, the schools of Athens – in particular the “peripatetic” school which dated back to Aristotle – faced challenges of identity, recruiting students, and in holding its own, perhaps too “peripatetic,” faculty. In early post-classical and Hellenistic times the second and third generation Lyceum had been successful, even when it had lost intellectual “stars” like Theophrastus, and (worse) its original library, to rivals like Pergamum – but as the other schools attracted career-minded students from the west, Aristotle’s foundation of a broad-minded liberal arts approach to learning in the Lyceum grove was in danger. The Lyceum seems actually to have failed for a time, or at least to have limped through the middle first century with faculty borrowed from the Akademe, in spite of a reputation for teaching practical politics which neither the Epicureans nor the Stoics could substitute for very well. Experts of the Aristotelian sort found either too-attractive employment in an Italy closer to the centers of power, or too strong a lure toward traveling consulting positions with neophyte Romans trying to learn the eastern Mediterranean “on their jobs.” At its Athenian home, it moved a significant part of its teaching into the city and melded it into the ephebeia or “civic school” for young Athenian citizens (but in the new Athens, those included a more and more multi-cultural mix of foreign youth as the Republic’s business class and students arrived in town). And then, it also attracted those in retirement from the turmoil of the disintegrating Republic, who valued the Lyceum more as a refuge than as a provider of power-skills for “players,” the sort of thing the Akademe or the Epicurean ‘Garden’ did. The solution itself endangered Aristotle’s idea for the school. As the Republic died, the “Peripatetic” school’s greatest teachers were more often on the road with its “players” than home. What it kept at its home, though, it re-invested in the educational life of its own city. The Lyceum, like the Stoa, found its new Athenian home “downtown” in more ways than one, and faced challenges quite familiar both in modern “peripatetic” and in “career-direct” higher education.
36
Sadzińska, Ewa, and Witold Sadziński. "Ekphrasis by Aleksandr Kushner and the Reception of Antiquity in the Russian Poetry of the 21st Century." Philologia Classica 15, no. 2 (2020): 354–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu20.2020.211.
Full textAbstract:
The article examines some of the features of A. Kushner’s reception of antiquity. The antique layer is an important component of the poetry of the St. Petersburg poet, starting with his very first poems of the 1960s. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the poem “Перед лучшей в мире конной статуей…” (“In front of the world’s best equestrian statue”, 2008) in connection with the problem of literary ekphrasis. The theoretical part of the article clarifies the meaning of “ekphrasis” and gives a brief overview of the most significant concepts that exist in modern science. The term appeared in antiquity, in the XIX century it was used in classical philology, and from the twentieth century it was applied to the analysis of the literature of modern times. The actualization of the term has significantly expanded the scope of the concept and its application. Modern authors use the possibilities of ekphrasis in different ways. In its most common form the emphasis is shifted from describing the work of art itself to describing a subjective impression (in poetry, works of art are usually mentioned more often than described in detail). The analytical part confirms the relevance of the ekphrastic principle in relation to different levels of the poem. The cultural-historical paradigm of the poetic image of an equestrian statue/statues that are present in Kushner’s poem in explicit or implicit form is reconstructed. The specificity and functions of antique intertexts are revealed. The article exposes not only obvious allusions correlated with the monument to Marcus Aurelius, but also implicit reminiscences referring to the philosophy of the Roman Stoics.
37
CULLYER, HELEN. "(G.) Reydams-Schils The Roman Stoics. Self, Responsibility, and Affection. Pp. xii + 210. Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 2005. Cased, £24.50, US $35. ISBN: 0-226-30837-5." Classical Review 56, no. 2 (October 2006): 358–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x06001909.
Full text
38
Gonzales, Antonio. "Citoyenneté, universalisme et cosmopolitisme stoïciens: le cas romain = Citizenship, Universalism and Stoic Cosmopolitanism: The Roman Case." ARYS. Antigüedad: Religiones y Sociedades, no. 16 (September 12, 2019): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/arys.2018.4557.
Full textAbstract:
Résumé: La question de la citoyenneté a très vite dépassé dans le cadre de l’empire territorial romain le problème du simple statut juridique pour poser la question de l’articulation philosophique et politique d’une citoyenneté en quelque sorte déterritorialisée puisqu’être citoyen romain ne signifie plus forcément habiter Rome ou venir exercer ses droits civiques à Rome.L’extension territoriale et l’intégration plus ou moins rapide des opulations a suscité une réflexion sur le rapport entre l’individu citoyen et le groupe civique désormais dispersé à l’échelle de l’empire. S’il existe des citoyens romains sur l’ensemble territorial de l’empire, la citoyenneté est-elle simplement une citoyenneté romaine qui se répand dans l’espace impérial en conservant la centralité romaine ou, au contraire, est-elle en train d’acquérir une spécificité telle qu’elle peut être comprise comme une citoyenneté supra-civique qui acquiert un caractère universel tout en gardant ces spécificités initiales ou alors devient-elle une citoyenneté qui se substitue à l’idée même du civique ? Les débats sur ces mutations potentielles ont agité les juristes, les philosophes et les hommes politiques entre République et Empire.Abstract: The question of citizenship very quickly went beyond the problem of simple legal status within the Roman territorial empire to raise the question of the philosophical and political articulation of a somewhat deterritorialized citizenship, since being a Roman citizen no longer necessarily means living in Rome or coming to exercise your civil rights in Rome.The territorial extension and the more or less rapid integration of populations has prompted reflection on the relationship between the individual citizen and the civic group now dispersed throughout the empire. If there are Roman citizens throughout the empire, is citizenship simply a Roman citizenship that spreads throughout the imperial space while preserving Roman centrality or, on the contrary, is it acquiring such a specificity that it can be understood as a supra-civic citizenship that acquires a universal character while retaining its initial specificities or does it become a citizenship that replaces the very idea of the civic? The debates on these potential changes have stirred up lawyers, philosophers and politicians between the Republic and the Empire.Mots clé: Citoyenneté, Rome, Universalisme, Cosmopolitisme, Stoïcisme.Key words: Citizenship, Rome, Universalism, Cosmopolitanism, Stoicism.
39
Krauter, Stefan. "Mercy and Monarchy." Novum Testamentum 63, no. 4 (September 9, 2021): 477–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685365-bja10002.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article compares De clementia, a somewhat neglected minor work of the Roman Stoic philosopher L. Annaeus Seneca, and Paul’s Letter to the Romans. First, Seneca’s ideas about rule as a god-given task of moral improvement of the subjects and the role of mercy (clementia) within it are analysed. Then, Seneca’s argument is compared with Paul’s thoughts concerning salvation by grace in his Letter to the Romans. Seneca’s short political treatise De clementia shows a considerable number of interesting and specific agreements with Paul’s reasoning in the Letter to the Romans, even more than his other writings, which have been in the focus of scholarly investigation. Finally, some suggestions are made about the possible source(s) of the convergences and how they could be interpreted.
40
Wróblewska, Justyna E. "Św. Justyn – „sprawiedliwy pośród narodów”." Vox Patrum 57 (June 15, 2012): 751–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4170.
Full textAbstract:
This article refers to St. Justin, who was one of the Church Fathers, one of the first Christian philosophers and Greek apologists and also a martyr for the Christian faith when this was spreading throughout the Roman Empire. In the preface, it is shown that a hostile attitude existed at the time of both the Roman Empire and the Jews towards Christianity at its very beginning. Christians were being stultified and sentenced to death. Each part of the article shows Justin in a different cultural role. First, we can see the beginnings of his life. Justin lived in the second century after Christ. He was born in Samaria, which was firmly hellenised and that is why he was well prepared to live in a multinational empire in those times. As a Christian philosopher Justin was entering into relations with the Jews and pagans, always seeking the truth. The next part is about Justin – as a philosopher. He was also the most popular and the most outstanding Christian philosopher of the second century after Christ. He kept a positive attitude towards philosophy. He valued Stoics, Platonics, Socrates and Plato in some areas, so that he could notice elements of truth in the teachings of Greek philosophers. But Justin was against religious syncretism. We owe to Justin the demonstration of Christian true faith through pagan philosophical concepts. He was looking for dialogue between Christianity and pagan philosophy and used its terms to show others the only true wisdom which he had got to know by himself. Since the mid-second century the pastoral purpose of patristic literature was changing to become a means of defence of Christianity against attacks from outside and inside – meaning heretics. He also started the new type of discussion with heretics. Then Justin as a theologian – he refers many times to the Old Testament and Prophets announcing the coming of Jesus – Logos, whose grain of truth Justin noticed in every ancient teaching. Justin also refers to the parallel between Socrates and Christ, something we can find everywhere in the Apology of Justin. He also left us the oldest descriptions of the sacrament of Baptism and the Eucharist. He is the person who created the dialogue between faith and intellect. Another part speaks about apologies which first of all were to demand equality with other religions and philosophies. Then as an apologist – he defended Christianity from unfounded accusations by Roman emperors and cultural elites. He defended the Christian faith through the use of rational arguments. He wanted to show universal truth via rational discourse. Finally Justin as the righteous man , which we can say he was called because of his name (Lat. iustinus – righteous) and which was the way he acted in his life. He was searching for the truth in his life, the true knowledge. He founded a philosophical school in Rome in which he taught one true wisdom and as a true philosopher he did this free of charge. He was accused of being a Christian and brought before the judge, because he did not accept the pagan gods, and did not obey the Emperor. The best apology for Christians was their readiness for martyrdom. As a Christian philosopher he ended his life and sealed it by shedding his blood shed for Christ. He is regarded as one of the early Church Fathers. This early witness of Tradition became one of the first who tried to bring Christian thinking closer to Greek philosophy; Justin became a something of a keystone which linked antiquity with the novelty of Christianity. In conclusion, Justin brought Christianity closer to philosophy by explaining it using philosophical language.
41
Tully, Ken. "Revisiting Roman Stoicism." Expository Times 131, no. 2 (September 18, 2019): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524619871759.
Full text
42
Loboda, Y. O. "“The Post-Modern Turn” of the US Military Scholars: Shallow, Adherent and Critical?" Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 21, no. 7 (August 17, 2018): 77–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/171897.
Full textAbstract:
According to historical facts, military elites were never totally separated from intellectual civil elites. From Ancient times to nowadays professional military education and personal contacts flourished due to mutual interest between these two parties. It is not easy task to define if this interaction was constructive or not for military since there is rich contradictory evidence – how stoics educated victorious Roman imperial army and how Henri Bergson’s name is associated with two military blunders of France in the both world wars, despite of heavy criticism from his civil colleagues and generals in interwar period. Thus, it is important to understand, which intellectual biases and fashion are represented in contemporary Western military periodics and academic scholarship as a mirror of contemporary military thinking. The overall trend can be defined as “postmodernist turn”, which is realized in the following three main forms: shallow, adherent and critical. The majority of military writers, being familiar with the leading civil intellectuals through their higher education in humanities and social science, apply for postmodernist agenda pursuing the general intellectual mainstream fashion, which is common for both civil and military publications. Nevertheless, in the majority of cases this happens due to shallow following mainstream narrative, not because of the personal priorities, when adherence to a specific intellectual fashion is well-grounded and clearly motivated. The same is applicable to the military criticism of postmodernism, when the critical approach refers to the deep competence in contemporary intellectual debates among civil experts. This approach mainly reproduces devastating criticism of postmodernism as relativist, a way of thinking which is not relevant to military profession. This situation can be quite fruitful both for military and civil academics: it creates perfect conditions for critical debates aimed for clearing out fashionable metaphors, popular mindsets and elements of narrative, where pure theoretic structures can face the trial of practitioners, whose professional decisions are extremely responsible for safety of human lives and national security. Anyway, the internal opposition to the supporters of postmodernism in military sciences gives hope that it has all the chances not to become an overwhelming trend in military scholarship.
43
ПЕТРОВ, В. В. "KARL KERÉNYI ON THE ARCHETYPE OF THE ACADEMIC AND THE PRIEST." Цивилизация и варварство, no. 10(10) (November 10, 2021): 304–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2021.10.10.013.
Full textAbstract:
В статье обсуждается эссе Карла Кереньи «Religio academici» (1938), которое интерпретируется в надлежащем историко-философском и культурном контексте. Рассматриваются высказанные в этом эссе филологические установки и философские воззрения Кереньи. Особое внимание уделяется тому, каким образом Кереньи истолковывает понятие religio: используя «Учение академиков» и «О природе богов» Цицерона, он пытается истолковать religio эпохи Цицерона в духе скептической Академии и на примере понтифика Гая Аврелия Котты доказывает, что поведенческие характеристики ученого и жреца совпадают. Обращено внимание на то, что академики Котта и Цицерон признают существование богов, в чем схожи с Аркесилаем и Карнеадом, которые полемизировали только с theologia naturalis и rationalis стоиков, тогда как транслируемая традицией религия сомнению не подвергалась. Обсуждается термин «открытость» (das Offene), используемый Кереньи. Указывается, что некоторые положения Кереньи предвосхищают позднейшие высказывания Хайдеггера в статье «Нужны ли поэты?» (1946), посвященной Рильке и Гёльдерлину, что может быть связано с общим источником — опубликованными письмами Рильке. В заключение указано, что сопоставления модусов существования академического ученого и религиозного жреца, которые на первый взгляд могут показаться экстравагантными и произвольными, в полной мере задействованы современными историками науки. The article discusses Karl Kerényi’s essay “Religio academici” (1938), which is interpreted in a proper historical, philosophical and cultural context. The philological attitudes and philosophical views of Kerényi expressed in this essay are considered. Particular attention is paid to how Kerényi interprets the concept of religio: using Cicero’s “Academica priora” and “De natura deorum”, he tries to interpret religio of the Cicero era in the spirit of the skeptical Academy and, using the example of the Roman ponifex and Academic Sceptic Gaius Aurelius Cotta, proves that the behavioral characteristics of an academic and a priest coincide. Attention is drawn to the fact that Academics Cotta and Cicero recognize the existence of gods, in which they are similar to Arcesilaus and Carneades, who polemicized only with the theologia naturalis and rationalis of the Stoics, while the religion transmitted by tradition was not questioned. The term “openness” (das Offene) used by Kerényi is discussed. It is pointed out that some of Kerényi’s propositions anticipate the later statements of Heidegger in the article “Wozu Dichter?” (1946) dedicated to Rilke and Hölderlin, which can be explained by the presence of a common source — Rilke’s published letters. In conclusion, it is indicated that the comparisons made between the modes of existence of an academic and a priest, which at first glance may seem extravagant and arbitrary, are engaged by contemporary historians of science.
44
Figueiredo, Camila Pilotto. "As técnicas de si no estoicismo romano / Technologies of the self in roman stoicism." Brazilian Journal of Development 8, no. 7 (July 8, 2022): 50305–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.34117/bjdv8n7-106.
Full textAbstract:
O presente artigo tem por objetivo descrever as técnicas de si estoicas segundo o pensamento de Michel Foucault. O artigo será realizado em dois momentos: primeiramente serão feitos alguns esclarecimentos conceituais a fim de que entendamos como se relacionam alguns termos frequentemente empregados por Foucault, como cultura de si, técnicas de si e cuidado de si, apontando alguns aspectos históricos relevantes no surgimento do cuidado de si estoico; no segundo momento nos dedicaremos a realizar uma descrição das técnicas de si apresentadas na obra Technologies of the Self. Utilizaremos como referência principal a obra citada, complementando a descrição das mesmas por meio das obras A Hermenêutica do Sujeito e A História da Sexualidade III.
45
ŠARKIĆ, SRĐAN. "IDEAS OF STOIC PHILOSOPHY IN SERBIAN MEDIAEVAL LAW." ИСТРАЖИВАЊА, no. 29 (December 26, 2018): 39–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2018.29.39-47.
Full textAbstract:
Although the textbooks of Stoic philosophers did not survive from the period of independence of the Serbian mediaeval State (from the 12th to the 15th century), some Stoic ideas emerged in Serbia through the texts of Roman lawyers, who in the period of the Principate wrote under the great influence of Stoic philosophy. However, Serbian lawyers did not read the original Latin works of Roman jurists, but rather their Greek translations and adaptations from Byzantine legal miscellanies. Some ideas of Stoic philosophy could be found in several chapters of the Serbian translation of the Syntagma, a nomokanonic miscellany put together in 24 titles (each title has a sign of one of the letters of Greek alphabet) by the monk Matheas Blastares from Thessaloniki. The fragments were taken from Roman jurisprudentes Gaius and Florentinus.
46
Ferriolo, William. "Stoic Suicide: Death Before Dishonor." International Journal of Philosophical Practice 4, no. 4 (2018): 28–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ijpp2018443.
Full textAbstract:
Applying the Roman Stoic criteria for a defensible suicide, this paper argues that suicide in certain circumstances may not merely be permissible, but even morally preferable to the available alternatives, including survival until natural death or some other involuntary end.
47
Armgardt, Matthias. "Zur Bedingungsdogmatik im klassischen römischen Recht und zu ihren Grundlagen in der stoischen Logik." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'Histoire du Droit / The Legal History Review 76, no. 3-4 (2008): 219–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181908x336846.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The doctrine on conditions in classical Roman law and its foundations in Stoic logics. – Juan Miquel established in 1970 that the Roman jurists Proculus, Scaevola and Julian had used techniques of the Stoic logics in order to solve legal problems. In the present article, Miquel's main results are first summarized in terms of modern symbolism. The subsequent argument is that G.W. Leibniz interpreted the same sources equivalently. Finally, an analysis of the logical relationship between condition and conditionatum shows that that relationship must not be characterised as implication but as equivalence, a concept familiar to the Stoic logicians.
48
Brouwer, René. "Ulpian’s appeal to nature: Roman law as universal law." Tijdschrift voor rechtsgeschiedenis 83, no. 1-2 (May 31, 2015): 60–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-08312p04.
Full textAbstract:
In this paper I argue that against the political and perhaps even religiously motivated background of the Constitutio Antoniniana, in order to further enhance the appeal of Roman law, Ulpian seeks to connect law and nature by using Stoic terminology. However, his usage of this terminology is radically distinct from the perfectionist Stoic approach.
49
Ward, Roy Bowen. "Musonius and Paul on Marriage." New Testament Studies 36, no. 2 (April 1990): 281–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500015095.
Full textAbstract:
In a recent article on ‘1 Cor 7:32–35 and Stoic Debates about Marriage, Anxiety, and Distraction’, David L. Balch offers a contribution to the debate whether Stoic ideas, are reflected in Paul's discussion. Balch concludes, in part, that the Roman Stoic Musonius Rufus and the Apostle Paul agree that ‘marriage is helpful for some, not advantageous for others’.
50
Martens, John W. "Romans 2.14–16: A Stoic Reading." New Testament Studies 40, no. 1 (January 1994): 55–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500020439.
Full textAbstract:
Paul's problems with the law are notorious today; they were problematic in his own day too. Less notorious is Paul's view of nature. The two concepts come together in a unique passage in the Pauline corpus, one which seems to indicate that Paul knows of people, Gentiles no less, who do the law – though it is not certain what law – by nature. This contradicts much of what Paul says about Jewish inability to do the Mosaic law. I would like to argue, however, that Paul perceives this ability to do the law by nature as practically impossible. The basis for this argument is not a desire to save Paul from possible contradiction, but Stoic claims about the wise man, the only person capable of following the law of nature.