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Journal articles on the topic 'Roman Republican'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Swan, David. "THE CARNYX ON CELTIC AND ROMAN REPUBLICAN COINAGE." Antiquaries Journal 98 (September 2018): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581518000161.

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This paper explores the cross-cultural portrayals of an unusual and striking musical instrument, the carnyx, on the coinages of the Romans and the inhabitants of Iron Age Britain and Gaul. Fashioned as a snarling boar, the carnyx was a war horn used by the Gauls and Britons that not only captivated the minds of their artists, but also those of the Romans. This paper studies the cross-cultural phenomenon of its appearance in the coin iconography of the late second to late first centuriesbc. This simultaneous analysis of Roman, Gallic and British coinage reveals that while each culture had a shared belief in the carnyx’s military role, each culture also had its own interpretation of the object’s significance. To the Romans, it was a symbol of the barbarian, to be cherished as a war trophy after a Roman victory, but to those northern Europeans, it was a sign of pride and spiritual significance. An image’s meaning is, therefore, seen to transform as it crosses into a new cultural context.

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2

Scott, R. T., Lucy T. Shoe Meritt, and Ingrid E. M. Edlund-Berry. "Etruscan and Republican Roman Mouldings." Journal of Field Archaeology 29, no. 1/2 (2002): 247. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3181504.

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3

Buttle, Nicholas. "Republican Constitutionalism: A Roman Ideal." Journal of Political Philosophy 9, no. 3 (September 2001): 331–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9760.00130.

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4

Vito Paredes, Jaime. "La Iglesia católica romana y la cuestión de la independencia hispanoamericana en la primera mitad del siglo XIX." Allpanchis 47, no. 85 (June 25, 2020): 13–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.36901/allpanchis.v47i85.289.

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Este artículo analiza algunas de las posiciones que los papas asumieron frente al proceso de la independencia hispanoamericana. Interesa observar cómo las transformaciones de la transición del siglo XVIII al XIX condicionaron la lectura de los pontífices enfrentados a una nueva cultura política liberal, republicana y laica y las amenazas al orden tradicional en un período de aceleración de las dinámicas históricas en el naciente mundo atlántico. Dentro de problemas específicos surgen el patronato, la cuestión del reconocimiento de los nuevos Estados republicanos hispanoamericanos y el intento por comprender, desde una nueva perspectiva, el porqué del establecimiento de Estados republicanos confesionales en vínculos con la Iglesia católica, apostólica y romana, y la no aparición de Iglesias católicas nacionales a lo largo y ancho de la América hispana. Abstract This article analyzes some of the positions held by the popes about the process of Hispanic American Independence. Noteworthy is the analysis of how transformations brought about by the transition from the XVIII to the XIX century, conditioned the pontiffs’ beliefs when faced with both the new liberal, republican and lay politics and the threat to traditional order in a period of acceleration of historical dynamics in the new Atlantic world. Among specific problems, this article covers the birth of patronage and the acknowledgment of the new Hispano-American republican states. Finally we use a new perspective as an attempt to explain why states throughout Hispanic America developed into confessional republics linked to the roman apostolic catholic church instead of creating their own national catholic churches.

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Vatter, Miguel. "Roman Civil Religion and the Question of Jewish Politics in Arendt." Philosophy Today 62, no. 2 (2018): 573–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtoday2018614225.

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This article discusses the question of how Arendt’s mature “neo-Roman” republican political theory relates to her early . It argues that her early reflections on the problem of Jewish politics in modernity already adopt one of the main pillars of her later republican political theory, i.e., the substitution of federalism for sovereignty. The article puts forth the hypothesis that Arendt’s republicanism takes up the idea that Romans and Jews, during their republican periods, both held a “civil” conception of religion. Arendt’s conception of civil religion is analyzed in light of her readings of Virgil. The article concludes that Arendt’s mature political thought is neither “non-religious” nor contains a “political theology” but that it does put forward a civil-religious interpretation of natality and plurality.

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6

GOLDBERG, SANDER M. "Roman Republican Theatre by GESINE MANUWALD." Classical Journal 107, no. 4 (2012): 506–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tcj.2012.0025.

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7

SAGLAN, Suhal. "ROMAN REPUBLICAN FEMALE PORTRAITS FROM ANATOLIA." TÜRKİYE BİLİMLER AKADEMİSİ ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ, no. 20 (June 30, 2017): 159–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.22520/tubaar.2017.20.009.

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8

Franko, George Fredric. "Roman Republican Theatre by Gesine Manuwald." Classical World 107, no. 1 (2013): 126–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2013.0099.

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9

Brooke, Christopher. "“In Roman Costume and with Roman Phrases”: Skinner, Pettit and Hobbes on Republican Liberty." Hobbes Studies 22, no. 2 (2009): 178–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/092158909x12452520755559.

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AbstractThe paper presents a critical discussion of Pettit and Skinner's recent treatments of Hobbes on republican freedom, in particular situating Hobbes's attack on the republican politicians from The Elements of Law in the contexts, first, of other contemporary suspicion directed against those politicians who struck a distinctively “Roman” pose, and, second, of Hobbes's wider psychology of politics, before concluding with some reflections on the relationship between Hobbes's political theory and the project of egalitarian republicanism.

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10

Santangelo, Federico. "PRIESTLYAUCTORITASIN THE ROMAN REPUBLIC." Classical Quarterly 63, no. 2 (November 8, 2013): 743–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838813000220.

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Some of the best recent work on Roman priesthoods under the Republic has engaged with the issue of priestly authority and its role in defining the place of priesthoods vis-à-vis other centres of power, influence and knowledge. The aim of this paper is to make a contribution to this line of enquiry by focussing on the concept of priestlyauctoritas, which has seldom received close attention. The working hypothesis is that the study of priestlyauctoritasmay contribute to a broader understanding of the place of priesthood in Republican Rome, and especially in the Late Republican period, from which most of the evidence derives. The link between religious authority and religious expertise requires special attention.

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11

NOVICHENKOVA, N. G., and M. V. NOVICHENKOVA. "Roman republican Coins from archaeological excavations of the Sanctuary near the Pass Gurzufskoe Sedlo in the Mountain Crimea." Ancient World and Archaeology 18 (2017): 252–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/0320-961x-2017-18-252-274.

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The article describes the characteristics of 35 Roman republican and Roman provincial silver coins II-I cent BC found during archaeological excavations of the sanctuary near the pass Gurzufskoe Sedlo in 1981–1993 at Mountain Crimea. Coins refer to the chronological periods of the Mithridates' Wars, the first triumvirate, the dictatorship of Julius Caesar, the second triumvirate, the reign of Octavian. In view of the rarity of the discovery of Roman republican coins in the cultural layers of archaeological sites of the Northern Black Sea region, the detailed stratigraphy data of Roman coins are provided.

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12

Prag, Jonathan R. W. "Auxilia and Gymnasia: A Sicilian Model of Roman Imperialism." Journal of Roman Studies 97 (November 2007): 68–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3815/000000007784016061.

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This paper examines the evidence for military activity in the Republican provincia of Sicily from the Punic Wars to the Civil Wars, and the implications of this for our understanding of Republican Sicily and Republican imperialism. After the Second Punic War there was very little use of Roman or Italian allied soldiers on the island, but extensive use, by Rome, of local Sicilian soldiers. The rich evidence for gymnasia suggests one way in which this use of local manpower was based upon existing civic structures and encouraged local civic culture and identity. These conclusions prompt a reassessment of the importance of auxilia externa under the Roman Republic and of models for Republican imperial control of provinciae.

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Thomas, Philip. "Late Republican (r)evolutions in Roman law." Studia Universitatis Babeş-Bolyai Iurisprudentia 65, no. 4 (March 16, 2021): 977–1005. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbiur.65(2020).4.29.

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In this article it is argued that the re-organisation of the Roman military by Marius prepared the way for the following civil wars and dictatorships rather than the inherent failures of the republican constitution. This paper sketches the socio-political context of Cicero’s life and holds that this last republican left an important theoretical body of legal work besides his court work. Cicero’s moral philosophy is reflected in his belief in natural law and his staunch partisanship for the power of good faith in Roman law.

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Milne, Kathryn. "Family Paradigms in the Roman Republican Military." Intertexts 16, no. 1 (2012): 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/itx.2012.0011.

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15

Kavelar, Albert, Sebastian Zambanini, and Martin Kampel. "Reading the legends of Roman Republican coins." Journal on Computing and Cultural Heritage 7, no. 1 (February 13, 2014): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2583115.

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16

Rowan, Clare. "Ambiguity, Iconology and Entangled Objects on Coinage of the Republican World." Journal of Roman Studies 106 (August 16, 2016): 21–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435816000629.

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ABSTRACTThe provincial coinage of the Roman Empire has proven to be a rich source for studying civic experiences of Roman rule, but the coins struck outside Rome during the expansion of the Roman Republic have, by contrast, received relatively little attention. This article aims to begin redressing this neglect by exploring the active rôle of coinage in conceptualizing and representing Roman Republican power. A variety of approaches to this neglected material are employed in order to highlight its potential as a source. Ambiguity, iconology, and entanglement are used as frameworks to explore case studies from across the Roman Republican world, from Spain to Syria. This approach to coin imagery under the Republic reveals the complexity and variety in which the Roman presence, and Romanimperium, was represented before the advent of the Principate.

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17

Walters, Brian. "Sulla’s Phthiriasis and the Republican Body Politic." Mnemosyne 72, no. 6 (October 31, 2019): 949–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342610.

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AbstractIt has long been suspected that Roman moralizing and the slander of political enemies lay behind the story of Sulla’s horrific death by vermin. This study traces the evocative logic of Sulla’s affliction to a constellation of Roman attitudes about corruption, self-mastery, and the body politic. It also argues that Sulla’s own rhetoric about the health of the state played a formative role in shaping narratives about his gruesome end.

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18

NILSEN, HÅVARD FRIIS. "REPUBLICAN MONARCHY: THE NEO-ROMAN CONCEPT OF LIBERTY AND THE NORWEGIAN CONSTITUTION OF 1814." Modern Intellectual History 16, no. 1 (June 13, 2017): 29–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244317000191.

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The Norwegian Constitution of 1814 was the last in a series of European constitutions inspired by the American and French examples between 1776 and 1814 of which today the American and the Norwegian examples are the only two left. This paper revisits the debates preceding the Norwegian 17 May 1814 Constitution and argues that republican ideas of liberty as independence from arbitrary power formed the intellectual background and context of the debates. This breaks with standard narratives in Norwegian history where the constitution is described as an early example of liberalism. The republican influence forces us to revise the conventional reading of the Norwegian Constitution, and may further provide us with new keys to interpret the intellectual roots of the “Nordic model.” The author suggests that the present high levels of economic equality, egalitarianism and trust in the Scandinavian countries may have their intellectual origins in a particular “Scandinavian republicanism,” inspired by the example of the American republicans in the late eighteenth century.

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19

Erskine, Andrew. "Hellenistic Monarchy and Roman Political Invective." Classical Quarterly 41, no. 1 (May 1991): 106–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000983880000358x.

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The origins of the well-known hatred for the nomen regis at Rome are in this way explained by Cicero in the De Republica, written in the late 50s b.c. Tarquinius Superbus, Rome's last king, so traumatised the Roman people that the term rex still had a potent effect almost five hundred years after his downfall. Many modern scholars would accept that the Roman hatred of kings was deep-rooted and intense, and it is often called upon to explain Roman behaviour. This approach finds clear expression in the latest edition of the Cambridge Ancient History, where one scholar in his discussion of the overthrow of Tarquinius writes: ‘Forever after the Romans hated the very idea of a king’. Yet an examination of Latin writings from the Republican period, rather than confirming this, reveals much that is at odds with this interpretation of the Roman attitude towards kings and the concept of kingship. Surprisingly, even their own kings are generally treated favourably. While there is no doubt that there was hostility to kings in the first century b.c., it is necessary to reconsider its origins and nature. I wish to argue that it was neither as long-standing nor as intense as is traditionally assumed. Its origins should be sought not in the distant obscurity of the last years of the regal period, but in Rome's encounters with the hellenistic kings of the East in the second century b.c.

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20

Cortés Vicente, Ada. "The Republican Houses of the Roman Colonies in Ancient Magna Graecia. Cultural Exchange from a Western Perspective." Światowit, no. 58 (September 14, 2020): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/0082-044x.swiatowit.58.3.

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This article presents an analysis that is being carried out within the framework of the ‘Tetrastylon project’ (Marie Skłodowska-Curie Research Fellowship). This project is designed to create the scientific basis for the identification and definition of a new type of Roman domus. This typological item is the result of the hybridisation of a house scheme drawn from the Greek and Roman conceptions of housing. In the recent decades, some studies have found a particular type of Roman house in different parts of the Empire. The structural scheme of this domus joins, in the first place, the developmental concept of the Greek dwelling with the use of the Roman atrium as the central distribution area of the house. As a result of this cultural symbiosis, it is possible to observe Roman distribution areas within housing built following Greek structural conceptions and the combination of very different architectural influences between both cultures. The house, tentatively termed ‘the tetrastyle courtyard house’, has been observed in different Roman cities with a Greek past, but in different geographical contexts and chronologies. This type of house, with its variants, has not been sufficiently analysed in the Roman domestic architecture studies. This article will present different examples of this type of house within the territorial context of ancient Magna Graecia under the influence of the Roman dominion. This approach will show the same exchanges between the Greeks and the Romans in the East, but from the western perspective and at an earlier chronological stage.

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21

Hitchner, R. Bruce. "Roman Republican Imperialism in Italy and the West." American Journal of Archaeology 113, no. 4 (October 2009): 651–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3764/aja.113.4.651.

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22

Steel, C. "Introduction: The Legacy of the Republican Roman Senate." Classical Receptions Journal 7, no. 1 (December 16, 2014): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/crj/clu011.

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23

URBINATI, NADIA. "Competing for Liberty: The Republican Critique of Democracy." American Political Science Review 106, no. 3 (August 2012): 607–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055412000317.

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Freedom as non-domination has acquired a leading status in political science. As a consequence of its success, neo-roman republicanism also has achieved great prominence as the political tradition that delivered it. Yet despite the fact that liberty in the Roman mode was forged not only in direct confrontation with monarchy but against democracy as well, the relationship of republicanism to democracy is the great absentee in the contemporary debate on non-domination. This article brings that relationship back into view in both historical and conceptual terms. It illustrates the misrepresentations of democracy in the Roman tradition and shows how these undergirded the theory of liberty as non-domination as a counter to political equality as a claim to taking part inimperium. In so doing it brings to the fore the “liberty side” of democratic citizenship as the equal rights of all citizens to exercise their political rights, in direct or indirect form.

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Manuwald, Gesine. "Roman Comedy." Brill Research Perspectives in Classical Poetry 1, no. 2 (April 22, 2020): 1–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25892649-12340002.

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Abstract This contribution provides an introduction to all varieties of ‘Roman comedy’, including primarily fabula palliata (‘new comedy’, as represented by Plautus and Terence) as well as fabula togata, fabula Atellana, mimus and pantomimus. It examines the major developments in the establishment of these dramatic genres, their main characteristics, the performance contexts for them in Republican Rome, and their reception. The presentation of the key facts is accompanied by a description of the influential turns and recent trends in scholarship on Roman comedy. The essay is designed for scholars, teachers and (graduate) students who have some familiarity with Roman literature and are looking for (further) orientation in the area of Roman comedy.

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Kaldellis, Anthony. "Republican theory and political dissidence in Ioannes Lydos." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 29, no. 1 (2005): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307013100015135.

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The treatise of Ioannes LydosOn the Magistracies of the Roman Statecontains an argument against the legitimacy of the Roman emperors and in favour of the political freedom of the Republic. This argument targets Justinian in particular, whom Lydos compares to tyrants such as the early kings of Rome and the dynasts of the Republic. While most of the essay examines the details of Lydos' text, some consideration is given to its historical context and the range and nature of political dissidence in early Byzantium.

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Barwicka-Tylek, Iwona. "Trzy razy res publica: Thomas Smith, Gasparo Contarini i Wawrzyniec Goślicki." Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 65, no. 1 (November 2, 2018): 75–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/cph.2013.65.1.03.

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The interest in Republican thought is on the increase again, now chiefl y thanks to the works of Quentin Skinner and the circle of so-called neo-Republicans (or civic Republicans) concentrated around Phillip Petit. They stress the peculiar perspective that Republicans have had on the state and society. This is seen in their distinctive view of freedom as the absence of domination, or attachment to the category of citizenship and the related role of civic virtues. These special characteristics justify, in their opinion, distinguishing the Republican trend of political thought (historically and now) from other positions, especially the liberal tradition. Accepting generally the above opinion, the paper draws our attention to signifi - cant differences within Republicanism itself. To do this, it cites the three conceptions of republic that were formed in the 16th century and refer to England (Sir Thomas Smith), Venice (Gasparo Contarini) and Poland (Wawrzyniec Goślicki). Although they were formed around the same time and have common roots mainly in Aristotle’s philosophy and Roman Republican ideas, each of the three perspectives views the republic from a different angle. While all three authors believe the coexistence of three elements – orderly institutions, wise law and virtuous citizens – to be crucial for any state, they rely in their deliberations on one element only. This has an impact on the way their conceptions fi nally appear and on the conclusions for the political system they draw. And so, Smith gives precedence to institutions, Contarini emphasises the key role of law and Goślicki gives primacy to virtue, concentrated in an ideal senator. Taking notice of such differences among thinkers openly admitting to an attachment to the Republican tradition should make us even more careful so as not to oversimplify it as if it were uniform and completely cohesive. Further, the awareness of such differences may provoke refl ection how justifi ed the use of the Republican banner is in respect of so different authors as, for instance, Machiavelli and Montesquieu.

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Lampinen, Antti. "Breaching the Alps." History in flux 3, no. 3 (December 22, 2021): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.32728/flux.2021.3.1.

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The Roman preoccupation with the Alps as the tutamen of Italy owed its epistemic immediacy to a much more recent event—the Cimbric Wars (113-101 BCE). This traumatic episode had reawakened imagery of the northern enemies penetrating the “Wall of Italy,” which in some cases went all the way back to the Mid-Republican narrative traditions of the Gallic Invasions and the much more frequently debated shock of Hannibal’s invasion. The significance of this imagery continued even beyond the Augustan era, so that remnants of the same Roman insecurity about the “Wall of Italy” being breached, especially by northerners, are preserved in narratives about later Julio-Claudians such as Caligula and Nero. This article first looks at the likely origins of the idea of the Alps as the “Wall of Italy” in Middle-Republican perceptions, projected back onto the past and presenting Rome as predestined to dominate Italy and the Gauls in particular as external intruders in the peninsula. Next, the Late Republican and Augustan stages of the motif is reviewed, and the impact of the Cimbric Wars on this imagery is debated. Finally, there will be brief discussion of anecdotes found in Tacitus and Suetonius about later Julio-Claudian episodes in which the fear of a northern invasion breaching the Alps seem to have gripped the Romans.

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28

Heijnen, Sam. "Athens and the Anchoring of Roman Rule in the First Century BCE (67–17)." Journal of Ancient History 6, no. 1 (June 4, 2018): 80–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jah-2017-0023.

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AbstractThe early Augustan Age witnessed an increase in building activities and overall interest in mainland Greece which has primarily been understood from the perspective of Roman appropriation of Greek culture, or from that of local Greek independence and “re-Hellenization.” Taking late Republican Athens as an extensive case study, this article shows that, when moving beyond either a top-down or bottom-up vision, developments in the late Republican and early Augustan Age can be properly contextualized as being part of a continuous strategy of Roman leaders and the Athenian elite to negotiate power and influence within a shared field of references.

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Vacinová, Lenka. "Image of Tarpeia on Roman Coins." Numismatické listy 71, no. 1-2 (June 1, 2016): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nl-2016-0001.

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Abstract Relatively rare representations of the Punishment of Tarpeia on Roman Republican denarii and in Basilica Aemilia Frieze are discussed considering the historical background and literary records, and they are confronted with iconographical schemes and parallels from the Greek mythology regarding them as potential original models.

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Grumeza, Lavinia. "Corpus of the Roman Finds in the European Barbaricum. Romania 1." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 26, no. 2 (December 18, 2020): 332–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700577-12341377.

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Abstract The goal of this paper is to present the Roman products found in Arad County (West Romania), to analyse the Roman-Dacians connections, and the avenues by which the Roman goods made their way into the Dacian world, west of the Carpathians. Excluding the coins, Italian goods are sporadically found in Dacian sites dating from the 1st century BC to the 1st century AD: some fragmentary bronze and glass vessels, terra sigillata, and various ceramic plates. Most of the imports occur in settlements and hoards, but except for the coins, other types of Roman items were not treasured. The preponderance of the Republican denarii (and imitations) over the imperial ones can be easily distinguished – no matter where they were struck. The conspicuously high quantity of coins could indicate special donations received by the Dacians from the Romans, particularly during the reign of Burebista and Decebalus.

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Stevenson, Tom. "The ‘Problem’ With Nude Honorific Statuary and Portraits in Late Republican and Augustan Rome." Greece and Rome 45, no. 1 (April 1998): 45–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gr/45.1.45.

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In his seminal work, The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus, Paul Zanker wrote of a problem with nude honorific statuary in Late Republican Rome and of ‘conflict and contradiction’ in the style of Roman portraits during the same period. The ‘problem’ was a matter of nudity and style; it also had a moral dimension. Under political or social pressure, there was a tendency at Rome to express the effects of cultural change in moral terms: viz., literary works concerned with political or social attitudes of the Romans tended to describe elements like luxuria and adulatio(‘luxury’ and ‘sycophancy’) as ‘Greek and decadent in contrast to good, honest, ‘Roman’ values and traditions, such as virtus (‘courage’), fides (‘good faith’), and pietas (‘devotion’). Taking his cue from such attacks on aspects of the hellenization of Rome, Zanker gave a moral dimension to the ‘conflict and contradiction’ he discerned in the style of Roman honorific statues and portraits of the second and first centuries B.C. This idea that art can express moral values, even moral conflict, is of great interest and fundamental significance. The present paper focuses upon the way Zanker applies it to Late Republican statues and portraits in the light of recent scholarship. In particular, it will be argued, firstly, that the form of the art does not really make sense if there was as much conflict with Greek ideas and styles as generalizations from the literary sources might imply; secondly, that a nude or partially nude portrait statue of a living noble or emperor was not as problematic at Rome as is commonly believed; and thirdly, as a consequence, that Zanker's views about moral conflict in the style of Late Republican statues and portraits, and about the stylistic resolution of this ‘conflict’ under Augustus, should be substantially modified.

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Howley, Joseph A. "Book-Burning and the Uses of Writing in Ancient Rome: Destructive Practice between Literature and Document." Journal of Roman Studies 107 (July 10, 2017): 213–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435817000764.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines the burning of written material at Rome from the Republican period until the rise of Christianity, using the lens of book history. It considers why and how Romans burned written material, gathering for the first time all testimony of burning any kind of writing, and examines responses to these burnings in ancient discourse. A capacious, book-historical approach to Roman book-burning shows that differences in practice and uses — of books as opposed to documents, for example — account for the different consequences Romans saw for burning different written media.

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Laffi, Umberto. "V. II principio dell’irretroattività della legge nell’esperienza giuridica romana dell’età repubblicana." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 138, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 245–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgr-2021-0005.

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Abstract The Principle of the Irretroactivity of the Law in the Roman Legal Experience in the Republican Age. Through an in-depth analysis of literary and legal sources (primarily Cicero) and of epigraphic evidence, the author demonstrates that the principle of the law’s non-retroactivity was known to, and applied by, the Romans since the Republican age. The political struggle favored on several occasions the violation of this principle by imposing an extraordinary criminal legislation, aimed at sanctioning past behaviors of adversaries. But, although with undeniable limits of effectiveness in the dynamic relationship with the retroactivity, the author acknowledges that at the end of the first century BC non-retroactivity appeared as the dominant principle, consolidated both in the field of the civil law as well as substantive criminal law.

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Popkin, Maggie L. "Decorum and the Meanings of Materials in Triumphal Architecture of Republican Rome." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 74, no. 3 (September 1, 2015): 289–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2015.74.3.289.

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In Decorum and the Meanings of Materials in Triumphal Architecture of Republican Rome, Maggie L. Popkin argues that the literal and figurative values of materials in republican triumphal architecture stemmed from complex interactions among patron, architect, audience, and sociohistorical context. Several case studies—the Temple of Fortuna Equestris, the Porticus Metelli, the Round Temple on the Tiber, and Temple B in the Area Sacra di Largo Argentina—demonstrate that the juxtaposition of multiple materials, changing historical circumstances, and new groups of viewers resulted in constantly shifting meanings of materials in republican architecture. The Roman notion of decorum helps explain the shifting uses and valuations of materials. Factors such as the monument’s patron, the event that sparked its construction, its location, the monument type, the availability of materials, and the intended audiences affected the choice of materials and their intended and perceived meanings, which had rich conceptual and imaginative potential to evoke Roman conquest, piety, and spectacle.

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Lockyear, Kris. "Simulation, Seriation and the Dating of Roman Republican Coins." Journal of Computer Applications in Archaeology 5, no. 1 (February 8, 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/jcaa.57.

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Boschetti, Cristina, Anna Corradi, and Pietro Baraldi. "Raman characterization of painted mortar in Republican Roman mosaics." Journal of Raman Spectroscopy 39, no. 8 (August 2008): 1085–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jrs.1970.

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Marcattili, Francesco. "DRIEDIGER-MURPHY, LINDSAY GAYLE (2019). Roman Republican Augury. Freedom and Control. Oxford: Oxford University Press." ARYS. Antigüedad: Religiones y Sociedades, no. 18 (December 14, 2020): 400. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/arys.2020.5565.

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Lapyrenok, Roman. "The Political and Economic Origins of the Roman Revolution." Journal of Economic History and History of Economics 22, no. 2 (June 7, 2021): 222–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-2488.2021.22(2).222-245.

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The paper considers some economic and legal aspects of the struggle for the public land in Late Republican Rome. This period is one of the most controversial in ancient history; it brought many significant changes to the socio-economic and political life of Rome and contributed much to its transformation from Republic to Principate. Nevertheless, there is no special paper examining the competition between the Romans and Italians for the ager publicus populi Romani which started with the agrarian reform of Tiberius Gracchus in modern historiography. The first episode ended after the enactment in 111 B.C. of the lex agraria, when a large amount of public land was brought into private hands by its Roman possessors. A further part of the ager publicus populi Romani was still public and remained in hands of the socii. The logic of historical process, the economic changes of the second century B.C. which led Rome from Republic to Principate, demanded the formation of a new class of landowners. The latter would be the basis of the political system of the Roman Empire instead of the nobilitas; its political power would be based on private ownership of land. This was impossible without the full privatization of public land, and it is logical that the struggle for the ager publicus populi Romani was not ended in 111 B.C. Only after privatization of that land, which was possessed by the allies, the agrarian question in Rome could be fully resolved. The latter problem is of crucial importance for the further history of Rome, because it not only caused the Social War but also radically changed both the social structure and the political balance within Roman society during the last decades of the Republic.

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Davies, Penelope J. E. "A REPUBLICAN DILEMMA: CITY OR STATE? OR, THE CONCRETE REVOLUTION REVISITED." Papers of the British School at Rome 85 (July 24, 2017): 71–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246217000046.

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In a well-known passage, the Greek historian Polybius, writing in the mid-second century BC, attributes Rome's success as a republic to a perfect balance of power between its constituent elements, army, senate and people (Histories6.11); and indeed, the Republic's long survival was an achievement worth explaining. On another note, over a century later, Livy remarked how Republican Rome, with its rambling street plan and miscellany of buildings, compared unfavourably with the magnificent royal cities of the eastern Mediterranean; he put this down to hasty rebuilding after a great Gallic conflagration around 390 BC. Few scholars now accept his explanation. A handful of scholars argue for underlying rationales, usually when setting up the early city as a foil for its transformation under Augustus and subsequent emperors, and their conclusions tend towards characterizing the city's design as an unintended corollary to the annual turnover of magistrates. This article, likewise, argues for the role of government in the city's appearance; but it contends that the state of Republican urbanism was deliberate. A response, of sorts, to both ancient authors' observations, it addresses how provisions to ensure equilibrium in one of the Republic's components, the senatorial class, in the interests of preserving the res publica, came at a vital cost to the city's architectural evolution. These provisions took the form of intentional constraints (on time and money), to prevent élite Romans from building like, and thus presenting themselves as, Mediterranean monarchs. Painting with a broad chronological stroke, it traces the tension between the Roman Republic in its ideal state and the physical city, exploring the strategies élite Romans developed to work within the constraints. Only when unforeseen factors weakened the state's power to self-regulate could the built city flourish and, in doing so, further diminish the state. Many of these factors — such as increased wealth in the second century and the first-century preponderance of special commands — are known; to these, this article argues, should be added the development of concrete.

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István, Fábián. "“Bellator Equus”. Roman Republican Cavalry Tactics in the 3rd-2nd Centuries Bc." Acta Marisiensis. Seria Historia 2, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/amsh-2020-0008.

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Abstract One of the most interesting periods in the history of the Roman cavalry were the Punic wars. Many historians believe that during these conflicts the ill fame of the Roman cavalry was founded but, as it can be observed it was not the determination that lacked. The main issue is the presence of the political factor who decided in the main battles of this conflict. The present paper has as aim to outline a few aspects of how the Roman mid-republican cavalry met these odds and how they tried to incline the balance in their favor.

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Behrends, Okko. "Richard A. Bauman, Lawyers in Roman Republican Politics. Ders., Lawyers in Roman Transitional Politics." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung 107, no. 1 (August 1, 1990): 585–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.1990.107.1.585.

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Alves, Vital Francisco Celestino. "Montesquieu: republicanismo e corrupção política [Montesquieu: republicanism and political corruption]." Princípios: Revista de Filosofia (UFRN) 24, no. 44 (August 21, 2017): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.21680/1983-2109.2017v24n44id11568.

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Embora Montesquieu seja conhecido, acima de tudo, por sua célebre teoria da separação dos poderes e tenha seu pensamento recorrentemente vinculado à perspectiva do liberalismo, sua reflexão política não pode se restringir a essas duas linhas interpretativas. Principalmente porque entendemos que a reflexão apresentada pelo pensador de Bordeaux também possui uma interessante ligação com a tradição republicana e contribuiu expressivamente para a retomada dessa tradição no Século das Luzes. Partindo dessa hipótese, o presente artigo tem como objetivo principal demonstrar e valorizar a contribuição de Montesquieu para com a formação do republicanismo. Para tanto, nos concentraremos: em primeiro lugar, na análise que ele realiza acerca do legado romano, isto é, as especificidades de Roma em seu período republicano e a relevância da virtude política para esse regime; em segundo lugar, na avaliação e promoção de uma discussão sobre os dois fundamentos imprescindíveis da República: a igualdade e a liberdade; por fim, na investigação das razões pelas quais a corrupção política e o luxo podem conduzir à República a falência. [While Montesquieu is known, above all, for his celebrated theory of separation of powers and his thought is recurrently linked to the perspective of liberalism, his political thought cannot be restricted to those two interpretative lines. Mainly because we understand that the ideas proposed by the philosopher of Bordeaux also has an interesting connection with the Republican tradition and has contributed significantly to the resumption of this tradition in the Age of Enlightenment. From this hypothesis, the main objective of this article is to demonstrate and value the contribution of Montesquieu to the formation of republicanism. For this goal, we shall focus: firstly, on the analysis he per-forms of the Roman legacy, that is, the specifics of Rome in its Republican Period and the relevance of political virtue to that regime; secondly, on the review and promotion of a discussion of the two essential foundations of the republic: equality and liberty; finally, on an investigation of the reasons why political corruption and luxury can lead the republic to failure.]

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Sidarovich, Vital'. "New Finds of Roman Republican Period Denarii in the Territory of Belarus." Notae Numismaticae - TOM XV, no. 15 (May 17, 2021): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.52800/ajst.1.a.06.

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The article examines data on new finds of the coins of Roman Republic in western Belarus. A hoard found in the vicinity of the village of Luckaŭliany occupies a special place among them. It contained 11 Roman Republican denarii and a Numidian denarius. These data suggest that the distribution of silver coins of the 2nd to the 1st centuries BC in this part of Barbaricum was associated with the expansion of the Przeworsk culture, the bearers of which were quite familiar with Roman silver coins. At the same time, most of the finds under consideration should not be associated with the Przeworsk culture itself, but with population of neighboring cultures that had intensive contacts with the latter.

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Sciarrino, Enrica. "TRACES OF PHILOLOGY IN MID-REPUBLICAN LATIN POETRY." Ramus 48, no. 2 (December 2019): 148–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2019.15.

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At some point in the early second century CE Suetonius set out to compose biographies of important Roman literary figures. The largest surviving section of this work—known as the De Grammaticis et Rhetoribus—opens with what is generally considered an account of the early beginnings of philology in Rome.

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Haynes, Holly. "Tacitus's Dangerous Word." Classical Antiquity 23, no. 1 (April 1, 2004): 33–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2004.23.1.33.

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AbstractThe fact that vocabulum appears with far more frequency in Tacitus' texts than in any other author except for the encyclopaedists argues for his idiosyncratic usage of the term. This article argues that imperial discourse, nearly identical in structure and expression to that of the Republic but divorced from Republican connotations, provided an empty site where Roman fantasies of self-definition took strong hold, and that Tacitus uses vocabulum to indicate words and concepts that illustrate this process, particularly with reference to representations of the foreign and the past. Such a discourse was congenial for the concentration of power in the hands of one person, as it no longer expressed the conflicting desires of a community engaged in public affairs, but collectivized the public desire for an image of Roman superiority. Thus Germany and the old Republican past were easily mythologized as what Rome desired to be, but feared it was not. Tacitus' use of vocabulum highlights the words in imperial discourse that betray the gap in the political unconscious between Romans' idea of themselves as masters of the Empire and as slaves to one ruler. Nor does he position himself as an outside observer of this process, but creates an experience of it for the reader through gaps and inconsistencies within his narrative.

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Anwar, Hafeez, Serwah Sabetghadam, and Peter Bell. "An Image-Based Class Retrieval System for Roman Republican Coins." Entropy 22, no. 8 (July 22, 2020): 799. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/e22080799.

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We propose an image-based class retrieval system for ancient Roman Republican coins that can be instrumental in various archaeological applications such as museums, Numismatics study, and even online auctions websites. For such applications, the aim is not only classification of a given coin, but also the retrieval of its information from standard reference book. Such classification and information retrieval is performed by our proposed system via a user friendly graphical user interface (GUI). The query coin image gets matched with exemplar images of each coin class stored in the database. The retrieved coin classes are then displayed in the GUI along with their descriptions from a reference book. However, it is highly impractical to match a query image with each of the class exemplar images as there are 10 exemplar images for each of the 60 coin classes. Similarly, displaying all the retrieved coin classes and their respective information in the GUI will cause user inconvenience. Consequently, to avoid such brute-force matching, we incrementally vary the number of matches per class to find the least matches attaining the maximum classification accuracy. In a similar manner, we also extend the search space for coin class to find the minimal number of retrieved classes that achieve maximum classification accuracy. On the current dataset, our system successfully attains a classification accuracy of 99% for five matches per class such that the top ten retrieved classes are considered. As a result, the computational complexity is reduced by matching the query image with only half of the exemplar images per class. In addition, displaying the top 10 retrieved classes is far more convenient than displaying all 60 classes.

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Dobson, M. J., and J. Pamment Salvatore. "Roman Republican Castrametation: A Reappraisal of Historical and Archaeological Sources." Britannia 28 (1997): 507. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/526802.

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Jolowicz, Daniel. "Sicily and Roman Republican History in Chariton’s Chaereas and Callirhoe." Journal of Hellenic Studies 138 (2018): 127–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426918000083.

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AbstractChariton's Chaereas and Callirhoe is a Greek novel that is extremely rich in historical and historiographical allusions. Virtually all of those so far detected derive from Greek texts and events in Greek history. In this article I shift the focus to Roman history, and suggest that Rome is not as absent as it is usually supposed to be in the Greek novels. In support of this claim, I propose that Chariton's choice of Sicily as a topographical setting can be related to three episodes from the Republican period that all involve Roman interventions in Sicily. Section I: the removal of Callirhoe (described at the beginning of the novel as an ἄγαλμα) from Syracuse recalls Verres’ provincial mismanagement of Sicily (73–71 BC), specifically his removal from Syracuse of Sappho's statue. Section II: the character of the pirate Theron is freighted with markers that point to the ‘pirate’ Sextus Pompey and his conflict with Octavian from 42–36 BC. Section III: Chaereas’ triumphant return to Syracuse at the end of the novel, loaded with spoils from the Persian king, symbolically reverses and redresses Marcellus’ sack of Syracuse in 211 BC. These all have significant ramifications for how readers (ancient and modern) approach the Greek novels.

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Welch, Katherine. "The Roman arena in late-Republican Italy: a new interpretation." Journal of Roman Archaeology 7 (1994): 59–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400012502.

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Gillmeister, Andrzej. "Roman Republican Augury: Freedom and Control by L.G. Driediger-Murphy." Acta Classica 63, no. 1 (2020): 264–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/acl.2020.0020.

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