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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 February 2022

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1

Arjava, Antti. "Paternal Power in Late Antiquity." Journal of Roman Studies 88 (November 1998): 147–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300809.

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One of the most peculiar features of Roman law was the father's dominant position. In theory, he exercised an almost absolute authority, patria potestas, over his descendants until his own death. The uniqueness of their family system did not escape the Romans themselves. In his mid-second-century legal textbook Gaius explained:Item in potestate nostra sunt liberi nostri quos iustis nuptiis procreavimus. Quod ius proprium civium Romanorum est; fere enim nulli alii sunt homines, qui talem in filios suos habent potestatem, qualem nos habemus. Idque divus Hadrianus edicto, quod proposuit de his, qui sibi liberisque suis ab eo civitatem Romanam petebant, significavit. Nec me praeterit Galatarum gentem credere in potestate parentum liberos esse. (Inst. 1.55)Again, we have in our power our children, the offspring of a Roman law marriage. This right is one which only Roman citizens have; there are virtually no other peoples who have such power over their sons as we have over ours. This was made known by the emperor Hadrian in an edict which he issued concerning those who applied to him for Roman citizenship for themselves and their children. I have not forgotten that the Galatians believe that children are in the power of their parents. (Translated by W. M. Gordon and O. F. Robinson, The Institutes of Gaius (1988))This account immediately raises at least one fundamental question: If patria potestas was a distinctive feature of Roman society, how did the other peoples of the Empire react to it after the universal grant of the Roman citizenship in A.D. 212?

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2

Han, Zexu. "Negotiation Techniques in the Diplomacy of the Roman Empire to the Hun Empire During Attila Period." Lifelong Education 9, no. 5 (August 2, 2020): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.18282/le.v9i5.1202.

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The diplomacy of the Roman Empire is usually regarded as the appendage of the Roman military, but its diplomacy after the decline of the Roman military is seldom studied. The arguments presented here analyze the diplomatic negotiation skills of the Roman Empire during the Attila period, that is, the negotiation skills of the Romans when the Roman army lost its power.

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Sirks, A. J. B. "Emanzipation als rite de passage." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 137, no. 1 (August 21, 2020): 331–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgr-2020-0017.

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AbstractEmanzipation as rite de passage. Formula Visigothica 34 (7th c.) describes an emancipation. The text suggests that sons of Romans had an expectation to be released in this way from the paternal power when they reached the age of majority. Emancipation was specifically dealt with in their law, the Lex Romana Visigothorum. Some of these do not figure in Justinian’s Code. They might fit the gap, otherwise filled by excerpts from the Theodosian Code, which, however, C. 8,48,6 of 531 would have made outdated. Form. 34 treats the emancipation as a rite de passage. As such it would have accommodated those peoples, made Roman in 212, whose children normally reached majority at a certain age but now were subjected to the Roman patria potestas-system. In this way the old situation would be restored within the Roman setting. Two Theodosian constitutions indicate indeed such a general use.

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4

DeCasien, Stephen. "Ancient Roman Naval Rams as Objects of Phallic Power." Journal of Ancient History 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 123–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jah-2020-0007.

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Abstract Polyvalent meanings behind naval ram displays were prevalent and ingrained in the Roman world, especially at Octavian’s Campsite Memorial for the Actian War. Naval rams and their display alluded to gender and power discourses within Roman society. These discourses included Roman notions of sex, penetration, domination, phallus size, and ideas of achieved hierarchies of masculinity. Analyzing ram displays through Roman perceptions of gender and sexuality, specifically concerning ancient masculinity, reveals that rams functioned not only as weapons of war but also as metaphorical phalloi that embodied and projected immense power. Octavian’s ram display at Actium was used to effeminize Marc Antony through the successful defeat and figurative castration of his fleet, which was done by cutting off the rams from the bows of the warships. By exhibiting the rams as such, Octavian asserted his own impenetrability and masculine virtue, which simultaneously promoted Antony’s penetrability and lack of masculinity. In choosing the largest rams, Octavian implied that his masculine prowess was invincible. The ram display unveiled Octavian’s phallic dominion over all other Greeks and Romans. As Octavian’s naval ram display was the largest and most impressive of the ancient world, he effectively rendered all previous ram dedications subordinate to his own.

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Groves, Joseph. "POLYBIUS’ VOCABULARY OF WORLD DOMINATION: τῶν ὅλων AND ἡ oἰκουμένη." Greece and Rome 64, no. 1 (March 14, 2017): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383516000206.

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Polybius uses two terms to describe the extent of Roman power, ἡ οἰκουμένη (‘the inhabited world’) and τῶν ὅλων (‘the whole’), in his account of Rome's rise to hegemony over the Mediterranean. Scholars and translators have treated these two terms as essentially identical, yet this erases a subtle distinction in Polybius’ language. While ἡ οἰκουμένη occurs in a variety of cases, τῶν ὅλων is always in the genitive plural, regularly paired with some noun such as ἀρχή (‘rule’), δυναστεῖα (‘power’), or ἐπιβολή (‘attempt’). Polybius uses the less precise expression, τῶν ὅλων, to refer to objects of the Romans’ own ambitions; ἡ οἰκουμένη describes either the extent of Roman power or the goal towards which fortune, τύχη, directs world events. Polybius does not deny that the Romans, like most ancient states, acted aggressively. However, by not using the more exact term to describe Roman aims, he qualifies their agency, making their expansionist tendency an insufficient explanation of their hegemony over the Mediterranean. Moreover, these same passages lack the rich vocabulary that Polybius used to describe deliberation and planning. This re-evaluation of key programmatic passages suggests that they have been over-interpreted in the search for Polybius’ verdict on Roman imperialism.

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Melnik, Viktor Miroslavovich. "On the Question Legal and Cultural Interaction Between the Sasanian Iran and the Eastern Roman Empire." Ethnic Culture, no. 4 (5) (December 25, 2020): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31483/r-85931.

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The purpose of the article is to prove the presence of a deep (archaic) ideological foundation in the Roman-Persian political and legal complementarity of the times of late antiquity. Methods. The author uses the «panoramic approach», сomparative analysis of primary historical sources and the structural-functional method. Results. The author’s attention is devoted to the antique community in the legal content of imperial titles, the correlation of temporary and spatial understanding of the power of the Roman emperors and the power of the Persian Šâhanšâh’s. The main author’s thesis: 1) the provision on the Hellenization of Persia during the time of Khosrow Anushirvan; 2) the thesis on the principle of extraterritoriality of imperial power, formulated by the Romans in the era of dominatus and transfered from the Eastern Roman Empire into the Sassanian Eranshahr; 3) the author’s definition of the imperial form of government, based on the principle of «over-sovereignty» common to Iran and Byzantium. Discussion. Firstly, the spaces of Eranshahr and the Roman Empire were considered by ancient intellectuals as the «common heritage» of the Hellenistic Asian kingdom of Alexander the Great. Secondly, the roots and semantic content of the titles of the higher sovereigns of Persia and Rome (emperors) had common cultural and political origins and military-administrative premises. Thirdly, if at the initial stage of the interaction between the Persians and the Romans there was a strong influence of Persia on the everyday life of the population of the East Roman provinces, then in the 6th century the East Roman ethnocultural pattern «Christian Oecumene» became decisive in the Sassanian Mesopotamia.

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7

MacMullen, Ramsay. "Personal Power in the Roman Empire." American Journal of Philology 107, no. 4 (1986): 512. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/295100.

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8

Bowers, B. "Roman engineering [overhead power line history]." Proceedings of the IEEE 91, no. 2 (February 2003): 357–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/jproc.2002.808164.

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9

Lapyrenok, Roman. "The Political and Economic Origins of the Roman Revolution." Journal of Economic History and History of Economics 22, no. 2 (June 7, 2021): 222–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-2488.2021.22(2).222-245.

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The paper considers some economic and legal aspects of the struggle for the public land in Late Republican Rome. This period is one of the most controversial in ancient history; it brought many significant changes to the socio-economic and political life of Rome and contributed much to its transformation from Republic to Principate. Nevertheless, there is no special paper examining the competition between the Romans and Italians for the ager publicus populi Romani which started with the agrarian reform of Tiberius Gracchus in modern historiography. The first episode ended after the enactment in 111 B.C. of the lex agraria, when a large amount of public land was brought into private hands by its Roman possessors. A further part of the ager publicus populi Romani was still public and remained in hands of the socii. The logic of historical process, the economic changes of the second century B.C. which led Rome from Republic to Principate, demanded the formation of a new class of landowners. The latter would be the basis of the political system of the Roman Empire instead of the nobilitas; its political power would be based on private ownership of land. This was impossible without the full privatization of public land, and it is logical that the struggle for the ager publicus populi Romani was not ended in 111 B.C. Only after privatization of that land, which was possessed by the allies, the agrarian question in Rome could be fully resolved. The latter problem is of crucial importance for the further history of Rome, because it not only caused the Social War but also radically changed both the social structure and the political balance within Roman society during the last decades of the Republic.

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10

Albu, Emily. "Viewing Rome from the Roman Empires." Medieval Encounters 17, no. 4-5 (2011): 495–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006711x598820.

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AbstractTwelfth-century German and Byzantine emperors vied with each other—and with the popes in Rome—for imperial status, each of the three seeing himself as the legitimate heir of ancient Roman imperium. From the court at Constantinople, historians Anna Komnene and John Kinnamos leveled a venomous critique against the west, surveying Rome through the lens of religious disputes, Crusade, and the hated Latin presence in the East. The Byzantine narratives have left a gritty view of their contemporary Rome, a violent and cruel city of illicit popes and anti-popes, anarchy, and barbarism. The Peutinger map, by contrast, seems but an innocent relic of the past, a map of the inhabited world as known to the pagan Romans. Typically considered an ancient Roman artifact and product of Roman culture, the surviving map actually dates from the very end of the long twelfth century. Produced in Swabia, it continued the anti-papal assault as a fresh salvo in a long-lived Battle of the Maps between Church and secular imperium. This display map, like its lost prototype, advertised the supreme authority of Roman imperial power with claims much more venerable than those of the papacy. Its visual narrative implicitly contradicted the power of papal Rome by foregrounding ancient Rome as the centerpiece of an intricately connected oikoumene, a world that should be ruled by Rome’s German heirs. For Germans as for Byzantines, Rome still mattered. Even while assailing a resurgent imperial papacy, neither secular emperor nor their courts could ignore the power exercised by pagan Rome and papal Rome over twelfth-century imaginations.

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11

Beard, Mary. "A complex of times: no more sheep on Romulus' birthday." Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 33 (1987): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068673500004892.

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This paper argues that one of the functions of the Roman ritual calendar – the sequence of religious festivals as they occurred throughout the year – was to define and delineate Roman power, Roman history and Roman identity; and that it did this by evoking events from different chronological periods of the Roman past and arranging them in a meaningful sequence of time, but not a sequence defined by linear, narrative, history. I am concerned principally with the practice of Roman ritual during the late Republic and early Empire; and my argument depends on taking seriously the discussions of the various festivals preserved in the writings of contemporary Romans and Greeks – men who practised or observed the rituals. I want to stress that we should take the rituals and the preserved exegesis together – and I emphasize together – as an important part of a symbolic, religious discourse that continued to be meaningful in the complex urban society of Rome in the age of Cicero, Augustus, Seneca or Hadrian.

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12

Passos, João Décio. "O Papa Francisco e a Cúria Romana. Contradições entre os poderes e impactos carismáticos sobre uma burocracia tradicional." Revista Eclesiástica Brasileira 75, no. 300 (August 13, 2018): 958. http://dx.doi.org/10.29386/reb.v75i300.275.

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Síntese: As análises desenvolvidas nesse artigo têm como objeto as relações entre o Papa Francisco e a Cúria romana. A distância crítica visível do atual Pontífice em relação à dinâmica curial levanta a problemática do exercício de poder no governo central da Igreja católica. Assumindo como principal referência teórica as tipologias de poder weberianas, distingue o poder carismático, exercido por Francisco, e o poder burocrático, exercido pela Cúria. A reflexão indica que se trata de uma duplicidade de autoridade inerente ao poder central da Igreja que se torna, no momento histórico, explícita nas posturas e discursos do Papa. Afirma também que a Cúria, com suas doenças expostas por Francisco, constitui uma burocracia com características próprias e que as reformas prometidas deverão colocá-la na posição de autêntica burocracia, cuja função é estar a serviço de um governo colegiado exercido pelo Pontífice, conforme indicou o Concílio Vaticano II.Palavras-chave: Autoridade. Cúria romana. Igreja. Papado. Reforma.Abstract: The analyses developed in this article have as object the relations between Pope Francis and the Roman Curia. The critically visible distance between the current Pontiff and the curial dynamic raises the issue of the exercise of power in the central government of the Catholic Church. Taking as main theoretical reference the Weberian power typologies the article distinguishes the charismatic power exercised by Francis, and the bureaucratic power, exercised by the Curia. The reflection suggests that we are dealing with a duplicity of authority that is inherent to the central power of the Church and that, in this historical moment, becomes explicit in the Pope’s postures and speeches. It also states that the Curia, with its diseases exposed by Francis, is a bureaucracy with its own characteristics; and that the promised reforms should put it in a position of an authentic bureaucracy whose function is to be of service to a collegiate government exercised by the Pontiff, as indicated by the Second Vatican Council.Keywords: Authority. Roman curia. Church. Papacy. Roform.

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13

GARCIA MORCILLO, Marta. "Staging Power and Authority at Roman Auctions." Ancient Society 38 (December 31, 2008): 153–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/as.38.0.2033274.

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14

Lauer, Ilon. "Ritual and power in imperial Roman rhetoric." Quarterly Journal of Speech 90, no. 4 (November 2004): 422–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0033563042000302171.

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15

Wyrwińska, Karolina. "The Vestal Virgins’ Socio-political Role and the Narrative of Roma Aeterna." Krakowskie Studia z Historii Państwa i Prawa 14, no. 2 (2021): 127–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844131ks.21.011.13519.

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Roman women – priestesses, patrician women, mysterious guardians of the sacred flame of goddess Vesta, admired and respected, sometimes blamed for misfortune of the Eternal City. Vestals identified with the eternity of Rome, the priestesses having a specific, unavailable to other women power. That power gained at the moment of a ritual capture (captio) and responsibilities and privileges resulted from it are the subject matter of this paper. The special attention is paid to the importance of Vestals for Rome and Romans in various historic moments, and to the purifying rituals performed by Vestals on behalf of the Roman state’s fortune. The study presents probable dating and possible causes of the end of the College of the Vestals in Rome.

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Hawley, Michael. "‘The Protectorate of the World’: the Problem of Just Hegemony in Roman Thought." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 37, no. 1 (January 17, 2020): 44–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340257.

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Abstract Contemporary normative theory is understandably reluctant to consider how a hegemonic power ought to conduct itself. After all, a truly just international order, characterised by principles of freedom and equality among nations, would not include one polity so able to dominate others. The natural impulse of normative theorists then is to seek to eliminate such an imbalance. Yet, a sober assessment of political reality provides little prospect for such aspirations. The more modest alternative is to examine how hegemonic power might be wielded responsibly. For most of the history of Western political thought, the problem of just hegemony was more theoretical than real, leaving few serious philosophical precedents. Yet for Roman thinkers, of both the late Republic and the early Empire, the issue presented a real and urgent problem. In this article I explore some of the attempts of Roman philosophers and historians to grapple with the unique position of the Roman state. In many cases, their theories depend in some way on Rome’s alleged special moral or constitutional qualities – and yet, they often recognised that the realities of Rome’s use of power undermined those claims to exceptionalism. I examine the Romans’ responses to this problem as they sought to think through the moral dilemmas of their situation. In classical Roman thought, we might find an interlocutor for our own attempt to think through the ethics of superpower.

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Kennell, Nigel M., and D. J. Mattingly. "Dialogues in Roman Imperialism: Power, Discourse, and Discrepant Experience in the Roman Empire." Phoenix 53, no. 1/2 (1999): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088145.

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18

Rogers, Adam. "Metalworking and Late Roman Power: A Study of Towns in Late Roman Britain." Theoretical Roman Archaeology Journal, no. 2004 (March 31, 2005): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.16995/trac2004_27_38.

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19

Demirkan, Erkan, Mehmet Kutlu, Mitat Koz, Mehmet Özal, and Mike Favre. "Physical Fitness Differences between Freestyle and Greco-Roman Junior Wrestlers." Journal of Human Kinetics 41, no. 1 (July 8, 2014): 245–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/hukin-2014-0052.

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AbstractThe aim of the present study was to examine physical fitness differences between Freestyle and Greco-Roman junior wrestlers. One hundred twenty-six junior wrestlers, comprising 70 Freestyle and 56 Greco-Roman wrestlers, participated in this study. The somatic and physical fitness profile included body mass, body height, body mass index, body composition, flexibility, maximal anaerobic power of the legs and arms, aerobic endurance, hand grip strength, leg and back strength, and speed. No significant differences were found in the anthropometric and physical features between Freestyle and Greco-Roman wrestlers. The Greco-Roman wrestlers had a significantly higher level of relative leg power, peak arm power, relative peak arm power, and relative average arm power than Freestyle wrestlers (p < 0.05). Greco-Roman wrestlers were significantly faster, had better agility, and had a greater level of leg strength than Freestyle wrestlers, but Freestyle wrestlers were more flexible than Greco-Roman wrestlers (p < 0.05). Discriminant function analysis indicated that peak arm power, agility, speed, and flexibility were selective factors for the differences between Freestyle and Greco-Roman wrestlers. In conclusion, the present study indicates that the differences between these wrestling styles promote physical fitness differences in elite wrestlers. The results reflect specific features of each wrestling style.

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Ramos, P. L., L. F. Costa, F. Louzada, and F. A. Rodrigues. "Power laws in the Roman Empire: a survival analysis." Royal Society Open Science 8, no. 7 (July 2021): 210850. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsos.210850.

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The Roman Empire shaped western civilization, and many Roman principles are embodied in modern institutions. Although its political institutions proved both resilient and adaptable, allowing it to incorporate diverse populations, the Empire suffered from many conflicts. Indeed, most emperors died violently, from assassination, suicide or in battle. These conflicts produced patterns in the length of time that can be identified by statistical analysis. In this paper, we study the underlying patterns associated with the reign of the Roman emperors by using statistical tools of survival data analysis. We consider all the 175 Roman emperors and propose a new power-law model with change points to predict the time-to-violent-death of the Roman emperors. This model encompasses data in the presence of censoring and long-term survivors, providing more accurate predictions than previous models. Our results show that power-law distributions can also occur in survival data, as verified in other data types from natural and artificial systems, reinforcing the ubiquity of power-law distributions. The generality of our approach paves the way to further related investigations not only in other ancient civilizations but also in applications in engineering and medicine.

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Bičák, Tomáš, and Helena Kolomazníková. "Smart Power Generation & Storage TEDOM." TRANSACTIONS ON ELECTRICAL ENGINEERING 7, no. 2 (March 30, 2020): 42–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.14311/tee.2018.2.042.

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<span style="line-height: 107%; font-family: 'Times New Roman',serif; font-size: 10pt; -ms-layout-grid-mode: line; mso-fareast-font-family: Batang; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;" lang="EN-GB">The contribution describes the project implemented in the production plant of TEDOM. It defines the part of the premises where the buildings are supplied with electric power from the photovoltaic power plant in collaboration with a CHP unit. A battery system is employed to compensate for the imbalances between the power generation and consumption. Yet the buildings are completely independent of the connection to the distribution network. Thus, it is a so-called </span><span style="line-height: 107%; font-family: 'Times New Roman',serif; font-size: 10pt; mso-fareast-font-family: Batang; mso-ansi-language: CS; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">"</span><span style="line-height: 107%; font-family: 'Times New Roman',serif; font-size: 10pt; -ms-layout-grid-mode: line; mso-fareast-font-family: Batang; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;" lang="EN-GB">off-grid</span><span style="line-height: 107%; font-family: 'Times New Roman',serif; font-size: 10pt; mso-fareast-font-family: Batang; mso-ansi-language: CS; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">"</span><span style="line-height: 107%; font-family: 'Times New Roman',serif; font-size: 10pt; -ms-layout-grid-mode: line; mso-fareast-font-family: Batang; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;" lang="EN-GB"> operation.</span>

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Richardson, J. S. "Imperium Romanum: Empire and the Language of Power." Journal of Roman Studies 81 (November 1991): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300484.

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The vocabulary of empire, as it has developed in European contexts since the period of the Roman empire, reveals clearly enough the significance of the inheritance of Rome for the regimes which have followed it. From Charlemagne to the Tsars, from British imperialism to Italian Fascism, the language and symbols of the Roman republic and the Roman emperors have been essential elements in the self-expression of imperial powers. Such communality of language, by creating a sense of familiarity in the mind of a modern observer of the Roman empire, may hinder a proper understanding of antiquity, because the importance of the after life of these words and symbols tends to obscure the nature of the contexts from which they originated. An obvious parallel instance can be seen in the case of the word ‘democracy’, where the adoption of the Athenian term to describe a series of political developments in the modern world which claim some connection with the Greek notion of demokratia has tended to make more difficult the modern understanding of what happened at Athens in the fifth and fourth centuries B.C.

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23

Gribetz, Sarit Kattan. "A Matter of Time: Writing Jewish Memory into Roman History." AJS Review 40, no. 1 (April 2016): 57–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009416000040.

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The Palestinian and Babylonian Talmuds preserve fascinating stories about the origins of Roman festivals, through which they attempt to connect Roman history with Jewish history. This paper offers contextual readings of these narratives (Y. Avodah Zarah 1:2 [39c] and B. Avodah Zarah 8b) in light of Greek and Roman texts, epigraphical material, and numismatics, and places these rabbinic narratives within broader debates about cultural memory, Jewish historiography, calendars, and time. In one story, the idolatrous sins committed by a series of Israelite kings are blamed for the geological, mythical, and historical origins of the city of Rome, and a series of Roman imperial motifs and figures (the Tiber River, Remus and Romulus, Numa) are inverted. In another, the Romans are said to draw on the power of the Torah in order to defeat their Greek rivals. The rabbinic stories of Roman festivals and their Jewish origins can be understood as examples of what James C. Scott has called “a hidden transcript”—texts that bring to light an alternative perspective, that of the rabbis, within a Roman imperial context that they often interpreted as hostile or threatening.

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Grig, Lucy. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 65, no. 1 (March 15, 2018): 119–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383518000049.

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This crop of books is Republic-heavy, with a strong showing for political history. No fewer than three demonstrate a notable trend in current Roman history writing: the focus on a particular term as a means to examine a key ideological concept. John Richardson's 2009 study of the words imperium and provincia was clearly a landmark (and is explicitly cited as a model by one of this year's crop). In 2013 Myles Lavan examined Roman conceptions of imperialism through looking at a slightly broader range of terms, focusing on the formation of different paradigms of power. Two years later Clifford Ando explored the same subject with a more distinctively cognitive and linguistic approach. In the crop of books for review here, we have one focusing on the word foedus (most broadly: ‘alliance’), one on pax (‘peace’), and one on the term res publica. Roman history, it seems, is finally fully and perhaps belatedly embracing the ‘linguistic turn’.

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Niu, Yitong. "Probe into the Development Potentiality of Chinese Electric Power." Electronics Science Technology and Application 8, no. 1 (April 28, 2021): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.18686/esta.v8i1.172.

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<p>After 70 years of development, especially <span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman';">after</span> the 18th National Congress of the CPC, the development of China’s electric power industry has entered a critical stage of transformation, adjustment and transformation. The high quality development of electric power industry is a kind of development that reflects the new development concept, which must be realized through qualitative change, efficiency change and power change. The core of high-quality development in the power industry is to improve efficiency. Reform, open and innovation are the core of efficiency. China’s power industry high-quality development of opportunities and challenges coexist. People’s desire for a better life, continuous improvement of electrification levels, clean use of coal, energy conversion, multi-energy complementarity, market reform of the power system, “Belt and Road Initiative” and electric heating for electric vehicles are among the policies for power and other energy alternatives in China. T<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman';">here is a</span> great opportunity for industrial development. However, it is also faced with the pressure <span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman';">from the </span>large-scale clean transformation, <span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman';">and </span>the efficiency of the power system is not high enough<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman';">. T</span>he power cost is not low, and the system mechanism is not perfect. Therefore, we must seize the historical opportunity of energy transformation to establish a high-quality green power system. We will deepen the reform of the electricity market and improve the systems and mechanisms for high-quality development of the power industry<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman';">, to s</span>olve all kinds of contradictions in the development of electric power industry scientifically.</p>

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26

Saller, Richard, and Harriet I. Flower. "Ancestor Masks and Aristocratic Power in Roman Culture." American Journal of Archaeology 102, no. 2 (April 1998): 448. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506492.

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Rousselle, Robert, and Harriet I. Flower. "Ancestor Masks and Aristocratic Power in Roman Culture." Classical World 92, no. 1 (1998): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352216.

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Watt, Stephen. "Philosophy and Power in the Graeco-Roman World." International Philosophical Quarterly 44, no. 1 (2004): 124–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ipq200444179.

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29

Webster, Jane. "'Interpretatio': Roman Word Power and the Celtic Gods." Britannia 26 (1995): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/526874.

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30

Forcey, C. "Beyond ‘Romanization’: Technologies of Power in Roman Britain." Theoretical Roman Archaeology Journal, no. 1996 (April 11, 1997): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.16995/trac1996_15_21.

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31

Wallace-Hadrill, Andrew, and Harriet I. Flower. "Ancestor Masks and Aristocratic Power in Roman Culture." American Historical Review 104, no. 1 (February 1999): 233. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650287.

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32

Treggiari, Susan. "Women, Wealth and Power in the Roman Empire." Classical Review 53, no. 2 (October 2003): 423–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/53.2.423.

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Kemezis, Adam. "Imperialism, Power and Identity: Experiencing the Roman Empire." Mouseion: Journal of the Classical Association of Canada 9, no. 2 (2009): 194–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mou.2009.0003.

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34

Weber, Ronald J. "Ancestor Masks and Aristocratic Power in Roman Culture." History: Reviews of New Books 26, no. 3 (April 1998): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1998.10528150.

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35

Carrasco Serrano, Gregorio. "Poder y corruptelas en Amiano Marcelino = Power and Corruption in Ammianus Marcellinus." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie II, Historia Antigua, no. 30 (December 3, 2017): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfii.30.2017.20595.

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Amiano Marcelino constituye, sin duda, una destacable fuente para el estudio de las tensiones y cambios de la sociedad romana a finales del Imperio. De esta manera en las Res Gestae no solamente se atestigua la arbitrariedad de la administración de justicia, o la opresión tributaria, sino también y de forma muy especial aspectos relativos a la corrupción. En este sentido, en el presente trabajo se abordan los testimonios de corruptelas, tráfico de influencias, y abusos de poder, vinculados muy frecuentemente a un ambiente de permisividad oficial, que son reiteradamente objeto de crítica y denuncia por Amiano Marcelino a través de su obra. Undoubtedly, Ammianus Marcellinus constitutes an outstanding source when studying the tensions and changes in Roman society towards the end of the Empire. In this manner, his Res Gestae not only bears witness to the arbitrariness of the administration of justice or to tax oppression, but also and very particularly, to aspects regarding corruption. In this sense, this work addresses the testimonies of corruption, influence peddling and abuse of public power, very often linked to an atmosphere of permissiveness at the official level, all these being repeatedly criticised and denounced by Ammianus Marcellinus via his work.

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Strechie, Mădălina. "The Praetorian Guard, Rome’s Intelligence Service." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 27, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 136–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2021-0022.

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Abstract Rome was a kingdom, then a republic, and culminated in a militaristic empire. For this, the city of Mars invented, perfected and organized efficient institutions to carry out its plans, which extended it from the Italic Peninsula throughout the world on which Rome had a say. One of the most efficient institutions, the essence of the Roman executive power, was not the Princeps, but the Praetorian Guard, a military and police institution, at the same time political, economic, but especially with the powers of a secret service, being one of the forerunners of European secret services, surpassing all that had existed until its functioning, not being matched to this day in terms of efficiency and impact in the life of a civilization. When founding the Principate, the Praetorian Guard was the one which transformed the imperial dream of Rome into a historical reality. The “wings of the Roman eagle” that spread over the world conquered by the Romans were Praetorian, if we consider that this institution was coordinated by ordo equester, the tagma of Rome’s career officers, its headquarters, but also the government of Rome, the praetorian prefect also fulfilling the function which today we would call prime minister, the second man in the hierarchy of the Roman state, of course after the princeps (the first of the citizens).Although as a military structure, the Praetorian Guard appeared with the professional Roman army, it reached its peak with the Principate, initially having a guard function for the Roman military commander, it became in time the most effective secret service of classical Antiquity. This success was due to the fact that the Romans were inspired by the Spartans (especially the Ephorian magistrates), but also by the Persians (from the administrative organization of the satrapies, the 10,000 immortals, and especially the royal postal service of Persia), the Roman creation being the most complete, therefore the etymology of the word “information” is Latin.From a military perspective, the Praetorian Guard was organized at all levels of a global society, such as Rome, covering informatively, politically, militarily, economically, but also diplomatically all Roman interests in the world controlled by Rome, being a true intelligence service. It was the first informative outpost in non-Roman territories, which had to be transformed into Roman territories, as was the case of Dacia.

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Dinu, Dana. "The Roman Army during the Regal Period." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 24, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 77–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2018-0011.

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Abstract The intention of this article is to give a brief overview of how the military power was organised in Rome during the regal period. There is little information about the military organisation of the Romans between 753 and 509 BC. However, some written historical sources have enabled us to reconstruct some aspects of the military life in early Rome. The Indo-European studies and the comparative mythology of the Indo-European peoples also help to understand how the warrior function was valued in early Roman society. Like the other Indo-European peoples, the Romans structured their society in a system reflecting the ideology of the three functions represented, according to G. Dumézil, by the priests, warriors and herdsmen-cultivators. The same conception can be found at the theological level, within the triad Jupiter, Mars, Quirinus, the most important gods of Rome. Romulus, the founder of Rome, is the son of the god Mars, thereby consecrating the predominance of the warlike function within the trifunctional system. The army has always been the main instrument that assured the defence of Rome, but especially the expansion and preservation of its power over the conquered territories

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Czajkowski, Kimberley. "Civil Strife, Power and Authority in the Judicial Sphere: A Case Study from Roman Palestine." Klio 99, no. 2 (February 7, 2018): 566–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2017-0038.

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Summary: This paper examines Josephus' account of a judicial incident that occurred in around 62 C.E., which involved both Judaean elites and the Roman imperial powers. While traditional readings of the passage have focussed on mining it for information about the nature of the Judaean council that is often referred to as the „sanhedrin“, it is here argued that this report sheds light on several other key issues related to the operation of law within the region: indigenous perspectives on loci of authority within a judicial context, the importance of judicial power within broader societal conflicts, and the role of Judaean-Roman interactions in maintaining and redefining jurisdictional boundaries. It thus constitutes a valuable testimony for understanding the operation of law in this particular part of the Roman Empire.

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Corke-Webster, James. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 67, no. 1 (February 28, 2020): 94–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383519000287.

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Some questions never go out of fashion. My main focus in this issue is the spread of Roman power across the Mediterranean, with multiple new publications appearing on this oldest of subjects. First up is Dexter Hoyos’ Rome Victorious. This work of popular history aims to cover what Hoyos dubs in his subtitle The Irresistible Rise of the Roman Empire, though that is rather an odd choice, since Hoyos stresses that Rome's imperial efforts did not always succeed. Hoyos walks us through the unification of Italy and the acquisition of the Republican provinces in the first two chapters, taking the narrative up to the death of Caesar in 44 bc. The next two chapters consider the consequences of those conquests: what a province actually meant, how it was controlled, and the effects both on the new territories’ inhabitants and on Rome's social and political make-up. In Chapter 5, Hoyos turns to the extensive imperial efforts of Augustus and those around him; those of his successors over the next two centuries are dealt with in Chapter 6. Chapter 7 surveys the shifting make-up of the Romans as a result of their conquests, focusing on the spread of citizenship and the changing origins of senators, generals, and artists. Chapter 8 looks at legitimate and illegitimate rule in Rome's provinces, Chapter 9 considers both Rome's self-reflexivity on imperial questions and the view from those regions themselves, and Chapter 10 bolsters the latter by treating concrete resistance to Rome. Chapter 11 looks at the degree to which the provinces became Roman.

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Hazim Lokman, Muhamad, Ismail Musirin, Saiful Izwan Suliman, Hadi Suyono, Rini Nur Hasanah, Sharifah Azma Syed Mustafa, and Mohamed Zellagui. "Multi-verse optimization based evolutionary programming technique for power scheduling in loss minimization scheme." IAES International Journal of Artificial Intelligence (IJ-AI) 8, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 292. http://dx.doi.org/10.11591/ijai.v8.i3.pp292-298.

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<span style="font-size: 9pt; font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;" lang="EN-US">The growth of computational intelligence technology has witnessed its application in numerous fields. Power system study is not left behind as far as computational intelligence trend is concerned. In power system community, optimization process is one of the crucial efforts for most remedial action to maintain the power system security. Basically, power scheduling refers to prior to fact action(such as scheduling generators to generate certain powers for next week). Power scheduling process is one of the most important routines in power systems. Scheduling of generators in a power transmission system is an important scheme; especially its offline studies to identify the security status of the system. This determines the cost effectiveness in power system planning. This paper investigates the performance of multi-verse based evolutionary programming(lowest EP) technique in the application of power system scheduling to ensure loss is gained by the system. Losses in the system can be controlled through this implementation which can be realized through the validation on a chosen reliability test system as the main model. Validation on </span><span style="font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: 'Times New Roman','serif'; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;" lang="EN-US">IEEE 30-Bus Reliability Test System resulted that both techniques are reliable and robust in addressing this issue.</span><p class="MsoTitle"> </p>

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41

Kovacs, Arpad. "Cosmography as Cultural Capital: Power Struggle in the Visigothic Kingdom." Science & Society 85, no. 1 (January 2021): 66–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/siso.2021.85.1.66.

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Bourdieu's concept of cultural capital can be used to show that the cosmography of the learned bishop Isidore of Seville (560–636) was intended to acculturate the Visigothic elite to the Roman worldview, shedding new light on the relations of these two ruling elites. By being the provider and guardian of the culture, the Hispano–Roman aristocracy retained significant power and exercised its influence through the Catholic Church. Three dialectical categories — transformation of quantity to quality, development through contradiction, spiral forms of development — help advance the analysis of Isidore's cosmography. A case study on Isidorian planetary orbital values provides an illustration of this dialectical development. It was, therefore, cultural capital as exemplified by Isidore that enabled the Hispano–Roman aristocracy to maintain its position as a ruling elite.

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42

Reed, Annette Yoshiko. "The Construction and Subversion of Patriarchal Perfection: Abraham and Exemplarity in Philo, Josephus, and the Testament of Abraham." Journal for the Study of Judaism 40, no. 2 (2009): 185–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006309x355187.

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AbstractIn dialogue with recent research on the Roman discourse of exemplarity, this article explores representations of Abraham in selected sources from the first and early second centuries C.E. In the first part of the article, references to the patriarch in the writings of Philo and Josephus are considered in light of the transformation of Greek ideas about exempla by Roman authors like Polybius, Livy, and Valerius Maximus. In the second part, the inversion of Abraham's exemplarity in the Testament of Abraham is investigated in relation to the treatment of famous figures in the Apocolocyntosis and in Juvenal's 10th Satire. By juxtaposing the use of exempla in contemporaneous Roman and Jewish writings, the article explores their parallel reflections on the power of the past and shows how Romans and Jews alike appropriated of elements of Greek culture for the articulation of new expressions of local pride, ethnic specificity, and cultural resistance.

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43

Edwards, James R. "‘Public Theology’ in Luke-Acts: The Witness of the Gospel to Powers and Authorities." New Testament Studies 62, no. 2 (February 29, 2016): 227–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688515000466.

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This study surveys the numerous and diverse powers and authorities to which the gospel is addressed in Luke-Acts, including major Jewish institutions and officials, Herodian rulers, Roman military officers, Greco-Roman officials, diverse officials, and pagan cults and supernatural powers. Well over half the references to authorities in Luke-Acts occur nowhere else in the New Testament. The frequent and diverse references to powers defend Christianity in a preliminary and obvious way from charges of political sedition. In a broader and more important way, however, they redefine power itself according to the standard of the gospel.

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Champion, Craige, Alison Futrell, and Donald G. Kyle. "Blood in the Arena: The Spectacle of Roman Power." Classical World 92, no. 6 (1999): 569. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352352.

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Carter, Michael, and Alison Futrell. "Blood in the Arena: The Spectacle of Roman Power." Phoenix 53, no. 1/2 (1999): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088132.

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46

Kłodziński, Karol. "Duncan-Jones, Richard, Power and Privilege in Roman Society." Pallas, no. 109 (June 20, 2019): 323–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/pallas.17052.

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47

Harris, W. V. "ROME AT SEA: THE BEGINNINGS OF ROMAN NAVAL POWER." Greece and Rome 64, no. 1 (March 14, 2017): 14–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383516000218.

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Between the Battle of Mylae in 260 bc (when Rome defeated Carthage off the north coast of Sicily) and the Battle of Myonnesus in 190 (when Rome defeated the Seleucid navy off the west coast of Asia Minor), the Romans established naval domination over the whole Mediterranean. Scholars generally believe, for quite good reasons, that this process of naval aggrandisement began abruptly, the Romans having previously taken no interest in the sea. That, after all, is what Polybius quite clearly says.

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48

Tanner, Jeremy. "Portraits, Power, and Patronage in the Late Roman Republic." Journal of Roman Studies 90 (November 2000): 18–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435800031312.

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Fernández-Götz, Manuel, Dominik Maschek, and Nico Roymans. "Power, asymmetries and how to view the Roman world." Antiquity 94, no. 378 (December 2020): 1653–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2020.210.

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50

Culham, Phyllis, and Alison Futrell. "Blood in the Arena: The Spectacle of Roman Power." American Historical Review 104, no. 3 (June 1999): 969. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651100.

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