Academic literature on the topic 'Roman military historiography; Plutarch'
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Journal articles on the topic "Roman military historiography; Plutarch"
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Wiseman, T. P. "Roman Republic, Year One." Greece and Rome 45, no. 1 (April 1998): 19–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gr/45.1.19.
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The Romans knew that they had once been ruled by kings, and they believed, perhaps rightly, that the fall of the monarchy had taken place at what we would call the end of the sixth century B.C. The texts that tell us this – Livy, Dionysius, Plutarch, etc. – all depend on a historical tradition that can be traced back as far as the second half of the third century B.C., when the Roman literary genres of historical drama, historical epic, and prose historiography began. Before that, we do not know how the Romans conceived or recorded the memory of their own past.
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SMITH, C. J. "THE ORIGO GENTIS ROMANAE: FACTS AND FICTIONS." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 48, no. 1 (December 1, 2005): 97–136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2005.tb00257.x.
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Abstract The authenticity of the fragments of Roman historiography contained in the Origo Gentis Romanae, a fourth century account of the beginnings of Rome, have been frequently called into question, notably by Peter, who excluded them from his collection of the Roman historical fragments, and by Jacoby in a famous article. Photius, Pseudo-Plutarch, and Fulgentius, among others, have been brought into the argument. This paper re-examines the nature of the citations in the Origo Gentis Romanae and, by looking at samples of the other works, offers a re-evaluation of their historical and historiographical worth.
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Polanski, Tomasz. "The Destruction of Cultural Heritage in the Kingdoms of Pontus and Kommagene during the Roman Conquest." IRAN and the CAUCASUS 17, no. 3 (2013): 239–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20130302.
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In 72-69 B.C., L. Lucullus successively captured the most important urban centres of the kingdom of Pontus, and Tigranocerta in Armenia. His army also operated in the kingdom of Commagene und in Upper Mesopotamia. Lucullus’ military campaign was continued by Pompey. We come across incidental information about the scale of robbery and destruction committed by the Roman army (the statue of Autolycus by Sthennis in Sinope, the temple of Ma in Comana, the secret archives of Mithradates VI, the Roman library of Lucullus, the treasures of Darius the Achaemenid). Some objects of the plundered art appeared in public at the triumphal shows of wealth in Rome, which was perfunctorily documented by Pliny the Elder, Appianus of Alexandria and Plutarch (63 and 61 B.C.). Artworks were also acquired by functionaries of the occupying administration from urban communities and private persons through extortion and blackmail. The Roman lawyers and intellectuals worked out a set of skilful legal formulas to justify and legalise the plunder of cultural goods (ius belli, monumentum imperatoris, ornamentum urbis). Cicero, Livy and Plutarch never condemn the robbery of artworks and libraries if they were committed in the name of the Roman state. The fragmentary evidence testifies to the once flourishing literary circles of the kingdoms of Pontus and Commagene (Methrodorus of Scepsis, Athenion, the anonymous authors of inscriptions from Commagene, the epitaphs of the Bosporan kingdom).
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Kuin, Inger N. I. "Sulla and the Invention of Roman Athens." Mnemosyne 71, no. 4 (June 20, 2018): 616–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342370.
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AbstractIn 86 BC Sulla sacked Athens. The siege left deep marks in the cityscape and in the literary sources. This article traces a diachronic development in the ancient reception of the sack of Athens in Greek literature, from the first century BC through the second century AD. In earlier authors the siege is presented primarily in a military context, while in later authors the emphasis shifts onto Sulla’s destruction of cultural capital. His treatment of Athens comes to be understood as irrational and excessive. I argue that this latter depiction is an anchoring device that roots the new perception of the city during the Empire in the Republican past. In the first two centuries AD Athens increasingly came to be seen as the symbol of Greek culture. Plutarch and Pausanias react to this growing Athenocentrism by retrojecting an image of Athens as cultural symbol onto the first century BC.
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Alston, R. "Roman Military Pay from Caesar to Diocletian." Journal of Roman Studies 84 (November 1994): 113–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300872.
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In a recent issue of this Journal, M. Alexander Speidel published a new document concerning Roman military pay, a receipt from Vindonissa dating to A.D. 38. This document, he claims, provides the missing link, which allows him to present a table of pay rates for legionaries and auxiliaries from Caesar to Diocletian and prove finally the proposition resurrected by M. P. Speidel that soldiers of the auxiliary cohorts were paid five sixths of the annual pay of legionaries. From a re-examination of the texts and documents traditionally used as evidence for the pay rates of the Roman military, I conclude that, although we can establish the rates of legionary infantry pay from the date of the increase under Caesar until A.D. 197, we have little evidence for legionary pay rates in the third century and, since most of the documents provide us with figures which are unknown proportions of the annual pay of the soldiers concerned, the evidence for auxiliary pay is not sufficient to allow the calculation of exact pay rates for any period. There are, therefore, no grounds for believing either the five-sixths theory as elaborated by M. Alexander Speidel or, indeed, any of the many other theories that have been proposed. Nevertheless, the documentation can be interpreted to establish likely minimum figures for auxiliary pay rates in the first century A.D. This interpretation of the documents suggests that there was, in fact, no difference between the rates of pay of auxiliary and legionary infantry and the cavalry of the legions and alae, a controversial conclusion that has previously been avoided for reasons central to much of Roman imperial military historiography.
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Rood, Tim. "Cato the Elder, Livy, and Xenophon’s Anabasis." Mnemosyne 71, no. 5 (September 13, 2018): 823–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342352.
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AbstractThis article argues firstly that Cato the Elder’s account of a daring plan involving the tribune Caedicius in the First Punic War is modelled on a scene in Xenophon’s Anabasis. It then argues that Livy’s account of a heroic escape in the First Samnite War orchestrated by P. Decius Mus is modelled not just on the First Punic War episode described by Cato, as scholars have suggested, but on the same passage of Xenophon; it also proposes that Livy’s use of Xenophon may be mediated through Cato. The article then sets out other evidence for the use of Xenophon in Roman historiography and explores the implications of the proposed intertextuality for Roman self-positioning and for ideas of leadership and military hierarchy. The article as a whole suggests that the influence of Xenophon on Latin historiography is greater than has often been conceived.
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Corke-Webster, James. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 68, no. 2 (September 8, 2021): 318–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383521000115.
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After a focus on social and cultural history in the last issue, this issue's offerings return us to more traditional subjects – political institutions, and historiography. That spring review ended with religion, which is where we start here: an apposite reminder that religion pervades all aspects of the Roman world. It is precisely that principle which undergirds our first book, Dan-el Padilla Peralta's Divine Institutions. Padilla Peralta is interested, at root, in how the Roman state became such through the third and fourth centuries bce. That is a story usually told – in a tradition going back to the ancient historians themselves – via a swashbuckling tale of successive military campaigns. Padilla Peralta, however, sets that anachronistic narrativization aside, and instead builds a careful case that between the siege of Veii and the end of the Second Punic War ‘the Roman state remade and retooled itself into a republic defined and organized around a specific brand of institutionalized ritual practices and commitments’ (1). Specifically, he shows that the construction of temples and the public activities they facilitated were a key mechanism – one as important as warfare – by which the consensus necessary to state formation was generated: the Republic more or less stumbles into a bootstrapping formula that proves to be unusually felicitous: high visibility monumental enterprises are paired with new incentives for human mobility in ways that dramatically and enduringly reorganize the rhythms of civic and communal experience. (17–18) In particular, Padilla Peralta argues that output was greater than input; that the genius – whether accidental or deliberate – of this formula was that it facilitated a confidence game whereby the res publica appeared more capable – via the apparent support of the gods whom its visible piety secured – than was in fact the case.
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Dymydyuk, Dmytro. "The Relief on the Door of the Msho Arakelots Monastery (1134) as a Source for Studying Arms and Armour of Medieval Armenian Warriors." Studia Ceranea 9 (December 30, 2019): 207–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.09.12.
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Byzantium’s arms and armours were researched by many historians. For that reason, the military history of the medieval Roman Empire enjoyed a dominant position in medieval historiography, with the consequence that very often the military history of small nations (under Roman influences) was written from the perspective of the Eastern Romans historians. The aim of the paper is to change this perspective and give the subject of the medieval Armenian military the attention it deserves. The idea is to perform an analysis of the relief on the Door of the Msho Arakelots monastery, where four equestrians and one infantryman are depicted, and to compare it with other Armenian, Byzantine and Muslim sources. In this relief, a spherical mace head and a sword with sleeve cross-guard are represented, suggesting many parallels with East-Roman archaeological and figurative sources. No less important is the depiction of the military trumpet because it is the first image of this object in Armenian art, which can be compared with pictures from the Madrid Skylitzes (13th c.). In addition, the only defensive weapon which is presented in this relief is a round shield with a floral ornament. There are many depictions of round shields in Armenian miniatures and reliefs from 10th–11th c. Moreover, this relief is one of the few where stirrups and the chape of a scabbard are shown. These elements represent an important piece of information because these pictures can be compared with actual archaeological East-Roman artefacts to reconstruct their real look. The conclusions are that the majority of Armenian weapons bear similarities to Byzantine ones but no less important are the Muslim influences, which have been found in some cases. Located between two civilizations (Byzantium and the Muslim Potentates), Armenians adopted the best solutions of their military technologies, creating their own culture. Moreover, thanks to this comparative analysis, further support will be given to the idea that medieval figurative sources are more or less accurate material for studying medieval military history.
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Nefyodkin, Alexander. "Unknown Ancient sources of Byzantine military treatises." Hypothekai 5 (September 2021): 64–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2021-5-5-64-82.
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The article is a preliminary attempt to attribute two lists of sources from Byzantine military treatises: the first one comes from the “Taktica” by the Byzantine emperor Leo VI the Wise (886-912), and the second — from “Taktika” by Nicephorus Ura-nus, the Byzantine strategist and dux of Antioch (1000s). A num-ber of these sources are clear enough — they are the military treatises of Arrian (“Techne Taktike”), Aelian (“The Tactical Theory”), Onosander (“Strategikos”), Polyaenus (“Strategems”), Syrianus Magister, Maurice (“The Strategikon”), Nikephoros II Phokas (“The Praecepta Militaria”), as well as the unpreserved work of the great Carthaginian commander Hannibal. Also, there is no particular doubt about Uranus's use of the writings of the moralist Plutarch of Chaeronea. Mena, mentioned in the list of Leo's “Taktica”, can be compared with a participant of the dia-logue “Menae patricii cum Thoma referendario: De scientia po-litica dialogus” (first half of the 6th century). A further compari-son of this “Dialogue” with Leo’s “Taktica” can bring some clar-ity to this issue, because Uranus made only minor changes to the text of its original source. Uranus himself made extensive use of historical sources, and brought them into the title. In general, Uranus used the historical works of Diodorus Siculus (“Histori-cal Library”), Dio Cassius Cocceianus (“Roman History”) and Polybius (“The Histories”), as well as the works (letters, diaries) of Alexander the Great or a novel about him. A separate article will be devoted to the attribution of the work of Artaxerxes. Three sources from the lists are still unclear: Pelops, Alcibiades, and Heraclides. Some light on their attribution can be cast after the publication of the “Taktika” by Nicephorus Uranus, which is yet to be done, although the first 14 chapters were published four centuries ago (in 1617).
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Volynkin, Dmitrii Georgievich. "The structure and organization of mobile army of the Emperor Gallienus in 260 – 268." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 3 (March 2021): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2021.3.35700.
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In the middle of the III century, the Roman Empire marked the advent of a prolonged crisis. In order to confront the barbarian invasions and usurpers revolt, military transformations, the Roman Empire was in needed for military transformations and revision of the military machine that has formed in the previous periods. In the late 250s – early 260s, the Emperor Gallienus created a mobile army corps, which in the ancient sources received a name of the “Dalmatian horsemen”. The following questions arise on the structure and size of this mobile corps. Relying on numismatic, narrative, and epigraphic sources, this article examines the changes in organizational and staffing structure of the Roman army in the middle of the III century; assesses the size and composition, and tasks of the Gallienus’ mobile corps. The author analyzes the opinions that have accumulated in the Russian and foreign historiography throughout 200 years, and develops a relevant perspective on the problem of creating a field army during the third century crisis. The conclusion is made that the Emperor Gallienus had formed a strong mobile army. It was not just a cavalry, but was based on the vexilationes of the border legions of infantry and horsemen. Gallienus did not seek to create a permanent mobile army, being guided by the prevailing military and political circumstances. He used the mobile corps for retaining the controlled territories, repelled the barbarian invasions and suppressed the usurpers. Gallienus’ mobile army has proven to be an effective instrument in hands of the central government. Aurelian reinforced the army with additional detachments, and later on successfully used it against Palmyrene and Gallic separatists, having restored the unity of the empire.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Roman military historiography; Plutarch"
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Ash, R. E. "Individual and collective identities in Tacitus' Histories." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.319030.
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Silva, Maria Aparecida de Oliveira. "Plutarco e Roma: o mundo grego no Império." Universidade de São Paulo, 2007. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-06122007-105630/.
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Diferentemente das recorrentes assertivas sobre o comprometimento político dos intelectuais gregos no Império, a nosso ver, a partir do século II d.C., a chamada Segunda Sofística é um indicativo do movimento cultural grego iniciado no século I d.C. Embora seus integrantes apresentem intenções distintas em seus escritos, os intelectuais gregos do Império participam de estilos e temáticas narrativas semelhantes. No caso de Plutarco, e essa é a nossa tese central, demonstramos que nosso autor não compôs sua obra para exaltar ou glorificar o Império romano ou ainda a cultura grega. Sendo assim, seus escritos representam a expressão da singularidade e da utilidade da tradição cultural grega para o fortalecimento político do Império. O objetivo principal de Plutarco está, pois, em construir uma identidade grega no Império, pautada na história de seu povo e em sua tradição cultural, para exibir ao mundo romano a contribuição dos gregos para a formação do Império.Differently from the usual assertions about the Greek intellectuals\' political compromise with the Empire, in our perspective, as from the second century A.D., the so called Second Sophistic is an indicative of the Greek cultural movement started in the first century A.D. Although its members present distinct intentions of their writings, the Greek intellectuals of the Empire develop similar styles and themes through their narratives. Considering Plutarch\'s case, and this is the core of our thesis, we demonstrate that our author did not write his work to exalt nor to glorify the Roman Empire nor the Greek culture. His writings represent the expression of the singularity and the usefulness of the Greek cultural tradition for the political strength of the Empire. Plutarch\'s main objective is to build a Greek identity in the Empire, based on the history of the people and their cultural tradition to exhibit the Greeks\' contribution to the formation of the Roman Empire.
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Chiritoiu, Daniel Alexandru. "Commanding texts : knowledge-ordering, identity construction and ethics in 'military manuals' of the Roman Empire." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/274141.
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This thesis is about ‘military manuals’ produced in the first few centuries of the Roman imperial period. It argues that these texts merit far more attention and appreciation than they have received in the scholarship so far. I will explore areas such as the way in which their authors order and rank Greek and Roman knowledge, engage with ideas about knowledge and power, help construct identity and discuss ethics and behavior. In the first chapter I will determine whether the authors operate within a specific ‘genre’, or ‘genres’, of military writing. Then I will explore how the texts relate to other traditions of technical texts, questions of audience, and finally the issue of their practicality. The second chapter will examine how authors tackle the issue of ‘Greek’ and ‘Roman’ knowledge, categorize, rank and use it for self-promotion. We will see how Roman knowledge is both subverted but also praised, and how Greek knowledge is at the same time placed above Roman knowledge and integrated into a narrative of continuity with it. The third chapter will focus on the use of Greek knowledge in the construction of Roman identity. I will explore how ‘manuals’ play a part in the identity of the Roman Empire, fitting into a picture of unity in diversity, and show how they contribute to Hadrian’s self-presentation. The fourth chapter will examine the ethical component in manuals. I will determine whether there was an ethical code of conduct in battle in the Classical world and whether it was different from general ethical norms. Then, we will examine whether our texts engage in any way with this ‘code’ and whether their individual approaches have anything in common or are fundamentally different.
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Marek, Bořivoj. "Překlad a výklad páté knihy (1.-15. kap.) Orosiových Historiarum adversum paganos libri VII." Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-312493.
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This paper consists of the translation and analysis of Chapters 1-15 of Book V of Historiarum adversus paganos libri VIII by Paulus Orosius. The analysis is based on a comprehensive commentary on linguistic and stylistic aspects of the texts examined, and on a thorough factual commentary. The linguistic commentary concentrates on the composition of the Fifth Book, on the construction of discourse by the means of particles and other discourse markers, as well as on the linguistic features and peculiarities distinctive for the author, his age and the genre of historiography (such as specifically Late Latin syntax, non-Classical vocabulary, rhetorical figures, tropes and other stylistic features). The factual commentary contains a detailed description of the events mentioned in the text and their historical context. Close attention is paid to the character of the author's narrative, his approach to the historical data, choice of the events that interest him most as well as the way in which the author portraits them as mutually connected. Among the questions important for the commentary are whether he follows the wider tradition of Roman historiography or if and in which way the author's own opinions and persuasions are reflected in his work. This section also comments on the relation between Orosius'...
Books on the topic "Roman military historiography; Plutarch"
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Aspects of Roman history, AD 14-117. London: Routledge, 1998.
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The Roman Triumph. Belknap Press, 2007.
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Aspects of Roman History 31 BC-AD 117. Taylor & Francis Group, 2013.
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Alston, Richard. Aspects of Roman History 31 BC-AD 117. Taylor & Francis Group, 2013.
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Alston, Richard. Aspects of Roman History 31 BC-AD 117. Taylor & Francis Group, 2013.
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Whitmarsh, Tim. How to Write Anti-Roman History. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190649890.003.0014.
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In this chapter, Tim Whitmarsh reconstructs an example of a type of history writing—accounts with a pronounced anti-Roman bias—that has left only exiguous traces in the extant collection of ancient textual sources. Whitmarsh traces this oppositional history by scrutinizing the several categories of professed opponents whom Dionysius of Halicarnassus ventriloquizes. Whitmarsh tentatively identifies Metrodorus of Scepsis as a likely target of Dionysius’ critiques and then reverse engineers Metrodorus’ arguments, drawing also on criticisms that Plutarch appears to have directed at Metrodorus. Whitmarsh finds, in the arguments he excavates from Metrodorus’ opponents, an anti-providential idea of random historical “swerves” that served to undercut Roman claims to greatness. He concludes by lamenting the loss of Metrodorus’ work, arguing that it would have provided not just a counterweight to the heavily pro-Roman emphasis in extant Greek historiography, but also an example of an entirely different philosophical underpinning.
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Moralee, Jason. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190492274.003.0001.
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The introduction establishes premodern ways of knowing the Capitoline Hill, from the poetry of Ennius and Vergil and the antiquarian writings of Varro, Servius, and Justus Rycquius to the historiography of Q. Fabius Pictor, Livy, and late antique chronicles. What made the mountain holy was its association with gold as a symbol of Roman military supremacy, a physical realization of Vergil’s iconic appellation of the hill as the Golden Capitol. The loss of the Capitol’s gold and its tropic quality of goldness led Bracciolini, Niebuhr, Lanciani, and Gatteschi either to opine the loss of Rome’s grandeur or to search for the hidden treasures of the hill or attempt to reconstruct its lost monumentality. This nostalgia set up a paradigm for the dismissal of the postclassical Capitoline Hill as a pile of insignificant ruins, thus obscuring the vitality of the hill for the social and intellectual life of the late empire.
Book chapters on the topic "Roman military historiography; Plutarch"
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Boatwright, Mary T. "Rome’s Imperial Women and Rome’s Imperial Power." In Imperial Women of Rome, 10–46. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190455897.003.0002.
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Livia’s involvement in the case of L. Piso against Urgulania opens this investigation into the powers imperial women were granted or thought to enjoy. Context is set by comparing women considered powerful in the Republic, foreign queens, and the few non-imperial elite women noted in Rome of the principate. Historiography reflects the customs and laws affecting Roman women generally, including prohibition from politics, the military, and legal advocacy for another; patria potestas; and tutela mulierum. Although imperial women usually controlled their own financial resources, such as brickyards, dwellings, and patronage, their self-restraint and modesty were ideals, as seen in the Senatus Consultum de Pisone patre. Octavia and Livia received special grants in 35 BCE; Livia, more honors in 9 BCE, and more in 14 CE, including the title Augusta. The chapter concludes that imperial women had no institutional powers after these early exceptional dispensations accorded to Octavia and Livia.
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Hutchinson, G. O. "Tacitus, Annals." In Motion in Classical Literature, 118–52. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198855620.003.0005.
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Tacitus’ Annals give intriguing turns to the motion important in historiography. The emperors in Rome or Italy do not move much, by contrast with warfare at the edges of empire. This absence of substantial motion is pointed, and opposed both to subtle motion at the centre, and to the metaphorical motion (motus) of political upheavals. Mental motion is important too. Motion helps display the range of the Annals: a range seen not just in material but in the fullness of treatment. Close treatment is especially significant in the treatment of death. Tacitus’ language of motion (compound verbs etc.) shows his interest in precision and in grasping attention. Among the passages are a Roman legion recovering the plot under Germanicus, the Roman people prostrate outside Sejanus’ country house, scary British women, fire in strange and monstrous motion, the comings and goings around Tiberius’ fluctuating health, the wild movements at and after Messalina’s party. The passages show the satisfactory organization of military narrative and the political collapse of Roman structures; they explore barbarian gender, inanimate nature, pointedly different scales and levels of motion, motion for itself and with a desperate purpose. The treatment of group motion is more important than in Ovid, more complex than in Homer (so defeated Germani, or the return of Germanicus’ widow). Structures of power are scrutinized through motion (so Mithridates of Armenia or Nero’s mother). Detail is lively (as on climbing trees); the voice of the narrator, that central character, guides the reader’s responses with complex cohesion.