Academic literature on the topic 'Roman military historiography'
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Journal articles on the topic "Roman military historiography"
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Alston, R. "Roman Military Pay from Caesar to Diocletian." Journal of Roman Studies 84 (November 1994): 113–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300872.
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In a recent issue of this Journal, M. Alexander Speidel published a new document concerning Roman military pay, a receipt from Vindonissa dating to A.D. 38. This document, he claims, provides the missing link, which allows him to present a table of pay rates for legionaries and auxiliaries from Caesar to Diocletian and prove finally the proposition resurrected by M. P. Speidel that soldiers of the auxiliary cohorts were paid five sixths of the annual pay of legionaries. From a re-examination of the texts and documents traditionally used as evidence for the pay rates of the Roman military, I conclude that, although we can establish the rates of legionary infantry pay from the date of the increase under Caesar until A.D. 197, we have little evidence for legionary pay rates in the third century and, since most of the documents provide us with figures which are unknown proportions of the annual pay of the soldiers concerned, the evidence for auxiliary pay is not sufficient to allow the calculation of exact pay rates for any period. There are, therefore, no grounds for believing either the five-sixths theory as elaborated by M. Alexander Speidel or, indeed, any of the many other theories that have been proposed. Nevertheless, the documentation can be interpreted to establish likely minimum figures for auxiliary pay rates in the first century A.D. This interpretation of the documents suggests that there was, in fact, no difference between the rates of pay of auxiliary and legionary infantry and the cavalry of the legions and alae, a controversial conclusion that has previously been avoided for reasons central to much of Roman imperial military historiography.
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Dymydyuk, Dmytro. "The Relief on the Door of the Msho Arakelots Monastery (1134) as a Source for Studying Arms and Armour of Medieval Armenian Warriors." Studia Ceranea 9 (December 30, 2019): 207–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.09.12.
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Byzantium’s arms and armours were researched by many historians. For that reason, the military history of the medieval Roman Empire enjoyed a dominant position in medieval historiography, with the consequence that very often the military history of small nations (under Roman influences) was written from the perspective of the Eastern Romans historians. The aim of the paper is to change this perspective and give the subject of the medieval Armenian military the attention it deserves. The idea is to perform an analysis of the relief on the Door of the Msho Arakelots monastery, where four equestrians and one infantryman are depicted, and to compare it with other Armenian, Byzantine and Muslim sources. In this relief, a spherical mace head and a sword with sleeve cross-guard are represented, suggesting many parallels with East-Roman archaeological and figurative sources. No less important is the depiction of the military trumpet because it is the first image of this object in Armenian art, which can be compared with pictures from the Madrid Skylitzes (13th c.). In addition, the only defensive weapon which is presented in this relief is a round shield with a floral ornament. There are many depictions of round shields in Armenian miniatures and reliefs from 10th–11th c. Moreover, this relief is one of the few where stirrups and the chape of a scabbard are shown. These elements represent an important piece of information because these pictures can be compared with actual archaeological East-Roman artefacts to reconstruct their real look. The conclusions are that the majority of Armenian weapons bear similarities to Byzantine ones but no less important are the Muslim influences, which have been found in some cases. Located between two civilizations (Byzantium and the Muslim Potentates), Armenians adopted the best solutions of their military technologies, creating their own culture. Moreover, thanks to this comparative analysis, further support will be given to the idea that medieval figurative sources are more or less accurate material for studying medieval military history.
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Rood, Tim. "Cato the Elder, Livy, and Xenophon’s Anabasis." Mnemosyne 71, no. 5 (September 13, 2018): 823–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342352.
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AbstractThis article argues firstly that Cato the Elder’s account of a daring plan involving the tribune Caedicius in the First Punic War is modelled on a scene in Xenophon’s Anabasis. It then argues that Livy’s account of a heroic escape in the First Samnite War orchestrated by P. Decius Mus is modelled not just on the First Punic War episode described by Cato, as scholars have suggested, but on the same passage of Xenophon; it also proposes that Livy’s use of Xenophon may be mediated through Cato. The article then sets out other evidence for the use of Xenophon in Roman historiography and explores the implications of the proposed intertextuality for Roman self-positioning and for ideas of leadership and military hierarchy. The article as a whole suggests that the influence of Xenophon on Latin historiography is greater than has often been conceived.
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Peralta Labrador, Eduardo José, Jorge Camino Mayor, and Jesús Francisco Torres-Martínez. "Recent research on the Cantabrian Wars: the archaeological reconstruction of a mountain war." Journal of Roman Archaeology 32 (2019): 421–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759419000217.
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Over the centuries, Spanish historiography has attached great importance to the wars that Octavian launched at the start of the last third of the 1st c. B.C. against the population in the north of the Iberian peninsula. In this way he intended to bring an end to the long conquest of Iberia that had begun two centuries earlier in the hegemonic struggle with Carthage. Although the wars previously attracted the attention of European scholars, today they play little part in the historiography of the Early Roman Empire and even less in the biographies of Augustus, who suffered some of his worst military fortunes in this war, putting his very life in danger (Suet., Aug. 29.3 and 81.1; Hor., Carm. 3.14; Dio 53.25.5-7; Oros. 6.21.4). Even Departments of Ancient History in Spanish universities have failed to progress beyond well-worn exegesis of the written sources. This is because until just two decades ago all the information came from two historical sources: Florus and Orosius, on the one hand, and Dio Cassius, on the other (the relevant books of Livy being lost). Although they stress the importance of the conflict, these sources are excessively laconic; they have also been subjected to erudite speculations about place-names that have turned the military campaigns into a series of historiographic fictions.1
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van Hoof, Lieve, and Peter van Nuffelen. "The Historiography of Crisis: Jordanes, Cassiodorus and Justinian in mid-sixth-century Constantinople." Journal of Roman Studies 107 (April 11, 2017): 275–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435817000284.
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ABSTRACTThis article presents a new interpretation of the historiographical production of Jordanes by situating it in the political and social environment of Constantinople of the years 550–552. It argues that these years were a period of crisis in Justinian's reign and that this is reflected in the pessimistic view of Roman power and the critique of Justinian's military and religious policy we can see in Jordanes’ Romana. If this prevents us from understanding Jordanes as a mouthpiece of the court, he cannot be reduced to a mere reproducer of Cassiodorus either: while there is more evidence for a close interaction between Jordanes and Cassiodorus (in particular the use of the Historia Tripartita in the Romana) than usually adduced, this is balanced by Jordanes’ explicit attempts to keep his distance from the senator. If the latter can be explained by Jordanes’ much lower social and literary status and his Moesian rather than Italian origin, which made him only a marginal member of Cassiodorus’ circle in Constantinople, the agreement between both men is the result of a confluence of views caused by the turn of the Italian war in 540–550. Jordanes, then, appears as a unique voice in what must have been a polyphony of opinions in mid-sixth-century Constantinople.
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Corke-Webster, James. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 68, no. 2 (September 8, 2021): 318–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383521000115.
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After a focus on social and cultural history in the last issue, this issue's offerings return us to more traditional subjects – political institutions, and historiography. That spring review ended with religion, which is where we start here: an apposite reminder that religion pervades all aspects of the Roman world. It is precisely that principle which undergirds our first book, Dan-el Padilla Peralta's Divine Institutions. Padilla Peralta is interested, at root, in how the Roman state became such through the third and fourth centuries bce. That is a story usually told – in a tradition going back to the ancient historians themselves – via a swashbuckling tale of successive military campaigns. Padilla Peralta, however, sets that anachronistic narrativization aside, and instead builds a careful case that between the siege of Veii and the end of the Second Punic War ‘the Roman state remade and retooled itself into a republic defined and organized around a specific brand of institutionalized ritual practices and commitments’ (1). Specifically, he shows that the construction of temples and the public activities they facilitated were a key mechanism – one as important as warfare – by which the consensus necessary to state formation was generated: the Republic more or less stumbles into a bootstrapping formula that proves to be unusually felicitous: high visibility monumental enterprises are paired with new incentives for human mobility in ways that dramatically and enduringly reorganize the rhythms of civic and communal experience. (17–18) In particular, Padilla Peralta argues that output was greater than input; that the genius – whether accidental or deliberate – of this formula was that it facilitated a confidence game whereby the res publica appeared more capable – via the apparent support of the gods whom its visible piety secured – than was in fact the case.
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Vedeshkin, Mikhail A. "“A Barbarian by Birth, Yet a Hellen in Everything Else”." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 26, no. 2 (December 18, 2020): 425–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700577-12341384.
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Abstract The Christianisation of the Roman Empire in the 4th-5th centuries led to a blurring of the traditional ethnocultural dichotomy (Barbarians – Romans), and to the emergence of a new type of social division on the basis of religion: pagan – Christian. The present article is devoted to the analysis of the image of a “pious” (pagan) barbarian, formed in Late Antique pagan historiography. The conclusion is made that pagans saw their barbarian coreligionists as the defenders of their faith against the anti-pagan state policy. Comparing pagan barbarians to their fellow Christian tribesmen, they tried to prove that only pagans can be true allies of Rome. Finally, the military successes of the pagan warlords served as evidence of the active participation of the gods in the affairs of their followers and acted as an argument for the preservation of the traditional forms of worship.
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Romero Recio, Mirella. "Augusto en la historiografía del XIX en España." REVISTA DE HISTORIOGRAFÍA (RevHisto) 27 (November 27, 2017): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/revhisto.2017.3964.
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Resumen: La figura de Augusto no tuvo gran atractivo para los historiadores españoles del siglo XIX. Más interesados en destacar la labor de los emperadores de origen hispano, las Historias de España no dedicaron demasiada atención a la labor de quien cerró las conquistas militares romanas en la Península Ibérica. Las contradicciones fueron constantes en una historiografía que abordó la etapa augústea casi siempre de manera colateral y que no profundizó de manera exhaustiva en el conocimiento de este periodo histórico. Sin embargo, como muestra este artículo, Augusto no pasó desapercibido en la historiografía española decimonónica.Palabras clave: Emperador Augusto, Historiografía española, Historia de Roma, siglo XIX.Abstract: The figure of Augustus did little to attract the attention of 19th century Spanish historians. They were more interested in highlighting the work of emperors of Hispanic descent, thus the Histories of Spain dedicated little space to the Roman military leader who conquered the Iberian Peninsula. There are constant contradictions in the historiography, which approached the Augustan period almost exclusively side on, never plunging into the knowledge with exhaustive depth. However, as this article shows, Augustus did not go completely unnoticed in the 19th century Spanish historiography.Key words: Emperor Augustus, Spanish historiography, history of Rome, 19th century.
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Volynkin, Dmitrii Georgievich. "The structure and organization of mobile army of the Emperor Gallienus in 260 – 268." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 3 (March 2021): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2021.3.35700.
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In the middle of the III century, the Roman Empire marked the advent of a prolonged crisis. In order to confront the barbarian invasions and usurpers revolt, military transformations, the Roman Empire was in needed for military transformations and revision of the military machine that has formed in the previous periods. In the late 250s – early 260s, the Emperor Gallienus created a mobile army corps, which in the ancient sources received a name of the “Dalmatian horsemen”. The following questions arise on the structure and size of this mobile corps. Relying on numismatic, narrative, and epigraphic sources, this article examines the changes in organizational and staffing structure of the Roman army in the middle of the III century; assesses the size and composition, and tasks of the Gallienus’ mobile corps. The author analyzes the opinions that have accumulated in the Russian and foreign historiography throughout 200 years, and develops a relevant perspective on the problem of creating a field army during the third century crisis. The conclusion is made that the Emperor Gallienus had formed a strong mobile army. It was not just a cavalry, but was based on the vexilationes of the border legions of infantry and horsemen. Gallienus did not seek to create a permanent mobile army, being guided by the prevailing military and political circumstances. He used the mobile corps for retaining the controlled territories, repelled the barbarian invasions and suppressed the usurpers. Gallienus’ mobile army has proven to be an effective instrument in hands of the central government. Aurelian reinforced the army with additional detachments, and later on successfully used it against Palmyrene and Gallic separatists, having restored the unity of the empire.
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Kuzmin, Dmitrii. "The goals and objectives of Italy in the Second Italo-Ethiopian War: position in the League of Nations and propaganda." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 3 (March 2021): 172–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2021.3.35147.
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This article gives an assessment one of the most notable episodes of the interwar period in the history of international relations – the development of Italian foreign policy in the context of the Italo-Ethiopian war. In the early 1935, Italy was ruled by the fascist dictator Benito Mussolini. One of the cornerstones of his foreign policy paradigm was the creation of the “New Roman Empire”. One of the initial targets of his expansion were Ethiopia and the Mediterranean. Italy replenishes its military and economic resources; however, it was deficient to achieve the set foreign policy goals. Therefore, the war in Ethiopia became one of the key vector of Rome’s official diplomacy. The warfare also unfolded in the ideological context – propaganda, politics within the League of Nations, and interlocutory instructions to the diplomats. The scientific novelty is defined by the absence of comprehensive research on the topic. The relevance of lies the fact that the Russian historiography did not give due attention dedicated to the secret plans of Italy during the Second Italo-Ethiopian War. However, namely the plans of Cesare De Vecchi and Emilio De Bono that shed light on the crucial nuance of the Italian diplomacy of this period, and allow to properly stress topic and priorities with regards to foreign policy. This the article analyzes the ration between the objectives in Ethiopia and the Mediterranean basin –the cornerstone task within the framework of building a New Roman Empire.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Roman military historiography"
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Ash, R. E. "Individual and collective identities in Tacitus' Histories." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.319030.
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Chiritoiu, Daniel Alexandru. "Commanding texts : knowledge-ordering, identity construction and ethics in 'military manuals' of the Roman Empire." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/274141.
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This thesis is about ‘military manuals’ produced in the first few centuries of the Roman imperial period. It argues that these texts merit far more attention and appreciation than they have received in the scholarship so far. I will explore areas such as the way in which their authors order and rank Greek and Roman knowledge, engage with ideas about knowledge and power, help construct identity and discuss ethics and behavior. In the first chapter I will determine whether the authors operate within a specific ‘genre’, or ‘genres’, of military writing. Then I will explore how the texts relate to other traditions of technical texts, questions of audience, and finally the issue of their practicality. The second chapter will examine how authors tackle the issue of ‘Greek’ and ‘Roman’ knowledge, categorize, rank and use it for self-promotion. We will see how Roman knowledge is both subverted but also praised, and how Greek knowledge is at the same time placed above Roman knowledge and integrated into a narrative of continuity with it. The third chapter will focus on the use of Greek knowledge in the construction of Roman identity. I will explore how ‘manuals’ play a part in the identity of the Roman Empire, fitting into a picture of unity in diversity, and show how they contribute to Hadrian’s self-presentation. The fourth chapter will examine the ethical component in manuals. I will determine whether there was an ethical code of conduct in battle in the Classical world and whether it was different from general ethical norms. Then, we will examine whether our texts engage in any way with this ‘code’ and whether their individual approaches have anything in common or are fundamentally different.
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Marek, Bořivoj. "Překlad a výklad páté knihy (1.-15. kap.) Orosiových Historiarum adversum paganos libri VII." Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-312493.
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This paper consists of the translation and analysis of Chapters 1-15 of Book V of Historiarum adversus paganos libri VIII by Paulus Orosius. The analysis is based on a comprehensive commentary on linguistic and stylistic aspects of the texts examined, and on a thorough factual commentary. The linguistic commentary concentrates on the composition of the Fifth Book, on the construction of discourse by the means of particles and other discourse markers, as well as on the linguistic features and peculiarities distinctive for the author, his age and the genre of historiography (such as specifically Late Latin syntax, non-Classical vocabulary, rhetorical figures, tropes and other stylistic features). The factual commentary contains a detailed description of the events mentioned in the text and their historical context. Close attention is paid to the character of the author's narrative, his approach to the historical data, choice of the events that interest him most as well as the way in which the author portraits them as mutually connected. Among the questions important for the commentary are whether he follows the wider tradition of Roman historiography or if and in which way the author's own opinions and persuasions are reflected in his work. This section also comments on the relation between Orosius'...
Books on the topic "Roman military historiography"
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Aspects of Roman history, AD 14-117. London: Routledge, 1998.
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Gázquez, José Martínez. La campaña de Catón en Hispania. 2nd ed. Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona Publicacions, 1992.
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Laederich, Pierre. Les limites de l'Empire: Les stratégies de l'impérialisme romain dans l'oeuvre de Tacite. Paris: Economica : CFHM (Commission Française d'Histoire Militaire) : ISC (Institut se Stratégie Comparée), 2001.
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Les limites de l'empire: Les stratégies de l'impérialisme romain dans l'oeuvre de Tacite. Paris: Economica, 2001.
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Morte, Paola Militerni Della. Struttura e stile del Bellum Africum. Napoli: Loffredo, 1996.
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The Roman Triumph. Belknap Press, 2007.
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Aspects of Roman History 31 BC-AD 117. Taylor & Francis Group, 2013.
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Alston, Richard. Aspects of Roman History 31 BC-AD 117. Taylor & Francis Group, 2013.
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Alston, Richard. Aspects of Roman History 31 BC-AD 117. Taylor & Francis Group, 2013.
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Moralee, Jason. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190492274.003.0001.
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The introduction establishes premodern ways of knowing the Capitoline Hill, from the poetry of Ennius and Vergil and the antiquarian writings of Varro, Servius, and Justus Rycquius to the historiography of Q. Fabius Pictor, Livy, and late antique chronicles. What made the mountain holy was its association with gold as a symbol of Roman military supremacy, a physical realization of Vergil’s iconic appellation of the hill as the Golden Capitol. The loss of the Capitol’s gold and its tropic quality of goldness led Bracciolini, Niebuhr, Lanciani, and Gatteschi either to opine the loss of Rome’s grandeur or to search for the hidden treasures of the hill or attempt to reconstruct its lost monumentality. This nostalgia set up a paradigm for the dismissal of the postclassical Capitoline Hill as a pile of insignificant ruins, thus obscuring the vitality of the hill for the social and intellectual life of the late empire.
Book chapters on the topic "Roman military historiography"
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Boatwright, Mary T. "Rome’s Imperial Women and Rome’s Imperial Power." In Imperial Women of Rome, 10–46. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190455897.003.0002.
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Livia’s involvement in the case of L. Piso against Urgulania opens this investigation into the powers imperial women were granted or thought to enjoy. Context is set by comparing women considered powerful in the Republic, foreign queens, and the few non-imperial elite women noted in Rome of the principate. Historiography reflects the customs and laws affecting Roman women generally, including prohibition from politics, the military, and legal advocacy for another; patria potestas; and tutela mulierum. Although imperial women usually controlled their own financial resources, such as brickyards, dwellings, and patronage, their self-restraint and modesty were ideals, as seen in the Senatus Consultum de Pisone patre. Octavia and Livia received special grants in 35 BCE; Livia, more honors in 9 BCE, and more in 14 CE, including the title Augusta. The chapter concludes that imperial women had no institutional powers after these early exceptional dispensations accorded to Octavia and Livia.
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Hutchinson, G. O. "Tacitus, Annals." In Motion in Classical Literature, 118–52. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198855620.003.0005.
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Tacitus’ Annals give intriguing turns to the motion important in historiography. The emperors in Rome or Italy do not move much, by contrast with warfare at the edges of empire. This absence of substantial motion is pointed, and opposed both to subtle motion at the centre, and to the metaphorical motion (motus) of political upheavals. Mental motion is important too. Motion helps display the range of the Annals: a range seen not just in material but in the fullness of treatment. Close treatment is especially significant in the treatment of death. Tacitus’ language of motion (compound verbs etc.) shows his interest in precision and in grasping attention. Among the passages are a Roman legion recovering the plot under Germanicus, the Roman people prostrate outside Sejanus’ country house, scary British women, fire in strange and monstrous motion, the comings and goings around Tiberius’ fluctuating health, the wild movements at and after Messalina’s party. The passages show the satisfactory organization of military narrative and the political collapse of Roman structures; they explore barbarian gender, inanimate nature, pointedly different scales and levels of motion, motion for itself and with a desperate purpose. The treatment of group motion is more important than in Ovid, more complex than in Homer (so defeated Germani, or the return of Germanicus’ widow). Structures of power are scrutinized through motion (so Mithridates of Armenia or Nero’s mother). Detail is lively (as on climbing trees); the voice of the narrator, that central character, guides the reader’s responses with complex cohesion.