Journal articles on the topic 'Roman imperial ideology'
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1
Meadors, Edward P. "Isaiah 40.3 and the Synoptic Gospels’ Parody of the Roman Road System." New Testament Studies 66, no. 1 (December 3, 2019): 106–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688519000377.
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This article proposes that the Synoptic Gospels’ pronouncements of Isa 40.3 (Matt 4.3; Mark 1.2–3; Luke 3.4–6) invite a comparison with the Roman road system and its extensive broadcast of Roman imperial ideology. Heralding the sovereignty of a coming king on newly constructed roads through difficult terrain, Matthew, Mark and Luke portray the coming of the kingdom of God in terms analogous to the laying of Roman roads followed by the enforcement of Roman rule throughout the Roman Empire. If Isa 40.3 heralded the arrival of the true God through the ministry of Jesus, as the Synoptic Gospels proclaim, then Rome's pretentions were by implication counterfeit. The engineering feats of raising ravines, levelling heights, smoothing terrain and making straight highways denoted Roman expansion, conquest and the standardisation of Roman imperial ideology. In contradistinction, the Synoptic Gospels’ citations of Isa 40.3 presage the triumph of God, while simultaneously parodying Roman imperial ideology.
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Pejušković, Vojislav. "Constantinople in imperial ideology of Stefan Dušan." Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 52, no. 2 (2022): 163–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp52-36444.
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The centuries-old expansion of the Serbian state at the expense of Byzantium received its epilogue with the rule of Stefan Dušan. The Serbian king managed to use the opportunity provided by the Roman civil war of 1341-1347, manoeuvring between two warring houses, Kantakouzenos and Palaiologos. It was the weakening of both Byzantium and Bulgaria that gave him the opportunity to, by crowning himself emperor of the Serbs and Romans, plan a possible attack on Constantinople, which would absolutely justify the title he had held since 1345. Byzantine sources testify in their own way about Dušan's negotiations with the Ottomans, Venice and others and the gathering of the coalition against the winner of the civil war-John Kantakouzenos, whose revitalization of Constantinople-controlled territory stood in the way of the Serbian-Roman ruler's imperial ambitions. The testimonies of Nicephorus Gregoras, the emperor-writer himself, as well as the documentary material, led us to the conclusion that Stefan Dušan planned an extensive action directed towards the walls of Theodosius II. Taking into account the data on the order of Empress Anna of Savoy to renew the Thessaloniki fortification elements from 1355/56, it speaks of a possible general attack by the Serbian army. In addition to the above, the place of the emperor's death, which can still be debated in science, leaves room for various premises since two Ragusian historians wrote that Dušan died in Thrace-in Byzantine territory.
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Wright, Arthur M. "Disarming the rulers and authorities: Reading Colossians in its Roman imperial context." Review & Expositor 116, no. 4 (October 21, 2019): 446–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0034637319879033.
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The scant scholarly discussion that focuses on the relationship between Colossians and the Roman Empire has tended to reduce the relationship to a binary proposition: either Colossians is anti-empire, or it has little to say altogether with regards to empire. Neither perspective captures the complexity of Colossians in this regard. Colossians was not written explicitly for the purpose of opposing Rome’s empire. Yet it does have significant bearing on understanding how to live life faithfully under the dominion of empire. Writing to combat what the author perceives as a dangerous philosophy for the Colossian Christians, the author gives readers a glimpse into a worldview at sharp odds with Roman imperial ideology. The theological and Christological claims of the letter engage with Roman imperial ideology in ways that contest, threaten, and also mimic Roman imperial power.
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Wilfand, Yael. "“How Great Is Peace”: Tannaitic Thinking on Shalom and the Pax Romana." Journal for the Study of Judaism 50, no. 2 (May 14, 2019): 223–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12521224.
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AbstractTannaitic compositions include midrashim that focus on shalom (peace) and its significance. Since the word shalom appears in numerous contexts in the Tanak, the sages were able to develop various ideas, depending on their preferences, from an array of biblical verses. Despite having been composed under Roman rule, these shalom midrashim make no mention of Rome. Thus, scholars who have studied these sources have given scant attention to this broader framework. However, peace played a crucial role in Roman imperial ideology, where Rome is presented bringing peace to the empire. In this article, I analyze these midrashim and other Tannaitic passages and examine their relationship with Roman notions of peace. I show that this material conveys a latent dialogue with the ideology related to pax Romana and how the Roman conceptualization of peace appears to have influenced rabbinic approaches to shalom.
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White, Joel R. "‘Peace’ and ‘Security’ (1 Thess 5.3): Roman Ideology and Greek Aspiration." New Testament Studies 60, no. 4 (September 10, 2014): 499–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688514000162.
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Against the consensus that ‘peace and security’ in 1 Thess 5.3 is an allusion to a common Roman imperial slogan, it is argued that, while ‘peace’ does, in fact, evoke Roman propaganda's promise of a stable society to her loyal subjects, ‘security’ has its roots in the Hellenistic conception of the polis as the guarantor of stability. Paul himself combined these two catchwords, thereby promoting a counterclaim both to Roman imperial power and to Hellenistic visions of the ideal civic society. Neither can offer true security in the face of the apocalyptic cataclysm he is convinced is coming. That can be found, as far as he is concerned, only in identifying with the community of believers in Jesus.
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Peppard, Michael. "The Eagle and the Dove: Roman Imperial Sonship and the Baptism of Jesus (Mark 1.9-11)." New Testament Studies 56, no. 4 (September 7, 2010): 431–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688510000159.
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This essay argues that the common understanding of imperial divine sonship among biblical scholars can be reframed by emphasizing the importance of adoption in Roman society and imperial ideology. A case study from the Gospel of Mark—the portrayal of Jesus' baptism—demonstrates some of the pay-off for reading the NT with a newly contextualized perspective on divine sonship. Through engagement with diverse sources from the Hellenistic and Roman eras, the dove will be interpreted as an omen and counter-symbol to the Roman eagle, which was a public portent of divine favor, election, and ascension to power.
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van den Heever, Gerhard. "Making Mysteries. From the Untergang der Mysterien to Imperial Mysteries – Social Discourse in Religion and the Study of Religion." Religion and Theology 12, no. 3-4 (2005): 262–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430106776241150.
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AbstractThis article considers the ‘fate’ of Graeco-Roman mysteries in late Antiquity in the context of the gradual Christianising of the Roman Empire. It is argued that the mysteries of the imperial era were themselves contributing to and demonstrative of the social ideology underlying the making of the Roman Empire. The mysteries were embedded in the imperial performance of Saturnalian good times. In order to see this one should change the perspective to study them first and foremost as imperial performances. Concomitantly, one should also study the constructions of mysteries in scholarship in order to understand the birth of our conventional understanding of the mysteries in the context of the social ideologies of the 19th century. In this way the Graeco-Roman mysteries serve as a useful case study of the constructedness of religion as social discourse as well as scholarship on religion as equally a social discourse.
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Aneziri, Sophia. "Greek Strategies of Adaptation to the Roman World: The Case of the Contests." Mnemosyne 67, no. 3 (June 10, 2014): 423–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12341293.
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This article examines strategies that made it possible for Greek contests and the professionals who were engaged in them to retain their identity in the Roman Empire while they adapted to the circumstances of the new era. In their efforts to preserve and to enhance existing prestige and privilege, the organizers and others who were involved in the contests attempted both to exploit the past and to establish links to the new Roman power. The consequent linking of the Imperial cult with festivals, artists, athletes, and their associations provided tools that assisted the promotion of Imperial power and ideology.
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Lee, Sang Mok. "Christ’s Πίστις vs. Caesar’s Fides: Πίστις Χριστοῦ in Galatians and the Roman Imperial Cult." Expository Times 130, no. 6 (November 15, 2018): 243–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524618813282.
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This study examines the meaning of πίστις Χριστοῦ with respect to the political and religious situations of Paul’s Galatian recipients, including the issue of circumcision. When the apostle sent his letter to the Galatian churches, the Gentile believers were returning to the Roman imperial cult; by doing so, they were accepting the emperor as the ultimate authority and benefactor and incorporated into the reciprocity of fides. Through πίστις Χριστοῦ, our apostle criticised and superseded this Roman imperial ideology and the imperial cult. Paul’s πίστις Χριστοῦ was intended to advocate Christ’s faithfulness in opposition to Caesar’s faithfulness. He exhorted the recipients to live in a relationship of πίστις with Christ, not Caesar. Christ’s faithfulness and ‘the believer’s faith in Christ’ are not mutually exclusive. Paul deliberately intended the ambivalence of the Greek phrase to denote the reciprocal πίστις between Christ and the believer. The apostle defined the believer’s relationship with both the Jewish tradition and the Roman Empire concurrently.
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White, Joel R. "‘Peace and Security’ (1 Thessalonians 5.3): Is It Really a Roman Slogan?" New Testament Studies 59, no. 3 (June 10, 2013): 382–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688513000088.
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According to a growing number of scholars, when Paul makes use of the phrase ‘peace and security’ in 1 Thess 5.3, he is alluding to a well-known slogan in Roman propaganda that summed up the benefits of the Pax Romana. While there can be no doubt that ‘peace’ played an important role in Rome's imperial ideology, it is less clear that this was the case for ‘security’, and a review of the evidence presented by the proponents of this view calls into question their conclusion that ‘peace and security’ had the character of a slogan.
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May, David M. "Interpreting Revelation with Roman Coins: A Test Case, Revelation 6:9–11." Review & Expositor 106, no. 3 (August 2009): 445–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003463730910600309.
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The altar scene in Revelation 6:9–11 has been interpreted as a positive image of martyred saints being presence with God in heaven. This article, however, challenges this traditional assumption. Based on Roman imperial coinage, especially those coins with images of altars, it is likely that John portrayed the altar in his narrative as not representing the heavenly altar of God but the imperial altar of Rome. John takes well-known Roman images and challenges his readers to resist the temptation these altars represent as symbols of the false ideology espoused by Rome. He also illustrates how these altars, like the cross of Christ, may become the symbol for his readers' martyrdom. This article also suggests that architectural images of altars on Roman coins can provide a way to understand the strange position of the martyred ones who are “under the altar.”
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Smalley, S. S. "Roman Imperial Ideology and the Gospel of John. By LANCE BYRON RICHEY." Journal of Theological Studies 60, no. 1 (November 12, 2008): 249–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/fln105.
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Finney, Mark T. "Christ Crucified and the Inversion of Roman Imperial Ideology in 1 Corinthians." Biblical Theology Bulletin: Journal of Bible and Culture 35, no. 1 (February 2005): 20–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/01461079050350010401.
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Boustan, Ra'anan. "Immolating Emperors: Spectacles of Imperial Suffering and the Making of a Jewish Minority Culture in Late Antiquity." Biblical Interpretation 17, no. 1-2 (2009): 207–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851508x383440039.
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AbstractThis paper traces the historical development of the discourse of violent retribution in Jewish culture over the course of Late Antiquity. The paper argues that, although Jews had long engaged in anti-Roman rhetoric, Jewish anti-imperial sentiment intensified in the fifth to seventh centuries CE. This heightened level of antipathy toward the Roman state is perhaps best exemplified by a number of texts that present tableaux of graphic violence directed against the figure of the Roman emperor. The paper shows that these fantasies of revenge redeployed and inverted specific elements of Roman imperial ideology and practice, while at the same time internalizing the pervasive stereotype of Jews in sixth- and especially seventh-century Christian sources as violent troublemakers. The paper argues that, in attempting to assert some measure of control over the "symbolic weapons" of religious violence at play in their society, the Jewish creators of this vivid discourse of retributive justice colluded with their Christian counterparts in constructing the Jew as a member of an oppositional and even dangerous religious minority.
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Vannan, Eleanor Mary. "The Queen of Propaganda: Boudica’s Representation in Empire." Arbutus Review 12, no. 1 (October 25, 2021): 24–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/tar121202120187.
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Boudica was an Iceni queen c. 60 CE in Roman-occupied Britain who revolted against the Roman empire. While there is a scarcity of primary sources that document her life, Boudica has remained a dominant figure in conceptualisations of British national identity. This paper examines the works of the Roman historians, the archaeological record, and the depictions of Boudica in different periods and analyses the ability of historians to record events without being influenced by the ideology of their contemporary periods. Through a comparative examination of sources, this paper argues that Boudica should not be approached as a verifiable historical figure but as a tool to understand imperial propaganda.
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Krauter, Stefan. "Adam und Romulus. Lateinische Dichtung in der Paulusexegese." Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 111, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 227–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/znw-2020-0010.
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AbstractIn New Testament exegesis, quotations from Latin literature of the Early Principate are mostly used as evidence of Roman imperial ideology. This essay aims to show that it is worthwhile to deal more carefully with such literary texts. Horace’s seventh and sixteenth epodes are compared with passages from the letter to the Romans. Using the myth of Romulus’ fratricide, Horace expresses his despair during the civil wars. He imagines a fictional rescue by fleeing from Rome to a primeval “pre-lapsarian” paradise. Paul uses the myth of Adam and Eve to portray human captivity under sin from which Christ saves people from all nations. The parallels are not mere coincidence.
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Verboven, Koenraad. "City and Reciprocity: The Role of Cultural Beliefs in the Roman Economy." Annales (English ed.) 67, no. 04 (December 2012): 599–627. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s239856820000039x.
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Over the past decade, the New Institutional Economics have become a popular model for analyzing ancient economic history. However, the notion of cultural beliefs, which plays a central role in Douglass North’s recent work and Avner Greif’s analysis of institutional change, has been largely ignored. This article argues that a neo-institutional approach taking this notion into account offers a better means of understanding how ideology and moral values influenced the ancient economy than the Finleyan model. Rather than acting as a deterministic constraint on human behavior, cultural beliefs help to orient decision making and allow one to anticipate the (re)actions of others. This article explores two key sets of norms and values in Roman culture that profoundly marked the economy’s institutional framework. The first focused on reciprocity, which supported social networks beyond the confines of the familia-freedmen group and underlay the development of contract and agency law. The second was based on citizenship, which shaped political culture by creating individual rights and obligations that the political elite was given the authority to enforce in order to secure and stimulate both private and common interests. This resulted in Roman law and the distribution of justice. Ideologically, the Roman Empire presented itself as a meta-city that incorporated local communities, which were in turn gradually transformed to fit the civitas model. Both sets of beliefs lowered transaction costs without threatening the preeminent position of local and imperial aristocracies. Toward the end of the second century CE, local communities weakened as the imperial administration grew stronger, causing local and regional aristocracies to turn to the imperial court and army for status, influence, and power. The ideology of citizenship as the guiding principle of political culture gave way to that of the sacred emperor, who guaranteed divine justice and order.
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FUNDIC, Leonela. "Art and Political Ideology in the State of Epiros during the Reign of Theodore Doukas (r. 1215-1230)." BYZANTINA SYMMEIKTA 23 (February 21, 2014): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.1100.
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<span style="color: black; line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt">The paper sets out</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt"> to <span>reconstruct the political context of art-making in the State of Epiros under its second ruler </span>Theodore Komnenos Doukas (r. 1215-1230)<span>, paying particular attention to two aspects: first, the ways in which art reflected and articulated political ideology; and second, the role played by works of art in the formation of a Byzantine imperial identity in exile.</span></span>
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STEPHENSON, Paul. "Book Review: Byzantine War Ideology between Roman Imperial Concept and Christian Religion. Akten des Internationalen Symposiums (Wien, 19.-21. Mai 2011), Vienna 2012." BYZANTINA SYMMEIKTA 23 (May 22, 2014): 381. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.1153.
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Book review:<font face="Times New Roman" size="3"> </font><p style="margin: 0cm 63.5pt 0pt 0cm; text-align: justify; line-height: 150%; text-indent: 1cm" class="MsoNormal"><em><span style="line-height: 150%"><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">Byzantine War Ideology between Roman Imperial Concept and Christian Religion. Akten des In</font><a name="_GoBack" title="_GoBack"></a><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">ternationalen Symposiums (Wien, 19.-21. Mai 2011)</font></span></em><font size="3"><font face="Times New Roman"><span style="line-height: 150%">.</span><span style="line-height: 150%">Veröffentlichungen zur Byzanzforschung, Band XXX, eds. J. <span style="font-variant: small-caps">Koder</span> and I. <span style="font-variant: small-caps">Stouraitis</span>, Vienna 2012. pp. 137. ISBN: 9783700173076</span></font></font></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3"> </font>
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DAS, SHINJINI. "AN IMPERIAL APOSTLE? ST PAUL, PROTESTANT CONVERSION, AND SOUTH ASIAN CHRISTIANITY." Historical Journal 61, no. 1 (June 27, 2017): 103–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000024.
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AbstractThis article explores the locally specific (re)construction of a biblical figure, the Apostle St Paul, in India, to unravel the entanglement of religion with British imperial ideology on the one hand, and to understand the dynamics of colonial conversion on the other. Over the nineteenth century, evangelical pamphlets and periodicals heralded St Paul as the ideal missionary, who championed conversion to Christianity but within an imperial context: that of the first-century Roman Mediterranean. Through an examination of missionary discourses, along with a study of Indian (Hindu and Islamic) intellectual engagement with Christianity including Bengali convert narratives, this article studies St Paul as a reference point for understanding the contours of ‘vernacular Christianity’ in nineteenth-century India. Drawing upon colonial Christian publications mainly from Bengal, the article focuses on the multiple reconfigurations of Paul: as a crucial mascot of Anglican Protestantism, as a justification of British imperialism, as an ideological resource for anti-imperial sentiments, and as a theological inspiration for Hindu reform and revivalist organization.
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García Cuetos, María Pilar. "La Imperial Tarraco. Restauración de los testimonios de la Tarragona romana bajo el franquismo." De Arte. Revista de Historia del Arte, no. 13 (December 8, 2014): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/da.v0i13.1217.
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<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml> <w:WordDocument> <w:View>Normal</w:View> <w:Zoom>0</w:Zoom> <w:HyphenationZone>21</w:HyphenationZone> <w:PunctuationKerning /> <w:ValidateAgainstSchemas /> <w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>false</w:SaveIfXMLInvalid> <w:IgnoreMixedContent>false</w:IgnoreMixedContent> <w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>false</w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText> <w:Compatibility> <w:BreakWrappedTables /> <w:SnapToGridInCell /> <w:WrapTextWithPunct /> <w:UseAsianBreakRules /> <w:DontGrowAutofit /> </w:Compatibility> <w:BrowserLevel>MicrosoftInternetExplorer4</w:BrowserLevel> </w:WordDocument> </xml><![endif]--> <p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">Resumen:</p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; line-height: 150%;">La ciudad de Tarragona ha establecido una compleja relación los testimonios de su pasado romano. El régimen franquista utilizó los restos romanos de Tarragona para afianzar su ideología y el periodo del Desarrollismo aumentó el valor de los monumentos romanos para el turismo nacional e internacional. Ese contexto de utilización ideológica y económica de las ruinas romanas por parte del estado franquista, se declaró de la ciudad como Conjunto Histórico-Artístico en enero de 1966. Alejandro Ferrant fue arquitecto restaurador de la Cuarta Zona Monumental entre 1944 y 1976 y llevó a cabo los proyectos de restauración de los restos romanos de tarraconenses, que han tenido un papel determinante en su recepción y valoración actuales.</p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;" lang="EN-GB">Abstrat:</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; line-height: 150%;"><span class="hps"><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN;" lang="EN">The city of Tarragona established a complex relationship with the testimonies of its Roman past. The Francisco Franco regime used the Roman ruins of Tarragona to strengthen its ideology as the period called "Desarrollismo", increased the value of the Roman remains for domestic and international tourism. In this context of ideological and economic use of Roman ruins by the Francoist state, the city was declared conjunto histórico-artístico (historical site) in January 1966. Alejandro Ferrant was an architect restorer of the Fourth Monumental Zone between 1944 and 1976 and carried the restoration projects of the Roman remains of Tarragona, which have played a decisive role in their reception and current rating.</span></span></p> <!--[if gte mso 9]><xml> <w:LatentStyles DefLockedState="false" LatentStyleCount="156"> </w:LatentStyles> </xml><![endif]--><!--[if !mso]><object classid="clsid:38481807-CA0E-42D2-BF39-B33AF135CC4D" id=ieooui></object> <mce:style><! st1\:*{behavior:url(#ieooui) } --> <!--[endif] --><!--[if gte mso 10]> <mce:style><! /* Style Definitions */ table.MsoNormalTable {mso-style-name:"Tabla normal"; mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0; mso-tstyle-colband-size:0; mso-style-noshow:yes; mso-style-parent:""; mso-padding-alt:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; mso-para-margin:0cm; mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; font-size:10.0pt; font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-ansi-language:#0400; mso-fareast-language:#0400; mso-bidi-language:#0400;} --> <!--[endif] -->
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Mekhamadiev, Evgeniy. "A Military Unit of the Celtae (the Celts) and Some Peculiarities of Late Roman Military Titles in the 4th C. AD." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 1 (February 2019): 165–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.1.14.
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Introduction. The Late Roman administration used to practice many ways of interrelations with the Barbarian tribes, but modern scholarship tended and tends to pay main attention to external perspectives of interrelations, i.e. issues of barbaric invasions and methods of their accomodation within the Roman territory. In contrast, modern scholarship pays little attention to internal perspectives of interrelations, and partly, to one of the point of internal interrelations, which is strictly under consideration in this paper. This point is a meaning of official titles, which Roman administration gave to military detachments composed of the German warriors. Basing on evidence about an elite military unit of the Celtae and the name Celtae itself, the author aims to regard peculiarities of Late Roman military nomenclature and to trace how this nomenclature reflected an official political ideology of imperial supremacy, a system of Romans’ views and opinions about the Barbarians. Methods. The author studies these matters by comparing the evidence of Ammianus Marcellinus, Greek dedicatory inscription from the city of Stobi (the province of Macedonia) and some panegyrics (the so-called Latin panegyrics, a speech of Julian the Apostate in honor of the Emperor Constantius II and the “Thanksgiving oration” of a prominent Gallic rhetorician Ausonius for the Emperor Gratianus). The author traces how all these texts are treated and meant a word Celtae/Κελτοί. Analysis. The author proposes and proves an idea that a military unit of the Celtae was composed of the captive Alamanni presumably between the reign of the Emperor Diocletian (284-305) and 351/352. Results. Having based on the evidence enumerated above, the author concluded that the the unit of the captive Alamanni received an official title of Celtae because the Romans used to name the German captives as more ancient people, over which the Roman won decisive and brilliant victories in previous times. This naming practice was one of the persistent peculiarities of the Late Roman military nomenclature and records management working.
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Stouraitis, Yannis. "Trapped in the imperial narrative? Some reflections on warfare and the provincial masses in Byzantium (600-1204)." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 44, no. 1 (February 19, 2020): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2019.21.
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The experience of war of the common people in the medieval East Roman Empire is a topic related to hotly debated issues such as collective identification and attachments, or imperialism and ecumenical ideology. This paper attempts a bottom-up approach to the way warfare was perceived and experienced by provincial populations based on the analysis of selected evidence from the period between the seventh and the twelfth centuries. It goes without saying that the treatment of the topic here could not be exhaustive. My main goal was to problematize the relationship between the objectives of imperial military policies and the pragmatic needs of common provincials for protection of their well-being.
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Agbamu, Samuel. "Mare Nostrum: Italy and the Mediterranean of Ancient Rome in the Twentieth and Twenty-First Centuries." Fascism 8, no. 2 (December 17, 2019): 250–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00802001.
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Abstract The Mediterranean has occupied a prominent role in the political imaginary of Italian Fascisms, past and present. In the 1920s to the early 1940s, Fascist Italy’s imperial project used the concept of mare nostrum – our sea – taken from the vocabulary of Roman antiquity, to anchor modern Italian imperialism within the authority of the classical past. In the postwar years, following decolonization in Africa, mare nostrum receded from popular discourse, previous claims to the Mediterranean suppressed. However, in the context of the so-called refugee crisis, Italy resurrected mare nostrum, in the naming of its military-humanitarian operation, a move rejected by the contemporary Italian far right. This article argues that configurations of the Mediterranean of ancient Rome have served to yoke Africa to Italy when articulated into a Fascist, imperial ideology, as well as to reify the boundaries between Europe and the non-European other, in the xenophobic discourse of the contemporary Italian far right.
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Van Tricht, Filip. "Claiming the Basileia ton Rhomaion." Medieval History Journal 20, no. 2 (September 25, 2017): 248–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971945817718651.
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In April 1204, the army of the Fourth Crusade captured Constantinople. For the leading princes, it was self-evident that they would install an imperator of their own in the Queen of Cities. Their choice fell on Baldwin IX/VI, count of Flanders/Hainault. In this contribution, we aim to analyse how Baldwin and his successors saw their emperorship, and how they and their empire were seen by others in Byzantium and the West. The current historiographical term, ‘Latin Empire of Constantinople’, reflects the prevailing view that an entirely new political construct had been set up replacing the former Byzantine Empire. However, contemporaries, both the emperors themselves as well as outsiders, consistently referred to the empire using both Latin and Greek terms that, prior to 1204, had been commonly employed to refer to the Byzantine Empire. Yet eastern and western conceptions of the nature of the empire before 1204 differed greatly: it was ‘Greek’ in Latin eyes, ‘Roman’ in Byzantine eyes. The Constantinopolitan imperial crown having been placed on his head, Baldwin became heir to these conflicting traditions. Moreover, rival imperial claims soon arose within the Byzantine space in neighbouring Byzantine successor states. In the face of these challenges, the Latin emperors strove to formulate a political ideology legitimising their claim to imperial rule. We will argue that in essence the successive Latin emperors adopted, up to a point, the key tenets of Byzantine imperial theory (Roman character, universalism, emperors as vicars of Christ and autocracy). Their western background and their different relationship with the West led to certain changes, but whether these should be seen as fundamentally un-Byzantine is not self-evident. Conversely, the presence of the now Latin rulers on the Constantinopolitan throne also led to changes in the western perception of the eastern empire.
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Cerasi, Laura. "Empires ancient and modern: strength, modernity and power in imperial ideology from the Liberal period to Fascism." Modern Italy 19, no. 4 (November 2014): 421–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2014.968116.
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This article examines the image of Empire developed in public discourse in Italy during the late Liberal period and Fascism by placing it in the context of representations of the British Empire, with which Italian imperial ambitions were compared. There is a continuity in seeing the British Empire as the expression of industrial and commercial modernity and its resultant strength, but what in the Liberal period was seen as an unparalleled superiority became under Fascism a supremacy acquired in a particular period but now exhibiting signs of decline, which Fascism should contest and surpass. Admiration of the British was mixed with disparagement: key figures expressed a competitive resentment towards Britain and its dominant international position, seeing it as the epitome of ‘modern’ imperial power against which Fascism was destined to be measured. In the 1930s signs of the British Empire's decline were sought, developing the idea in Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire that British domination would also rise and fall, and announcing the replacement of the ‘British order’, founded on commercial modernity and the strength of money and capital, by Fascism's new civilisation, with its authentic heritage of imperial romanità. This competitiveness towards Britain, which historiography has principally seen as a component of foreign policy (as was clear over Ethiopia), has additional significance when seen as an element of political culture that relates to the concept of the State. The autonomy and strength of the State were an important feature of Fascism's self-representation and of its legal culture, and in this light the possession of an empire came to be seen as an essential aspect of statehood and power.
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Medley, Mark S. "Subversive song: Imagining Colossians 1:15–20 as a social protest hymn in the context of Roman empire." Review & Expositor 116, no. 4 (October 21, 2019): 421–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0034637319878790.
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A connection exists between the Christological hymn of praise and protest in Col 1:15–20 and popular protest music. The connection is the lyrical ability to transform political and socio-cultural realities, as well as to empower and mobilize protest and resistance against imperial power and coercive structures of domination. A special focus is on Billie Holiday’s song, “Strange Fruit,” a contemporary model of a protest song in comparison to Col 1:15–20. In the comparison, the Colossians hymn draws upon the political ideology and imagery of the Roman Empire in the form of a counter-discourse, as was Jewish resistance poetry, in ways analogous to how Holiday’s “Strange Fruit” evokes the imagery of white racial terror for the sake of raising political consciousness.
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Duplá Ansuátegui, Antonio. "Augusto y el franquismo: ecos del Bimilenario de Augusto en España." REVISTA DE HISTORIOGRAFÍA (RevHisto) 27 (November 27, 2017): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/revhisto.2017.3968.
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Resumen: El objetivo de este artículo es analizar una serie de iniciativas concretas que tuvieron lugar en España entre 1938 y 1940 como eco local del Bimilenario de Augusto celebrado en Italia. En todos estos actos el protagonismo de Falange, uno de los principales partidos fascistas entonces, fue fundamental, tanto en la dirección política como en la organización práctica. Los falangistas mantenían relaciones con los dirigentes mussolinianos y uno de los temas preferidos en su propaganda era la hermandad italo-española, que se remontaba a su común pasado romano y católico. En los primeros años del nuevo régimen franquista, esta ideología clasicista, en particular en torno a la figura de Augusto y la antigua Roma imperial, contribuyo a la conformación de la nueva identidad nacional, basada en un pasado glorioso y dirigida por el nuevo líder carismático.Palabras clave: Bimilenario de Augusto, Roma antigua, fascismo, Falange, Franco, P. Galindo.Abstract: This paper aims to analyse several events in Spain between 1938 and 1940 as local echoes of the bimillenary of Augustus in Italy. In all these events a fundamental role was played by Falange, one of Spain’s leading fascist groups of the time, both in terms of intellectual direction and practical organisation. They had ties with the Mussolinian leaders and intellectuals, and one of the recurring themes in their propaganda was the fraternity between Italy and Spain which they dated back to a common, ancient Roman and Catholic past. In the first years of Franco’s new regime this classicist ideology, in particular the link with Augustus and ancient imperial Rome, contributed to the building of a new national identity, based on a glorious past and conducted by a new charismatic leader.Key words: Bimillenary of Augustus, ancient Rome, fascism, Falange, Franco, P. Galindo.
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Halberstam, Chaya. "Legal Justice or Social Justice?" Journal of Ancient Judaism 7, no. 3 (May 14, 2016): 397–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00703006.
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This article aims to read closely the tannaitic material pertaining to judicial discretion and legal justice with the understanding that the rabbis are not simply clarifying certain specialized questions about courtroom procedure but are seriously engaging a core facet of Roman imperial and Hellenistic ideology: the benefits and deficits of the rule of law. It has been noted that as opposed to later, talmudic rabbis, the Tanaaim are particularly strict with regard to personal, judicial discretion – in other words, that rather than strike a balance between law and wisdom, they allow only for rule-based decision making. This article suggests that the Tanaaim not only opt for rule-bound decision making, but that they do so with a full awareness of what is lost from broader ideals of social justice when judges are required to abide, almost mechanically, by the rules. The Tanaaim thereby contributed to contemporary questions in political philosophy from the point of view of disempowered Roman provincials for whom the rule of law meant less as political propaganda and more as a measure of stability in uncertain times.
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Olovsdotter, Cecilia. "Representing consulship. On the concept and meanings of the consular diptychs." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 4 (November 2011): 99–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-04-05.
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Although the consular diptych does not appear as a distinct category of art until the end of the Roman consulate’s thousand-year history (c. 400–541), it constitutes a primary example of the continuance of Roman honorific tradition, developing concurrently with the division and transformation of the Roman empire and the resurgence of the consulate as the most prestigious office on the cursus honorum. By analysing and interpreting the patterns of motif selection, compositional structure and representational mode in the consular diptychs, it is possible to trace the various contextual factors, cultural and historical, that contributed towards their conception, and to gain valuable insights into the precepts of the late antique ‘ideology of consulship’ that was transmitted through this new visual medium. The present article discusses the different layers of meaning within the consular imagery, conveyed through an increasing elaboration and regularization of form and content, from the basic theme of official apparatus and ceremonial to the more symbolic themes through which the ideal aspects and functions of the Late Antique consulate are expressed, notably the triumphal and regenerative powers figuratively invested in the consul, and the intimate link between these and the ideas of imperial victory and ‘Eternal Rome’.
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Campbell, Warren C. "Inverted Hybridities: Reactions to Imperialism in Select Pseudepigraphic Ezra Materials." Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 27, no. 3 (March 2018): 205–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951820718771237.
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This article examines both 4 and 5 Ezra as two textual reactions to Roman imperialism utilizing Homi Bhabha's notion of ‘hybridity’. The central argument offered here is that 4 and 5 Ezra both exemplify resistance to and affiliation with the discourse of dominance integral to imperial ideology. Such reactions are, however, inverted. On the one hand, 4 Ezra primarily offers a theodicean resistance to the destruction of the Second Temple during the First Jewish Revolt (66–70 CE), but relies upon essentialized binaries integral to a colonial discourse of domination. On the other hand, 5 Ezra advances a notion of religious replacement in the aftermath of the Bar Kokhba revolt (132–135 CE); an expression of dominance that is simultaneously a strategy of communal preservation arising from a position of proximity to a Jewish heritage.
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Kryśkiewicz, H. "The Parthians – a worthy enemy of Rome? Remarks on Roman-Parthian political conflict in the Ist c. B.C., and its influence on Roman imperial ideology." World of the Orient 2017, no. 3 (September 30, 2017): 60–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/orientw2017.03.060.
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McIntyre, Gwynaeth. "Maxentius, the Dioscuri, and the Legitimisation of Imperial Power." Antichthon 52 (2018): 161–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ann.2018.2.
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AbstractMythological twin brothers played key roles in the establishment and preservation of the city of Rome. This article examines the use of one particular set of brothers, Castor and Pollux, by rival forms of government in the early fourth century ce. In his work on the representations of the Dioscuri on Roman coinage, Gricourt argues that the Dioscuri symbolise the same ideas on Maxentius’ coins as on other such imperial coinage, namely their role in maintaining the eternal order of the universe and their roles as protectors of soldiers.1 More recently, however, Marlowe and Hekster have successfully argued that Maxentius’ ideology was a counterclaim to that presented by the Tetrarchy.2 Developing this notion further with respect to Maxentius’ coinage, this article argues that, for the Tetrarchs, Castor and Pollux served as the ideal figures to symbolise the importance of concordia in the collective rule of like-minded individuals. Maxentius, however, used Castor and Pollux in connection with other symbols of the city of Rome (such as Romulus, Remus, and the she-wolf) on his coins to promote his restoration of the city of Rome (in conjunction with titles such as princeps and conservator urbis suae). The examination of this ideological conflict between Maxentius and the Tetrarchy, through their use of Castor and Pollux on their coinage, sheds light on the mutability of myth and its role in the promotion of particular aspects of mythological narratives and figures to support an individual’s own claims to power.
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Yeates, Paul Henry. "Blaspheming Heaven." Novum Testamentum 59, no. 1 (January 5, 2017): 31–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685365-12341554.
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In Rev 13:6, the Beast is said to blaspheme God as well as the ones who dwell in heaven. This paper addresses two questions in relation to this verse, firstly, Who are the heaven-dwellers? And secondly, How were they blasphemed by the Beast? The text of Revelation is read as narrative and in the context of the cosmological dimension of Roman imperial ideology, which is established by examining literary texts and material artefacts. The heaven-dwellers of Rev 13:6 are identified as martyred saints and it is argued that they were blasphemed by Rome’s claim to authority which was both derived from heaven and extended into heaven. The blasphemous implication of Rome’s cosmology was that faithful saints had no place of security and vindication in heaven but were abandoned to an earthly existence of hardship and defeat.
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Makhlaiuk, Alexander Valentinovich. "“Love for the Fatherland” and civil Identity in the discourse of Latin and Greek inscriptions." RUDN Journal of World History 14, no. 3 (December 15, 2022): 308–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2022-14-3-308-327.
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Based on Greek and Latin epigraphy, the article examines the main features of civil ideology associated with the concept of “love of the fatherland” ( philopatria , amor patriae and their derivatives). The corresponding categories, often emotionally colored, were widely used to characterize the virtues and behavioral motives of urban elites who acted as euergetai . The lexical and contextual analysis of the inscriptions shows that the civic patriotism of the Greek cities coexisted quite well with the political loyalty to the Roman authorities and ruling emperors. In both Greek and Latin inscriptions, there is an explicit or implicit imperial context. In the former, it is especially emphasized by title names indicating “love” for emperors and Rome (φιλόκαισαρ, φιλοσέβαστος, φιλορώμαιος). In the western provinces and Italy, there was obviously no particular need for such direct references. It is reasonable to believe that there, in urban communities consisting of Roman citizens, a sense of belonging to two homelands, as Cicero defined them, remained: Rome as communis patria / patria civitatis (iuris) and the fatherland by nature and locality ( patria naturae / loci patria ). In other aspects, however, a comparison of the discourses of Greek and Latin inscriptions reveals direct parallels and coincidences in the basic value orientations, due to the remaining civil-communal (polis) character of the cities of the Roman Empire.
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Barnhill, Gregory M. "Seeing Christ through Hearing the Apocalypse: An Exploration of John’s Use of Ekphrasis in Revelation 1 and 19." Journal for the Study of the New Testament 39, no. 3 (February 20, 2017): 235–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x17689986.
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Utilizing rhetorical criticism, this study explores the manner in which Revelation describes two visions of Christ (Rev. 1.12-18; 19.11-16) in order to understand how such descriptions are used in the service of the author’s rhetoric. As a rhetorical technique, ekphrasis mediates what a speaker sees to an audience through descriptive words. A successful ekphrasis bridges the distance between the verbal and the visual, causing hearers to see for themselves, and evokes an emotional response ( pathos) in the audience. The visions of Rev. 1 and 19 are thus understood as poetic-rhetorical acts, or mimesis: representations of life that point toward reality beyond the particulars, intended to evoke an emotional response. Such characterization of Christ through ekphrasis moves the audience to embrace the text’s worldview of a critical distance from Roman imperial ideology and a commitment to Jesus as Lord over against the deceitful powers of empire.
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Burrus, Virginia. "Torture, Truth, and the Witnessing Body: Reading Christian Martyrdom with Page duBois." Biblical Interpretation 25, no. 1 (February 17, 2017): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685152-00251p03.
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Taking its departure from Page duBois’ monograph Torture and Truth, this essay points toward a gap in the history conveyed by duBois, yet hinted at by the painting reproduced on the book’s cover – Nicolas Poussin’s “Martyrdom of Saint Erasmus” (1629). DuBois relates classical Greek juridical practices, in which the tortured slave body is the site of the production of truth, to the subsequent history of Western philosophy, of which Heidegger is a privileged exemplum. This essay in turn inserts a history of Christian martyrdom (both early modern and ancient) into that narrative. The tight linking of truth with torture persists in martyrdom texts (including the Gospels), and the juridical context highlighted by duBois remains decisive for their interpretation. So too does the context of Roman imperial rule, together with the public spectacles of violence through which imperial power was performed. However, whereas classical Greek practice frames the slave as the passive container of a truth that another can claim, the ideology of Christian martyrdom assigns truth to the tortured subject herself. The legacy of martyrdom may explain the ease with which some today all too easily disavow complicity with torture to the point of denying that it continues, while also all too easily laying claim to the authority of suffering truth. It may illumine, as well, the limits of torture’s power and the potential sources of its subversion and critique.
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Andrejevs, Olegs. "Gentile Christian Identity from Cornelius to Constantine: The Nations, the Parting of the Ways, and Roman Imperial Ideology by Terence L. Donaldson." Catholic Biblical Quarterly 84, no. 2 (April 2022): 324–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cbq.2022.0065.
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Jeon, Kyung-mee. "The Christian Roman Empire of the Fourth to Fifth Centuries, Ascetic Christianity, and the Emergence of Empresses: Christian Ideology of Imperial Victory." Theological Forum 91, no. ll (March 2018): 241–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.17301/tf.2018.91..009.
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Orlov-Vilimonovic, Larisa. "The ethics of care in the late antique Christian discourse: (trans)historical perspectives on the social, political and philosophical value of care." Filozofija i drustvo 33, no. 4 (2022): 910–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid2204910o.
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The paper examines the historical context of ethics of care in early Christian discourse. The historical context of the ethics of care enables us to comprehend the ways in which ethics of care was employed and disseminated as part of political ideology and public discourse, significantly influencing the social relations of the rapidly changing Roman world between the fourth and seventh centuries. The Byzantine Empire is a prime example of a political entity in which philanthropy was the driving force behind imperial politics and social relations. Emperor Justinian?s laws, which proclaimed social justice and protection for those in need, serve as a case study for an ethics of care. Also, the ethics of care is reconfigured within the context of Byzantine theology as a theology of care, in which the primary virtue of a true Christian is his fervent love for the community (agape). The ethics of care is then examined from the perspective of gender and the newly established cult of the Theotokos, which degendered the concept of maternal thinking and maternal care by making it a universal experience and the new moral code for all Christians.
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Dziurdzik, Tomasz. "Znaczenie uroczystości kultowych w życiu społecznym armii rzymskiej okresu pryncypatu w świetle Feriale duranum." Vox Patrum 63 (July 15, 2015): 273–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3564.
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The aim of the present paper is to thoroughly reconstruct the meaning of the official cult ceremonies for the social life of the Roman Imperial army. Crucial to the analysis is the evidence produced by the Feriale Duranum, a papyrus document dating to the reign of Severus Alexander, but supported also by other sources. The matter of loyalty to the state and ruler is characteristic of most military ceremonies. Hierarchy and social order are emphasised as well, all four being values important for the military ideology. Participation in the same rites influenced the morale and esprit de corps not only in a particular unit, but also within the whole army. Therefore one can view the rites as an expression of a military identity, serving also to distinguish the soldiers as a separate social group. The official holidays were also of importance for the private life of a soldier, being one of few occasions when exemption from work and free time were granted. This made such ceremonies a welcome break from camp routine. As such, the official military religious rites were vital for the social life of both individual soldiers and military communities, be it units or even the whole army.
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Martinsen, Anders. "Ingeborg Mongstad-Kvammen: Towards a Postcolonial Reading of the Epistle of James. James 2:1–13 in Its Roman Imperial Context. Christina Petterson: Acts of Empire. The Acts of the Apostles and Imperial Ideology." Teologisk tidsskrift 3, no. 3 (September 17, 2014): 350–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1893-0271-2014-03-10.
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Robinson, Jonathan R. "Reading Mark's Christology under Caesar: Jesus the Messiah and Roman Imperial Ideology, AdamWinn, IVP, 2018 (ISBN 978‐0‐8308‐5211‐6), xiv + 194 pp., pb $24." Reviews in Religion & Theology 26, no. 3 (July 2019): 525–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rirt.13636.
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Trompf, G. W. "Rufinus and the Logic of Retribution in Post-Eusebian Church Histories." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 43, no. 3 (July 1992): 351–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900001330.
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It is no secret that the great orthodox ecclesiastical historians of the fourth and fifth centuries were purveyors of the new Christian imperial ideology. They as much as any group of writers laid the foundations of Byzantinism, by demonstrating from the course of events how it paid for emperors to be pious according to the prescriptions of the Catholic tradition, or how much better it was for the security, prosperity and destiny of the Roman Empire when the state and the (true) Church were consonant and false religion abandoned. So successful was the campaign in which they were engaged that by the sixth century, even though virtually all the Western provinces had fallen into barbarian hands, a clash between Church and State had become unthinkable, and no other ‘single hope for the permanency of the Empire’ had become possible but ‘the favour of God Himself, as Justinian, the energetic champion of reunification, proclaimed to all his successors.1 Such sentiments were in large measure the results of the works of those who had created attractive historical images of good Christian rulers.2 It was above all Eusebius Pamphilus, Tyrannius Rufinus, Socrates ‘Scholasticus’, Salmaninius Sozomen, Theodoret of Cyrrhus and Gelasius of Cyzicus who bequeathed to future generations an unblemished, idealised picture of Pax Constantiniana, a paradigm also reinforced by other Christian historians such as Lactantius and Athanasius.3 It was Rufinus who set the
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SIDEBOTTOM, HARRY. "(C.) Ando Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire. Pp. xxi + 494. Berkeley, Los Angeles and London: University of California Press, 2000. Cased, £38. ISBN 0-520-22067-6." Classical Review 56, no. 1 (March 24, 2006): 173–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x05000909.
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Bosworth, Brian. "Augustus, the Res Gestae and Hellenistic Theories of Apotheosis." Journal of Roman Studies 89 (November 1999): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300731.
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The literary genre of the Res Gestae has always been a source of perplexity. Over a century ago Mommsen compared efforts to categorize it with attempts to pin a literary label upon Dante's Divina Commedia or Goethe's Faust. That did not prevent his arguing that the work was a ‘Rechenschaftsbericht’, a formal report of Augustus' achievements as princeps. Nowadays it can perhaps be accepted that the document has a multiplicity of models and many purposes, all of them propagandist in nature. However, the complexity of the work is even now insufficiently appreciated. It is, for instance, well accepted that world conquest is a primary and pervading theme, and Augustus' imperial ideology has been well documented and discussed in recent years. But world conquest suggests another theme, that of apotheosis. The two motifs are inextricably linked in Hellenistic literature after Alexander, and the linkage was inherited by Roman authors, not least by the poets of the Augustan age. As for Augustus himself, his propaganda owes much to the Hellenistic ruler cult. His victory issues after Actium show a startling similarity to the famous tetradrachms commemorating Demetrius Poliorcetes' naval triumph at Cypriot Salamis; he adopted the same pose, and assimilated himself to Neptune, just as Demetrius had recalled Poseidon. Augustus may have been directly influenced by Demetrius' issues. He was possibly aware of the divine honours which the Athenians had conferred upon Demetrius a few months before his victory, and made similar claims in his own right. But the relationship was probably more indirect — Augustus used motifs which had become familiar during the previous centuries, emphasizing simultaneously the protection of the gods and his own godlike status. Demetrius' issue helped inspire the general pattern of thought, but there was no direct imitation.
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Conway‐Jones, Ann. "Gentile Christian Identity from Cornelius to Constantine: The Nations, the Parting of the Ways and Roman Imperial Ideology, Terence L.Donaldson, Eerdmans, 2020 (ISBN 978‐0‐8028‐7175‐6), xvi + 560 pp., hb $75." Reviews in Religion & Theology 28, no. 3 (July 2021): 272–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rirt.14019.
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Pavão, Fernando, and Flávio Schmitt. "As características anti-imperiais da mensagem de Paulo em Filipenses 3.20-21." REFLEXUS - Revista Semestral de Teologia e Ciências das Religiões 14, no. 2 (December 14, 2020): 657–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.20890/reflexus.v14i2.1699.
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O artigo avalia as características da mensagem anti-imperial de Paulo em Filipenses 3.20-21. Procura-se demonstrar como o contexto sócio-político da cidade de Filipos influenciou o apóstolo a intencionalmente reagir à ideologia imperial romana. Para tanto, foi realizada uma análise dos principais termos utilizados em Filipenses 3.20-21 em relação aos seus paralelos disponíveis na época, tanto romanos quanto judaicos. Para a coleta de dados foi utilizado o método bibliográfico por meio de literatura especializada. O resultado foi a identificação de três características que poderão ser utilizadas em trabalhos futuros como referencial de comparação com outros escritos paulinos igualmente entendidos como anti-imperiais pela pesquisa contemporânea.
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McCabe, Matt Jackson. "Gentile Christian identity from Cornelius to Constantine. The nations, the parting of the ways and Roman imperial ideology. By Terence L. Donaldson. Pp. xvi + 560. Grand Rapids, Mi: William B. Eerdmans, 2020. $75. 978 0 8028 7175 6." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 73, no. 1 (January 2022): 122–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046921001640.
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Mello, Felipe Aiala de. "Plutarco e os Lágidas: representação identitária e propaganda imperial." Mare Nostrum 12, no. 2 (August 4, 2021): 279–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2177-4218.v12i2p279-301.
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Este artigo busca analisar as representações identitárias dos Lágidas e do Oriente forjadas por Plutarco em Vidas Paralelas. Ao falar de um lugar ideologicamente marcado, sob o ponto de vista de um cidadão de uma polis grega (Queroneia) que viveu sob o domínio romano, Plutarco reconfigura fatos, dados, enfim, a própria história, com uma escrita de cunho biográfico, documental e histórico e, ao mesmo tempo, estrategicamente, dramático, teatral, emocionado e moralizante. Busca-se mostrar que Plutarco, ao forjar a representação da dinastia Ptolomaica, o faz sob uma perspectiva imperialista e orientalista, coadunando com a ideologia romana. As principais categorias analíticas utilizadas na consecução deste texto são imperialismo, orientalismo e representação/identidade. A metodologia utilizada na análise baseia-se na forma tradicional do trabalho do historiador, qual seja, a das críticas internas e externas das fontes, aliada à análise de conteúdo. Vemos que Plutarco, a partir de dicotomias opositivas estereotipadas sustentadas por preceitos helênicos, subjuga os Lágidas e o Oriente, em prol de uma suposta superioridade baseada em uma hierarquização cultural e moral, em sintonia com a propaganda romana.