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1

Levick, B. M. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 60, no. 1 (March 12, 2013): 166–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383512000332.

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Bravely stepping into the arena, we first tackle Paul J. Burton's Friendship and Empire, which strikes a blow for the Romans, though he disclaims participation in the ‘defensive/offensive’ imperialism debate. He uses theory, the comparatively optimistic I(nternational) R(elations) Constructivism rather than IR (Neo-)Realism, though without abandoning the latter completely, to show that Roman foreign relations in his period were conceived in terms of amicitia rather than of Ernst Badian's clientela; and, more importantly, that language has an impact on how we construct global realities. History matters, and Roman diplomatic concepts should be considered on their own terms. Once individual friendship and its uncertainties and dissolution have been analysed, three empirical core chapters follow, which apply theory to cases in the categories of ‘Beginnings’, with discussion of socii, deditio voluntary and involuntary, and fides; ‘Duties’ (cf. le don); and ‘Breakdown and Dissolution’ (usually simultaneous). This sensitive contribution is detailed and persuasive, though least strong on breakdown. Look at the outbreak of the Third Punic War: the Romans were disturbed by an ‘internal unilateral adjustment in status-perception’ (323). Action spoke louder than fair words.
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2

Liebs, Detlef. "Vier Arten von Römern unter den Franken im 6. bis 8. Jh." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 133, no. 1 (September 1, 2016): 459–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26498/zrgra-2016-0116.

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Abstract Four kinds of Romans in the Frankish kingdoms in the 6th to 8th centuries. Roman law texts from Merowingian Gaul make a difference between cives Romani, Latini and dediticii, all considered as Romans. This difference mattered only to slaves who had been freed. The status of Latin and dediticius was hereditary, whereas the descendants of one who had been freed as civis Romanus were free born Romans, who should be classified as a proper, a fourth kind of beeing Roman; it was the standard kind. The difference was important in civil law, procedural law and criminal law, especially in wergeld, the sum to be payed for expiation when somebody had been killed: Who had killed a Roman, had to pay different sums according to the status of the killed.
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3

Corke-Webster, James. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 68, no. 1 (March 5, 2021): 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383520000315.

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A bumper edition this time, by way of apology for COVID-necessitated absenteeism in the autumn issue. The focus is on three pillars of social history – the economy (stupid), law, and religion. First up is Saskia Roselaar's second monograph, Italy's Economic Revolution. Roselaar sets out to trace the contribution made by economics to Italy's integration in the Roman Republic, focusing on the period after the ‘conquest’ of Italy (post 268 bce). Doing so necessitates two distinct steps: assessing, first, how economic contacts developed in this period, and second, whether and to what extent those contacts furthered the wider unification of Italy under Roman hegemony. Roselaar is influenced by New Institutional Economics (hereafter NIE), now ubiquitous in studies of the ancient economy. Her title may be an homage to Philip Kay's Rome's Economic Revolution, but the book itself is a challenge to that work, which in Roselaar's view neglects almost entirely the agency of the Italians in the period's economic transformation. For Roselaar, the Italians were as much the drivers of change as the Romans; indeed, it is this repeated conviction that unifies her chapters.
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4

Corke-Webster, James. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 67, no. 1 (February 28, 2020): 94–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383519000287.

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Some questions never go out of fashion. My main focus in this issue is the spread of Roman power across the Mediterranean, with multiple new publications appearing on this oldest of subjects. First up is Dexter Hoyos’ Rome Victorious. This work of popular history aims to cover what Hoyos dubs in his subtitle The Irresistible Rise of the Roman Empire, though that is rather an odd choice, since Hoyos stresses that Rome's imperial efforts did not always succeed. Hoyos walks us through the unification of Italy and the acquisition of the Republican provinces in the first two chapters, taking the narrative up to the death of Caesar in 44 bc. The next two chapters consider the consequences of those conquests: what a province actually meant, how it was controlled, and the effects both on the new territories’ inhabitants and on Rome's social and political make-up. In Chapter 5, Hoyos turns to the extensive imperial efforts of Augustus and those around him; those of his successors over the next two centuries are dealt with in Chapter 6. Chapter 7 surveys the shifting make-up of the Romans as a result of their conquests, focusing on the spread of citizenship and the changing origins of senators, generals, and artists. Chapter 8 looks at legitimate and illegitimate rule in Rome's provinces, Chapter 9 considers both Rome's self-reflexivity on imperial questions and the view from those regions themselves, and Chapter 10 bolsters the latter by treating concrete resistance to Rome. Chapter 11 looks at the degree to which the provinces became Roman.
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5

Cleary, Simon Esmonde. "R.S.O. Tomlin, Britannia Romana: Roman Inscriptions and Roman Britain." Northern History 57, no. 2 (April 7, 2020): 334–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0078172x.2020.1744888.

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6

RIPAT, PAULINE. "ROMAN OMENS, ROMAN AUDIENCES, AND ROMAN HISTORY." Greece and Rome 53, no. 2 (September 27, 2006): 155–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383506000258.

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The role divination played in allocating, maintaining, and justifying the authority of the senatorial élite in the Republic has been well established. Attention has also been paid to the use made of unofficial forms of divination by ambitious members of the ruling élite in the later Republic, who sought (often successfully) to make themselves pre-eminent before their peers by claiming personal divine attention. What has received less attention in discussions of prophecy and authority is the role the general population of non-élites played in this ideological system which served the interests of the powerful rich, either collectively or individually, at the expense of the less powerful poor. The following seeks to begin to correct this oversight, as discussion of this factor is urgently needed if the observations just identified are to be considered sound. This is simply because authority, the expected reward of élite claims of divine favouritism, can be neither universally shared nor coerced. It must be willingly granted to an individual or segment of society by an authority-lacking majority. Where divination is concerned, the identification of an occurrence as a ‘real' divine message is subjective, and general concession to accept one person's (or one group's) claims about divination as true is a concession of real authority. In short, if élite claims of divine favouritism were made to impress the general population, the general population had to be impressed for the claims to be at all meaningful.
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7

Corke-Webster, James. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 68, no. 2 (September 8, 2021): 318–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383521000115.

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After a focus on social and cultural history in the last issue, this issue's offerings return us to more traditional subjects – political institutions, and historiography. That spring review ended with religion, which is where we start here: an apposite reminder that religion pervades all aspects of the Roman world. It is precisely that principle which undergirds our first book, Dan-el Padilla Peralta's Divine Institutions. Padilla Peralta is interested, at root, in how the Roman state became such through the third and fourth centuries bce. That is a story usually told – in a tradition going back to the ancient historians themselves – via a swashbuckling tale of successive military campaigns. Padilla Peralta, however, sets that anachronistic narrativization aside, and instead builds a careful case that between the siege of Veii and the end of the Second Punic War ‘the Roman state remade and retooled itself into a republic defined and organized around a specific brand of institutionalized ritual practices and commitments’ (1). Specifically, he shows that the construction of temples and the public activities they facilitated were a key mechanism – one as important as warfare – by which the consensus necessary to state formation was generated: the Republic more or less stumbles into a bootstrapping formula that proves to be unusually felicitous: high visibility monumental enterprises are paired with new incentives for human mobility in ways that dramatically and enduringly reorganize the rhythms of civic and communal experience. (17–18) In particular, Padilla Peralta argues that output was greater than input; that the genius – whether accidental or deliberate – of this formula was that it facilitated a confidence game whereby the res publica appeared more capable – via the apparent support of the gods whom its visible piety secured – than was in fact the case.
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8

Corke-Webster, James. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 69, no. 2 (September 6, 2022): 327–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383522000110.

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Another bumper edition, again by way of apology for absenteeism in the spring issue (though this time due to paternity rather than plague). We begin with the latest Beard blockbuster. In her Twelve Caesars, based on her 2011 A.W. Mellon Lectures in the Fine Arts, Mary Beard turns her trademark combination of penetrating gaze and jovial tongue to the reception of the famed group of elite first-century ce Roman men who span a key moment in the transformation of ancient politics. Belying their importance for ancient historians and archaeologists, they have been rather neglected by art historians of later periods. With an extraordinarily wide lens, spanning from Alexander the Great to the 2017 modern art of Alison Wilding, Beard corrects that omission, demonstrating their central place in the history of Western art, and exploring not just how those emperors have been represented, repackaged, and reused, but what that says about the identities, worlds, and priorities of those who so mobilized them. The result is a tour de force of art and intellectual history. Not only is the reader presented with gloriously arcane anecdotes on almost every page, but their sum amounts to a sustained inquiry into the role that past power has played, and continues to play, in our history, politics, art, and culture.
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9

MacMullen, Ramsay. "“Roman” History." Yale Review 90, no. 2 (June 28, 2008): 154–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0044-0124.00613.

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10

Wiedemann, Thomas. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 40, no. 1 (April 1993): 98–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001738350002266x.

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11

Wiedemann, Thomas. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 40, no. 2 (October 1993): 239–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500022853.

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12

Wiedemann, Thomas. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 38, no. 1 (April 1991): 101–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500023056.

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13

Wiedmann, Thomas. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 41, no. 1 (April 1994): 96–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500023287.

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14

Wiedemann, Thomas. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 41, no. 2 (October 1994): 233–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500023469.

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15

Wiedemann, Thomas. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 38, no. 2 (October 1991): 251–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500023664.

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16

Wiedemann, T. E. J. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 39, no. 1 (April 1992): 100–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500024049.

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17

Wiedemann, Thomas. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 39, no. 2 (October 1992): 238–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500024244.

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18

Levick, Barbara. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 47, no. 2 (October 2000): 249–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500024451.

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19

Wiedemann, Thomas. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 42, no. 1 (April 1995): 96–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500025304.

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20

Wiedemann, Thomas. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 42, no. 2 (October 1995): 237–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500025705.

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21

Keaveney, Arthur. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 46, no. 1 (April 1999): 92–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500026140.

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22

Paterson, Jeremy. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 34, no. 1 (April 1987): 96–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500027765.

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23

Paterson, Jeremy J. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 34, no. 2 (October 1987): 222–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500028199.

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24

Paterson, Jeremy J. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 35, no. 1 (April 1988): 97–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500028849.

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25

Wiedemann, Thomas. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 37, no. 2 (October 1990): 246–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001738350002903x.

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26

Wiedemann, Thomas. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 36, no. 1 (April 1989): 112–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500029429.

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27

Wiedemann, Thomas. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 37, no. 1 (April 1990): 115–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500029636.

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28

Wiedemann, Thomas. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 36, no. 2 (October 1989): 245–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500029843.

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29

Paterson, Jeremy J. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 33, no. 1 (April 1986): 93–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500030023.

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30

Paterson, Jeremy J. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 32, no. 1 (April 1985): 92–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500030199.

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31

Paterson, Jeremy. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 33, no. 2 (October 1986): 213–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500030394.

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32

Paterson, Jeremy J. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 32, no. 2 (October 1985): 219–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500030564.

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Paterson, Jeremy J. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 35, no. 2 (October 1988): 218–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500033167.

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34

Keaveney, Arthur. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 45, no. 2 (October 1998): 250–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500033805.

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35

LEVICK, BARBARA. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 53, no. 1 (April 2006): 121–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383506000106.

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LEVICK, BARBARA. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 53, no. 2 (September 27, 2006): 266–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383506000349.

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LEVICK, B. M. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 54, no. 1 (March 9, 2007): 122–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383507000095.

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LEVICK, BARBARA. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 54, no. 2 (September 3, 2007): 265–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383507000216.

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39

LEVICK, BARBARA. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 55, no. 1 (March 3, 2008): 134–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001738350700037x.

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LEVICK, BARBARA. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 55, no. 2 (August 18, 2008): 294–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383508000600.

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LEVICK, BARBARA. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 56, no. 1 (March 9, 2009): 116–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383508000740.

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42

LEVICK, BARBARA. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 56, no. 2 (September 14, 2009): 261–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383509990118.

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43

LEVICK, BARBARA. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 57, no. 1 (March 8, 2010): 139–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383509990337.

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44

LEVICK, BARBARA. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 57, no. 2 (September 21, 2010): 396–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383510000112.

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45

LEVICK, BARBARA. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 58, no. 1 (April 2011): 129–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383510000586.

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46

LEVICK, BARBARA. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 58, no. 2 (September 26, 2011): 263–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001738351100009x.

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47

LEVICK, B. M. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 59, no. 1 (April 2012): 132–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383511000313.

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48

LEVICK, B. M. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 59, no. 2 (September 20, 2012): 266–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383512000149.

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49

Levick, B. M. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 60, no. 2 (September 16, 2013): 331–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383513000156.

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Weighty tomes preponderate, but I put chronology before avoirdupois. First comes a stout Companion to the Punic Wars, edited by Dexter Hoyos. It is part of the book's comforts as a companion and one of its merits to treat not only what is named on the tin – five chapters for the first war, nine for the second, and three for the last half century of Carthage, with one chapter dealing directly with the siege of 148–146 – but other topics that are by no means peripheral. It is a bonus to have Nathan Rosenstein's revisionist views on ‘Italy: Economy and Demography after Hannibal's War’, or rather his demolition of long-held ones: positive arguments are briefly put. Whether Part V, ‘Conclusions’, lives up to its name is another matter: it consists of three papers on the aftermath, including ‘Carthage and Hannibal in Roman and Greek Memory’ (which I wish had been taken further). The editor's international team have satisfactorily marshalled the material in the main sections: ‘Roman Politics and Expansion’ between the first two wars is immediately followed by Hoyos’ own ‘Carthage in Africa and Spain’ during the same period; similarly, ‘Punic Politics, Economy, and Alliances, 218–201’ precedes ‘Roman Economy, Finance, and Politics in the Second Punic War’. Illustrations are not among the comforts of this volume: far from panoramas or even diagrams of famous battles, we have five plain maps.
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50

Levick, B. M. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 61, no. 1 (March 4, 2014): 129–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383513000302.

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A quality not much considered here in the past, how often a work is likely be taken from the shelf, prompts me to put Saskia's Hin'sThe Demography of Roman Italyin first position. For that depends in turn on how reliable, clear, and broad of outlook the chapters are, and where they lead the reader. Though dry and plain it might seem (for all the developing technologies), the subject moves directly towards a hot, polarized topic – ‘the Roman economy’ and its development – with oscillation between extreme positions. It is a particular merit, then, to put forward a fresh view (though previously adumbrated elsewhere) that is not extreme and must be taken seriously. That is where Hin will take historians. But the book is structured in three sections: economic and ecological parameters, demographic parameters (morality, fertility, and migration), and population size. The separate chapters are well supported from a variety of evidence, judiciously treated and well written up. That on climate, with a mildly positive conclusion, needed no apology. If I have a complaint is it about the index: dive into a passage involving ‘Brass modelling’ and you will have to rummage back in the text (111) for hope of identifying it.
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