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Journal articles on the topic 'Roman; Classical'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 9 February 2022

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1

Salway, Benet. "What's in a Name? A Survey of Roman Onomastic Practice from c. 700 B.C. to A.D. 700." Journal of Roman Studies 84 (November 1994): 124–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300873.

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Perusal of over a thousand years of the fasti of the Romans' eponymous magistracy is sufficient to demonstrate that Roman onomastic practice did not stand still. Why, then, is there a tendency to see the system of three names (tria nomina, i.e. praenomen, nomen gentilicium, and cognomen) as the perfection and culmination of the Roman naming system rather than as a transitory stage in an evolutionary process? The simple answer is probably that usage of the tria nomina happens to be typical of the best documented class in one of the best documented, and certainly most studied, eras of Roman history — the late Republic and early Empire. This perspective tends to pervade discussion of post-classical developments, the basic outline of which is clear from a glancing comparison of the Prosopographia Imperii Romani, which catalogues eminent persons of the first to third centuries A.D., with the Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, covering the fourth to seventh. The difference in their very organizational structure betrays the change since, while the entries in PIR are classified alphabetically by nomen, those of PLRE are arranged by last name, usually cognomen. The major problem requiring explanation is why the nomen gentilicium, the central element of the classical tria nomina, should have been displaced by the cognomen as the one most consistently attested element.

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2

Corrington, Gail Paterson, and A. H. Armstrong. "Classical Mediterranean Spirituality: Egyptian, Greek, Roman." Classical World 82, no. 2 (1988): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350341.

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3

Gurukkal, R. "Classical Indo-Roman Trade: A Historiographical Reconsideration." Indian Historical Review 40, no. 2 (November 26, 2013): 181–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983613499670.

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4

Tellegen-Couperus, Olga. "Father and Foundling in Classical Roman Law." Journal of Legal History 34, no. 2 (August 2013): 129–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440365.2013.810372.

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5

Burleigh, Gilbert, and Ralph Jackson. "An unusual Minerva-Fortuna figurine from Hinxworth, Hertfordshire." Antiquaries Journal 89 (July 29, 2009): 63–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581509990059.

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AbstractA figurine unique for Roman Britain is described and analysed, showing that its attributes conflate those of several classical deities, all of whom might have been associated in the mind of the donor with the Romano-Celtic goddess, Senuna.

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Parker, A. J. "Classical Antiquity: the maritime dimension." Antiquity 64, no. 243 (June 1990): 335–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00078005.

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IntroductionShips and the sea were an omnipresent theme of Greek and Roman art and life. Shipwreck was a well-recognized risk, and an essential ingredient of ‘lost and found’ stories in novels and comedies. Conversely, safe arrival in harbour, the successful end of a journey, was a frequent motif, especially of Roman art. These ideas were obviously underpinned by economic facts: the need for metals, the sea-girt nature of Greece, Rome’s central position in the Mediterranean, and the constant threat of food shortage in the cities of the Mediterranean world generally, necessarily involved transport and trade by sea.Into this scene has stepped, still less than 50 years old, a new character, namely underwater archaeology. Since 1945, over 1000 ancient and medieval shipwrecks have been reported in the Mediterranean, and the roll continues to grow at an unslackened pace. This rapid increase in archaeological resource has been due, of course, mainly to the widespread use of compressed-air diving gear for sport, so that most of the known wreck sites lie in inshore waters, and in popular diving areas. However, recent developments in offshore position-fixing and in underwater communications and robotics have made it possible to explore much deeper sites; the deepest so far to have been surveyed under archaeological direction (by A.M. McCann) is a late Roman wreck at 800 m deep between Sicily and Sardinia.

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Ludwig, Walther. "Classical antiquity in contemporary Europe." European Review 2, no. 4 (October 1994): 282–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700001216.

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As a consequence of the diminished role that Greek and Roman antiquity plays in secondary school education, the impact which Classical antiquity still has on our contemporary culture is underestimated in public opinion.

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8

Szczygielski, Krzysztof. "ROMANISTYKA POLSKA W LATACH 1918-1945 (PRZEGLĄD BIBLIOGRAFII)." Zeszyty Prawnicze 10, no. 2 (December 23, 2016): 355. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2010.10.2.22.

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ROMAN LAW STUDIES IN POLAND IN THE YEARS 1918-1945 (REVIEW OF BIBLIOGRAPHY) Summary In Roman law studies in Poland there is no complete list of the works published in the years 1918-1945 by scholars dealing with Roman law. The scientific output of the Polish researchers was presented by Rafał Taubenschlag in the article, Gli studi di diritto romano in Polonia nel secolo XX, [in:] Gli Studi Romani nel Mondo, volume III, Roma 1936, p. 247-268, but he focused mainly on discussing the major works. An attempt to show the achievements of Roman law studies in Poland on a comprehensive basis was undertaken by Juliusz Wisłocki, Dzieje nauki prawa rzymskiego w Polsce, Warsaw 1945, but his study is highly incomplete. The analysed period witnessed the emergence of lots of valuable works concerning the history and the institutions of Roman law in the form of monographs, articles published in many domestic and foreign periodicals, studies on particular occasions, encyclopedic dictionaries and reports on the activities of scientific societies. The problems related to the law of the ancient Rome were dealt with not only by the Roman law researchers but also by legal historians and classical philologists. The works were presented according to the following sections: I. General works, textbooks and scripts; II. Ancillary publications; III. History of sources; IV. Civil procedure; V. Law of Persons and legal proceedings; VI. Family law; VII. Law of Property; VIII. Law of Obligations; IX. Law of Succession; X. Criminal law and procedure; XI. Public law; XII. Philosophy of law, methodology and political and legal doctrines; XIII. Importance of the Roman law; XIV. Evaluation of the output of Roman law scholars.

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9

Greene, Robin J. "Post-Classical Greek Elegy and Lyric Poetry." Brill Research Perspectives in Classical Poetry 2, no. 2 (June 17, 2021): 1–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25892649-12340004.

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Abstract This volume traces the development of Greek elegy and lyric in the hands of Hellenistic and Roman-era poets, from literary superstars such as Callimachus and Theocritus to more obscure, often anonymous authors. Designed as a guide for advanced students and scholars working in adjacent fields, this volume introduces and explores the diverse body of surviving later Greek elegy and lyric, contextualizes it within Hellenistic and Roman culture and politics, and surveys contemporary critical interpretations, methodological approaches, and avenues for future study.

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10

Bobbink, R., and Q. Mauer. "Antichresis: a comparative study of classical Roman law and the contractual praxis from Roman Egypt." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis 87, no. 4 (December 19, 2019): 356–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-00870a03.

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SummaryThe authors examine how papyrological sources from Roman Egypt written in Greek on antichresis relate to classical Roman law. Antichresis attested in papyrological antichretic contracts had a lot in common with antichresis emerging from Roman dispute resolutions. There was only one substantive difference: in classical Roman law, protection of the debtor was emphasized, whereas in the Greek papyrological antichretic contracts the position of the creditor was favoured. Given the similarities found, the authors conclude that antichretic loan both as an independent legal institution and as a pactum antichreticum was a pan-Mediterranean legal concept.

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11

O'Reilly, Sean. "Roman versus Romantic: Classical Roots in the Origins of a Roman Catholic Ecclesiology." Architectural History 40 (1997): 222. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1568676.

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12

Martin, Susan. "The Case of the Collapsing Watercourse: Builders' Responsibility for Damage in Classical Roman Law." Law and History Review 4, no. 2 (1986): 423–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/743834.

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The jurists of the classical period of Roman private law (50 B.C.—250 A.D.) encountered a variety of legal problems arising from the activity of those employed in the city's building industry. This segment of the Roman economy was prosperous and busy. Yet, despite the Romans' zeal for construction, a detailed description of how building projects were organized has proved illusive. This is the result of two factors. First, the Romans, unlike the Greeks, tended not to preserve on stone details about the actual construction of their edifices. A second, more general cause is found in the nature of construction as an enterprise. Although building furnishes a basic need, the demand for it is episodic and unstable. Forces of labor and supplies of materials are procured in response to specific commissions. In addition, there are many possible ways in which these productive forces can be organized, and building is typically characterized by a high degree of diversity in regard to methods of organization. For these reasons, builders and building have not been particularly accessible topics for researchers. It is only in the juristic sources that we get a relatively full picture of the activities of builders at Rome.

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Ormand, Kirk, Craig A. Williams, Judith P. Hallet, and Marilyn B. Skinner. "Roman Homosexuality: Ideologies of Masculinity in Classical Antiquity." Classical World 94, no. 3 (2001): 295. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352575.

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14

Edwards, Anthony T., and Robert J. Forman. "Classical Greek and Roman Drama: An Annotated Bibliography." Classical World 84, no. 6 (1991): 496. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350948.

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15

Gleason, Maud W., and Craig A. Williams. "Roman Homosexuality: Ideologies of Masculinity in Classical Antiquity." American Historical Review 106, no. 1 (February 2001): 236. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2652348.

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16

Cameron, Averil. "Book Review: Classical Mediterranean Spirituality: Egyptian, Greek, Roman." Theology 91, no. 739 (January 1988): 74–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x8809100123.

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17

Miller, James E. "Roman Homosexuality: Ideologies of Masculinity in Classical Antiquity." Archives of Sexual Behavior 36, no. 5 (July 10, 2007): 753–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10508-007-9226-8.

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18

Pomeranz, Jonathan A. "The Rabbinic and Roman Laws of Personal Injury." AJS Review 39, no. 2 (November 2015): 303–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009415000070.

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This paper studies the varied forms of interaction between the rabbinic and Roman legal systems by investigating similarities between the laws of personal injury found in the eighth chapter of Mishnah Bava Kamma and the contemporaneous Roman law. The rabbinic shift away from the talion happened under the influence of the Roman statutes that had replaced the talion with monetary compensation centuries earlier. Roman norms of shame prompted an expansion of the significance of shame in the rabbinic reckoning of damages. Influence, however, is rarely a matter of the passive reception by a minority culture of the dominant culture's norms. The rabbis adapted and reshaped Roman norms in line with the Torah's discomfort with the concept of personal honor. Personal injury laws in the Babylonian Talmud also bear a striking resemblance to the classical Roman laws, though this should not be attributed to direct Roman influence on the rabbis. The Babylonian rabbis shared the Romans' discomfort with evaluating free people as slaves in order to determine compensation for injury. Because rabbinic statements are terse and enigmatic, whereas Roman law is elaborated in detail, the Roman laws shed light on obscure rabbinic teachings and the cultural concerns that they reflect.

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19

Waelkens, Laurent. "Classical Roman Law, a product of interpretation from the Early Modern Times." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis 87, no. 4 (December 19, 2019): 575–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-00870a08.

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SummaryThe study of the Roman law we know today, started in the twelfth century and was based on sources preserved from Roman Antiquity. The interpretation of these antique texts was, however, always contemporary and never reflected their original meaning. In this article we assess the importance of medieval and early modern interpretation and, by analyzing a series of thirteen classical notions of Roman law, illustrate how what we call “classical Roman law” nowadays found its origins especially in Early Modern Times. The article also brings an English summary of a series of articles we wrote in French and Dutch.

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20

Lehne-Gstreinthaler, Christine. "Zu den klassischen Ursprüngen des Verjährungsrechts." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 137, no. 1 (August 21, 2020): 136–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgr-2020-0004.

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AbstractThe Roots of Prescription in Classical Roman Law: While it is widely presumed that prescription did not exist in Classical Roman Law, the author intends to show that, within certain areas of law, prescription was already in existence in Augustan times. The praescriptio temporis was used in penal and civil procedure alike and was submitted during preliminary proceedings. The most prominent prescription, the praescriptio longi temporis, stemmed from Roman fiscal law and potentially originated in Flavian times.

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21

Bär, Silvio. "The Nature and Characteristics of the Gods in Classical Mythology." Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae 30 (December 15, 2020): 7–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sppgl.2020.xxx.1.

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This article is intended for students and teachers of classical mythology. It gives an overview of the nature and the characteristics of the gods in Greek and Roman mythology, explaining what the Greek and Roman gods are and what they are not. Furthermore, the relationship between gods and humans in classical mythology is discussed.

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22

Platt, Verity. "The Matter of Classical Art History." Daedalus 145, no. 2 (April 2016): 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00377.

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Though foundational to the study of art history, Greco-Roman visual culture is often sidelined by the modern, and overshadowed by its own cultural and intellectual reception. Recent scholarship, however, has meticulously unpacked the discipline's formative narratives, while building on archaeological and literary studies in order to locate its objects of analysis more precisely within the dynamic cultural frameworks that produced them, and that were in turn shaped by them. Focusing on a passage from Pliny the Elder's Natural History (arguably the urtext of classical art history), this paper explores the perennial question of how the material stuff of antiquity can be most effectively yoked to the thinking and sensing bodies that inhabited it, arguing that closer attention to ancient engagements with materialism can alert us to models of image-making and viewing that are both conceptually and physically grounded in Greco-Roman practices of production, sense perception, and interpretation.

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23

Pelloso, Carlo. "Serviles personae in Roman Law." Journal of Global Slavery 3, no. 1-2 (January 31, 2018): 92–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00301006.

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Abstract This article aims at sketching the prima facie “paradoxical” legal status of “slaves” in Roman law. Hence, it deals with principles and rules directed to regulate two paradigmatic and highly relevant areas of economic life, i.e. sale and agency. Both shared the fundamental presence of servi or mancipia, conceived at times as mere objects, at times as real individuals. On the one hand, according to non-Roman conceptions (that consider slavery per se a liminal and, thereby, indefinable institution), the law concerning serviles personae would represent such a contradiction by merging the Aristotelian categories of bios and zoe. On the other hand, pre-classical and classical Roman law, adhering to a functional and wide notion of legal persona, and embodying a status-system, transcends any apparent inconsistency between property law and business law.

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24

Snodgrass, Anthony. "Comment on Ray Laurence, ‘Roman Narratives…’." Archaeological Dialogues 8, no. 2 (December 2001): 102–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203800001914.

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Greek and Roman archaeology as a whole are often accused of being ‘text-based’ or ‘text-driven’. At a superficial level, this is palpably false: most Classical archaeologists do most of their research without consulting an ancient text for days and sometimes weeks on end, and this is especially true of Romano-British archaeologists. Everyone, except perhaps for a few militant prehistorians, knows this perfectly well. Ray Laurence does not fall into this trap. Instead, he rightly directs us to the deeper level of discourse, narratives and arguments; and hints more briefly at a deeper one still, that of ‘interests and preoccupations’.

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25

Grigoropoulos, Dimitris. "THE PIRAEUS FROM 86 BC TO LATE ANTIQUITY: CONTINUITY AND CHANGE IN THE LANDSCAPE, FUNCTION AND ECONOMY OF THE PORT OF ROMAN ATHENS." Annual of the British School at Athens 111 (January 7, 2016): 239–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245415000106.

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Modern perceptions of the ancient Piraeus have been monopolised by the urban image and function of the port as the naval stronghold of Classical Athens. Existing scholarship so far has tended to consider the post-Classical centuries, especially the era following the sack of the port in 86bcby the Romans, as a period of decline. Such preconceptions, based on largely superficial readings of a few ancient literary texts and a near-total disregard of the material evidence, have created a distorted image of the Piraeus and its significance in the Roman period. Drawing upon textual sources as well as archaeological evidence, this paper explores the changing nature of urban settlement, maritime functions and the economy of the port from the time of its destruction in 86bcto around the sixth centuryad. Particular emphasis is placed on a re-examination of the existing evidence from rescue excavations conducted by the Greek Archaeological Service as they relate to the topography of the Roman port and its long-term evolution. This combined study offers a more complex picture of the infrastructure, urban image and operational capability of the port during the Roman period than was hitherto possible. It also permits a more balanced understanding of the port's function at local, regional and provincial levels, and thus enables comparisons with other Roman ports in the Aegean and the rest of the Mediterranean.

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26

Blockmans, Wim, and Hilde De Weerdt. "The Diverging Legacies of Classical Empires in China and Europe." European Review 24, no. 2 (April 18, 2016): 306–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798715000654.

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The memory of classical empires has been prominent in both Chinese and European history but it has had a different imprint in each culture. The Han territories were periodically reunified in part and were more consistently ruled as unified empires from the 13th century onwards. In medieval Western Europe the Carolingian and the Holy Roman empires boasted of being renewals of the glorious ancient models but they developed in a different environment, were no longer built on the Roman scale, and only borrowed selectively from the Roman repertoire. In this essay we examine how differences in power relationships, fiscal regimes, and territoriality help explain both the peripheral impact of the classical model in the European context and the enhanced prospects for it in Chinese history from the 12th century onwards.

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27

Stewart, Daniel. "Rural sites in Roman Greece." Archaeological Reports 60 (November 2014): 117–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0570608414000131.

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[W]hile pretending to throw some light upon classical authors by careful observation of the manners of the present day, romantic travellers succeeded in fact in accommodating reality to their dreams … by creating for themselves and for their readers carefully edited portraits of modern Greece that transformed the present into the living image of the past (Saïd 2005: 291).Thirty years ago archaeological field survey promised to reshape radically our understanding of the countryside (Keller and Rupp 1983: 1–5). Traditional archaeological approaches to cities and monuments were increasingly seen to be extensions of textual research, and research on the rural landscape was envisaged as a way to access the other side of the traditional urban-rural dichotomy (though see the comments in Alcock 2007: 671–72). Some scholars estimated that, in the Classical period, the vast majority of Greek poleis had populations of less than 3,000 and territories no more than a few hours” walk from the urban core. Given that, they asked, does it make sense to divide elements of Greek life into “city” and “country”? In a sense, the study of landscapes was seen as a way to redress perceived imbalances between this urban-rural division and the picture painted by the ancient sources of Roman Greece as a pale reflection of its Classical brilliance. In the years since, landscape studies have grown to include much more than archaeological field survey, but this tension between textual and archaeological narratives remains at the heart of understandings of rural Roman Greece.

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28

Hoff, Michael C., and Donald Engels. "Roman Corinth: An Alternative Model for the Classical City." American Journal of Archaeology 96, no. 3 (July 1992): 572. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506088.

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29

Sturgeon, Mary C. "The Corinth Amazon: Formation of a Roman Classical Sculpture." American Journal of Archaeology 99, no. 3 (July 1995): 483. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506946.

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30

Lenz, John R., and Donald Engels. "Roman Corinth: An Alternative Model for the Classical City." Classical World 85, no. 3 (1992): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351086.

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31

Giltaij, Jacob. "Existimatio as "human dignity" in late-classical Roman law." Fundamina 22, no. 2 (2016): 232–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2411-7870/2016/v22n2a3.

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32

Evans, John Karl, and Donald Engels. "Roman Corinth: An Alternative Model for the Classical City." American Historical Review 97, no. 1 (February 1992): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164562.

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33

Johnston, David. "Munificence andMunicipia: Bequests to Towns in Classical Roman Law." Journal of Roman Studies 75 (November 1985): 105–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300655.

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Extensive epigraphic evidence, juristic discussion, and mention in the letters of Pliny combine to show that testamentary munificence during the principate was a phenomenon of both social and economic importance. Beyond a few introductory remarks, however, this paper is not concerned with the social background and functions of philanthropy. Rather, how was munificence regulated? On what conditions for the use of their bequests would benefactors insist? And on what terms would towns accept them? These questions raise a whole complex of further issues such as the ability of benefactors (or their descendants) to enforce the conditions of an endowment, and the extent to which variation of the object of the endowment by the town might be possible. Previous discussions of towns and their capacities in relation to the law of succession have been concerned largely, if not exclusively, with issues of juristic personality. While some understanding of those issues is essential for any useful discussion, they are left aside here so far as possible.

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34

Ankum, Hans. "Societas Omnium Bonorum and Dos in Classical Roman Law." Israel Law Review 29, no. 1-2 (1995): 105–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700014588.

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1. It is with the greatest pleasure that I contribute this paper to this volume published for my dear friend Reuven Yaron. He was one of the very first foreign colleagues whom I invited to give lectures for the students of the Amsterdam Law Faculty some months after my appointment in 1965, and eight years ago Reuven Yaron was a visiting professor at our University for a period of six months. On that occasion he read fascinating papers on Ancient Near Eastern laws and brilliantly participated in my Papinian-seminar, where also other participants such as Eric Pool and Laurens Winkel made numerous astute remarks. I therefore decided to make Papinian's text D. 17.2.81, concerning societas omnium bonorum and dos, the main topic of my contribution to this volume published in honour of Reuven Yaron. However, I found in the Digest-title 17.2 two additional texts by other classical lawyers, viz. Paul and Gaius, in which they also examine problems in connection with societas omnium bonorum and dos (D.17.2.65.16 and D.17.2.66). It is instructive to discuss these three texts together in this paper. In each of the three texts the situation is different. In the cases that Paul and Gaius deal with, it is the husband who, having received a dowry, is a socius omnium bonorum (Situation I). In Papinian's text which is — even for Papinian! — exceptionally rich in legal ideas, the lawyer gives solutions for many legal questions in a situation, wherein a father, being one of two socii omnium bonorum, promised or gave a dowry to his son-in-law on behalf of his daughter (Situation II).

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35

McDonnell, Kilian. "Improbable Conversations: The International Classical Pentecostal/Roman Catholic Dialogue." Pneuma 17, no. 1 (1995): 163–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007495x00165.

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36

Endres, Nikolai. "Roman Homosexuality: Ideologies of Masculinity in Classical Antiquity (review)." American Journal of Philology 122, no. 1 (2001): 143–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.2001.0005.

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37

Purdie, David W. "Classical Greek and Roman rhetoric and the modern audience." Medical Education 37, no. 12 (December 2003): 1141–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2923.2003.01718.x.

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38

Papalas, Anthony J. "Roman Corinth: An Alternative Model for the Classical City." History: Reviews of New Books 20, no. 3 (April 1992): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1992.9949688.

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39

Tabor, James D. "Classical Mediterranean Spirituality: Egyptian, Greek, Roman. A. H. Armstrong." Journal of Religion 69, no. 1 (January 1989): 100–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/487996.

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40

Zielinski, Abbot Michael. "The Culture and Heritage of the Classical Roman Rite." Antiphon: A Journal for Liturgical Renewal 14, no. 1 (2010): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/atp.2010.0019.

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41

Greenwood, Emily. "Reception Studies: The Cultural Mobility of Classics." Daedalus 145, no. 2 (April 2016): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00374.

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In spite of connotations of classics and the classical as an established tradition based around a stable canon, Greek and Roman classical antiquity has never been a fixed object of study. It has changed as our knowledge of ancient Greece and Rome has grown and shifted, and as a function of history, intellectual movements, and taste. Classicists have turned to classical reception studies in an attempt to chart some of the different encounters that various historical audiences have had with Greek and Roman classics, and this wave of research poses interdisciplinary questions about the relation of Greek and Roman classics to world literatures and cultures. The emphasis on classical reception studies offers fresh ways of thinking about the cultural mobility of the classics without appealing to discredited, old-fashioned notions of “timeless importance” or “universal value.” This debate is explored here via a Malawian reception of Sophocles's Antigone.

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42

Maloney, Gilles. "Greek and Roman Medicine Helen KingGreek and Roman Medicine Helen King Bristol Classical Pr., «Classical World Series», 2001, xi + 73 p., £9.99." Canadian Bulletin of Medical History 20, no. 1 (April 2003): 214–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cbmh.20.1.214.

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43

Turner, Robin, and J. J. Wymer. "An Assemblage of Palaeolithic Hand-Axes from the Roman Religious Complex at Ivy Chimneys, Witham, Essex." Antiquaries Journal 67, no. 1 (March 1987): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500026275.

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This paper describes the context and nature of an assemblage of forty-four Palaeolithic hand-axes from a Roman religious site at Witham, Essex. The hand-axes are considered to have been derived from several sources, and it is suggested that the Romano-British occupants of the site deliberately selected them for their shape and placed them in the bottom of two large man-made depressions. In the light of stone axe finds on continental temple sites, and of classical Roman texts and traditions, the possibility arises that the Witham finds may have represented ‘thunderbolts’ in the worship of Jupiter or a local Celtic equivalent.

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44

Schwitter, Raphael. "A “Roman” Wedding in Vandal Africa." Studies in Late Antiquity 4, no. 1 (2020): 114–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2020.4.1.114.

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The Epithalamium Fridi is a sixth-century Virgilian cento that commemorates the marriage of the Vandal noble Fridus with his unnamed bride. Its author, the African poet Luxurius, engages in versatile poetic play fusing Virgil with multiple epithalamial models such as Statius, Claudian, and Ausonius. Through the dynamics of triangular intertextuality the centonist is able to strengthen the wedding poem's generic bonds and to connect himself and his work firmly to the classical Roman tradition. At the same time, echoes of distinctive African idiosyncrasies as prefigured by Dracontius highlight the hybrid character of sixth-century Romano-Vandal elite culture and its celebration of what appears to be a distinctive African Romanness.

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45

Gibbins, David. "More underwater finds of Roman medical equipment." Antiquity 71, no. 272 (June 1997): 457–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00085094.

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The intricacy and variety of classical ‘small finds‘ again combine with the dangers — so archaeologically helpful and satisfying — of Roman sea-faring to point directly to how Roman surgeons carried out their skills.

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46

Grek, Leon, and Aaron Kachuck. "Tragic Time in Ben Jonson's Sejanus and Catiline." Translation and Literature 29, no. 1 (March 2020): 136–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.2020.0413.

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This essay explores Ben Jonson's treatment of dramatic and historical time in his Roman tragedies, Sejanus His Fall (1603) and Catiline His Conspiracy (1611). Although the plays conspicuously fail to respect neoclassical strictures about the unity of time, both reproduce the temporal compression of Greek and Roman tragedy through their sustained intertextual engagements with a wide range of Roman source texts, including, above all, Lucan's Bellum Civile, and the works of the late antique court poet Claudian. The ultimate effect of these quotations, allusions, and reminiscences is to transform Jonson's dramas of early imperial corruption and late Republican civil conflict into proleptic visions of Roman history as a phantasmagoria of unceasing political violence, extending to the ends of both classical antiquity and classical literature.

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47

Stray, Christopher. "‘Patriots and Professors’: A Century of Roman Studies, 1910–2010." Journal of Roman Studies 100 (June 1, 2010): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435810000018.

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ABSTRACTThis essay offers a survey of the history of the Roman Society during the 100 years since its foundation in 1910. It discusses relations with other classical bodies, especially the Hellenic Society and the Classical Association; the Society's fragile finances until the 1950s; and the key role played over several decades by its Secretary, Margerie Taylor. Separate sections deal with the Society's library; its journals, the Journal of Roman Studies (1911) and Britannia (1970); membership and finance; and relations with schools, amateur archaeologists and the University of London, whose Institute of Classical Studies has housed the Society's office and library since 1958.

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48

Stray, Christopher. "‘Patriots and Professors’: A Century of Roman Studies, 1910–2010." Britannia 41 (July 5, 2010): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068113x10000024.

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ABSTRACTThis essay offers a survey of the history of the Roman Society during the 100 years since its foundation in 1910. It discusses relations with other classical bodies, especially the Hellenic Society and the Classical Association; the Society's fragile finances until the 1950s; and the key role played over several decades by its Secretary, Margerie Taylor. Separate sections deal with the Society's library; its journals, the Journal of Roman Studies (1911) and Britannia (1970); membership and finance; and relations with schools, amateur archaeologists and the University of London, whose Institute of Classical Studies has housed the Society's office and library since 1958.

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49

UTEUBAYEV, Timur T., and Antonina S. KIZDARBEKOVA. "Legal Implication of Ownership in Common in Roman Private Law and Its Reception by European Jurisdictions." Journal of Advanced Research in Law and Economics 10, no. 7 (December 31, 2019): 2138. http://dx.doi.org/10.14505/jarle.v10.5(43).27.

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The scientific article deals with the formation of the structure of ownership in common in Roman private law and its further reception by European jurisdictions. It explores the way the imperfect regulations that treated ownership in common as an inevitable exception in the pre-classical period of Roman law evolved into an entirely different approach in its classical period, whereby the key principles of the legal regulations on ownership in common were eventually implemented by the jurisdictions of most European countries. The wide recognition of the norms of Roman private law, which included regulations on ownership in common, affirms the universal character of the structures regulations and structures, which were developed in ancient Rome. These features are also applicable to the concept of ownership in common developed in Roman law.

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Finkenauer, Thomas. "Der Verzicht auf die exceptio SC ti Velleiani im klassischen Recht." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis 81, no. 1-2 (2013): 17–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-1301a0003.

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Renunciation of the exceptio SCti Velleiani in classical Roman law. – If the SC Velleianum was applicable to the intercessio by a woman, she received an exceptio SC ti Velleiani against the creditor. According to Paulus D. 16,1,31 and Pomponius D. 16,1,32,4 and hence classical Roman law, she was in a position to virtually renounce the defence by providing surety to either the debtor or the creditor. By this means, the woman was not any longer protected against her declared intention. Thus, the Roman jurists effectively reduced the risk for a woman not to find a contractual partner (Paulus D. 16,1,11), which was particularly decisive for a business woman.

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