Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Rivers and political barriers'

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1

Suh, Jaekwon. "Political barriers to market convergence electoral systems, political coalitions, and corporate governance /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1693027131&sid=6&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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2

Ashcraft, Catherine Marie. "Adaptive governance of contested rivers : a political journey into the uncertain." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/63240.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 2011.
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 439-468).
Governance of international rivers is characterized by complex institutional arrangements aimed at minimizing uncertainty and making it difficult for participants to avoid their responsibilities. However, as new information emerges, new impacts of activities on rivers are identified, new stakeholders emerge and new technologies are developed, international river management agreements and treaties may have to be modified. At the very least, the implementation of the governance arrangements may need to be adjusted. Most river governance agreements are the product of extended negotiations in which the parties work hard to codify and define the details. This makes the task of modifying the agreements, or even of implementing them in new ways, difficult. In some cases the details and format of the institutional arrangements make it hard to respond to the changing nature of the social and ecological problems that emerge over time. In other cases they do not. This raises the question, "Why and how do efforts to formulate international water resource arrangements that bring together countries with common resource management concerns but conflicting interests, limit or support needed adjustments?" This dissertation explores what I call the conventional versus the adaptive approach to international river basin governance. The former makes it hard to adjust over time; the latter, less so. Climate change appears to be increasing the need for flexibility in river basin governance. So, I compare how institutional arrangements that reflect a conventional approach to uncertainty and conflict impede the ability of water governance participants to make necessary adjustments, while institutional arrangements that reflect an adaptive approach are more likely to provide the flexibility that is required. Case studies of the navigation and water protection regimes for the Danube River and the benefit sharing agreement for the Nile River provide the basis for my conclusions.
by Catherine Marie Ashcraft.
Ph.D.
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3

Woerdman, Edwin. "Implementing the Kyoto mechanisms political barriers and path dependence /." [Groningen]: [Edwin Woerdman], 2002. http://dissertations.ub.rug.nl/FILES/faculties/jur/2002/e.woerdman/thesis.pdf.

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4

Ovcharova, T. "The Kyoto mechanisms: economic potential, environmental problems and political barriers." Thesis, Видавництво СумДУ, 2005. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/8438.

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5

Mena, Olivia. "Nomos : a comparative political sociology of contemporary national border barriers." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3281/.

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Since 2001, there are more than 50 national border barriers around the globe — proposed, under construction, or finished. My dissertation considers this new infrastructure inside larger questions of sovereignty, governance, immigration, and security in the “borderless” age of globalization. To approach this work I used an epistemological framework of border thinking, a “third space” hermeneutics that locates the border as a central place to theorize the complex geopolitical and postcolonial relationships. I conducted two case studies of this fortress infrastructure, one along the U.S.-Mexico border and another along the Costa Rican border with Nicaragua, considering how new border walls are material manifestations of inchoate sovereignty, occupying claims in the borderlands — one of the latest frontier zones of global capital. Broadly, this project calls for us to consider the global proliferation of national border walls and fences in a way that invokes collective action against the persisting operative logic of race/culture thinking that underpins securitization as both a form of governance and an ideology. It situates the urgency of this intellectual work inside the expanding sovereign jurisdictions of capital and opens up new sets of questions about how national border barriers are integral structures inside the changing ideo-political frameworks of war, sovereignty, and governance in the age of the drone.
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Thornsbury, Suzanne. "Technical Regulations as Barriers to Agricultural Trade." Diss., Virginia Tech, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/30769.

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Technical regulations are a form of non-tariff barrier that is becoming increasingly visible in agricultural trade disputes. A distinguishing feature of technical barriers is their legitimate use by governments to protect consumers' health, recognize citizen preferences in packaging and labeling, and protect the environment from the establishment of non-indigenous pests and diseases. When legitimate externalities or other market failures are addressed technical barriers have the potential to increase national welfare, even without consideration of terms-of-trade effects. Governments may also impose technical barriers to isolate domestic producers from international competition. In these cases under the small-country assumptions, technical barriers are welfare decreasing policies. Despite GATT rules designed to limit the misuse of technical barriers, continued disputes indicate that this type of regulatory measure can not always be justified on the basis of unambiguous scientific evidence and suggests that governments may still widely apply technical barriers of questionable merit. Political economy is one paradigm that explains government intervention in markets, even when the result is a loss in net welfare. The 1996 USDA Survey of Technical Barriers to U.S. Agricultural Exports provides a systematic source of primary data on technical measures which caused actual or projected export revenue losses to U.S. firms in 1996 and which might be subject to challenge under the Uruguay Round Agreements. Although no questionable technical barriers to 1996 U.S. agricultural exports were reported for 71 countries included in the Survey, there were a total of 302 barriers identified among 63 countries. The estimated trade impact of the barriers reported was $4.9 billion, or approximately seven percent of the total value of 1996 U.S. agricultural exports. Two sets of empirical models are estimated to identify the political economy determinants of questionable technical barriers as they are applied to U.S. agricultural exports. The incidence of questionable technical barriers is measured by the presence or absence of such barriers by country. The impact of questionable technical barriers is measured by the reported estimated trade impact as a percentage of 1996 U.S. agricultural exports to that country. Results indicate that, despite strengthened GATT disciplines, political economy considerations continue to influence the incidence and impact of technical barriers in international agricultural markets.
Ph. D.
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7

Harris, Casey. "Legal and Political Barriers to Implementation of California Drought Management Policy." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1282.

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As drought becomes more common in California, effective water management has become one of the state’s most critical policy issues. During the drought of 2011-2017 specifically, the state government faced significant legal and political barriers in its attempts to implement sweeping, statewide drought management policy. First, the California water rights system prevents the state from legally curtailing the water diversions of senior water rights holders. Because of this, the State Water Resources Control Board has been engaged in ongoing litigation with senior and junior water rights holders alike over their attempts to curtail water rights in the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta during the drought. Second, the Board faced local resistance to the 25% conservation order mandated in Executive Order B-29-15 due to concerns over state intervention in local issues and a disregard for the doctrine of first in time, first in right. Finally, the state passed the sustainable Groundwater Management Act in 2014 in order to address California’s overused and under-regulated groundwater supply. While a step in the right direction, the implementation timeline of this policy is not urgent enough to protect aquifers from overdraft and saltwater intrusion. These barriers all made developing and implementing effective drought policy extremely difficult. While Executive Order B-29-15 and the curtailment notices were not meant to be permanent solutions to the drought problem, they now need to be replaced with a comprehensive package of legislation that addresses a myriad of competing interests and environmental realities.
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8

Nichols, Stephen Martin. "The decline of attitudinal barriers to the success of contemporary independent presidential candidates /." The Ohio State University, 1995. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487864485230584.

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9

Höen, Bustos Emma. "When women opt out of politics : Exploring gendered barriers to political candidacy." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-312933.

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This study aims to explore women’s perceived barriers to enter politics investigated through a Colombian case study. The Colombian case highlights a paradox common in Latin America where representation levels of women in legislatures are low, but representation in other professions is high. Research on gender and candidate selection has so far mainly focused on applying a macro, top-down perspective and describing objectively defined barriers to women’s political representation. This study changes the perspective and focuses on applying a bottom-up approach, focusing on individual women and their subjective views on barriers to enter politics. The material was collected during an 8-week field study in various locations in Colombia between July and August 2016. The findings suggest that the intersection between socioeconomic factors and gender play a large role in defining barriers to enter politics. Personal as well as systemic factors interoperate to lower both the “supply” and “demand” of candidates. The results also suggest that some professional groups are more likely to reject institutional participation, focusing political efforts on activism, and that families and political parties both serve as “gatekeepers” enabling or disabling political representation.   Key words: Gendered barriers to enter politics, political participation and representation, candidate selection, Colombia, clientelism, formal and informal institutions.
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Chu, Ta-Wei. "Perspectives on the emerging ASEAN political-security community : motivations, barriers, and strategies." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2014. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/8774/.

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In 2003, ASEAN issued the Bali Concord II. In this declaration, ASEAN set the goal of creating the people-oriented ASEAN Community (AC) by 2015. The ASEAN Political-Security Community (APSC) is a pillar of the AC. The APSC’s blueprint addressed several security issues that are central to ASEAN’s own objectives, which are prominent in the ASEAN Charter and which play no less an important role in the ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community (ASCC). However, although ASEAN has pledged to address these security issues, many Southeast Asians continue to suffer from significant security threats. This study will explore why ASEAN has not brought adequate security to the region’s peoples despite ASEAN’s decision to create the people-oriented APSC. The research question guiding this study is simple, but no comprehensive answer is readily forthcoming because so diverse a population of actors and security issues has been involved in the creation of the APSC. Hence, rather than adopt a traditional state-centric approach, this study starts from the human-security concept to explore the creation of the APSC. I argue that traditional state-centric approaches have failed to rigorously explore security issues in Southeast Asia, owing to discrepancies between the state-centric approaches and Southeast Asian security culture. The human-security concept discursively embraces both the diversity of threats in the world and the wisdom of having diverse actors address these diverse threats. Because the human-security concept is not a theoretical approach, I endeavour in this study to transform the concept into a theory before embarking on an exploration of the ongoing effort to create the APSC.
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Vidović, Dragana. "Barriers to nonviolent resistance : identities, aims and state responses to dissent." Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/21800/.

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The second chapter of this PhD thesis examines the barriers to nonviolent resistance and explains why, despite the grievances, we see uprisings in some states and not others. I argue that a lack of common ties and the existence of ethnic cleavages create additional barriers for nonviolent mass mobilization in ethnically diverse states. I test the argument by using the Ethnic-Power Relations (EPR) and Nonviolent and Violent Campaign and Outcomes (NAVCO.2.0) datasets. The results show that the probability of nonviolent campaign onset is conditional on both, the levels of ethnic diversity and the regime type – the onset being less likely in ethnically diverse non-democracies. The third chapter illustrates how ethnic divides can be used to undermine mass-scale nonviolent mobilization by examining government framing of protest events during the 2014 spring protests in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Automated text analysis approach is used to discover the types of narratives (frames) that the Bosnia and Herzegovina’s government officials used to respond to protest demands. The results show that the Government officials have predominantly used the following types of frames: delegitimizing (ex. calling protesters traitors, hooligans), demobilizing (sympathetic statements – ex. saying that protests are justified), and alternative views (sidelining/ignoring grievances by discussing more salient issues). The results indicate that ethnic divides were exploited to prevent cross-ethnic mass mobilization. In the chapter four, I explore the variability of government responses to protest events using the Mass Mobilization Data (MMD), focusing on the ignore category - the response not commonly studied in the literature. I find that contrary to the expectations, governments are more likely to ignore than repress protest events. In particular, governments are more likely to ignore protests with 1000 or more participants, and more likely to accommodate than repress protests above 5000 participants. In conclusion, this PhD thesis shows that ethnicity increases costs of cooperation and lowers potentials for nonviolent resistance. In addition, this thesis demonstrates that governments might often choose to neither repress nor accommodate protest events, choosing instead to ignore grievances and demands. In summary, the aim of this PhD thesis is to examine barriers to nonviolent resistance and state responses to dissent.
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Burggren, Tyler Matthew Goodman. "Rivers, Mountains, and Everything in Between: How Terrain Affects Interstate Territorial Disputes." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2018. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1157600/.

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Geography has been a central element in shaping conflict through the ages, and is especially important in determining which states fight, why they fight, when they fight, and more importantly, where they fight. Despite this, conflict literature has primarily focused on human geography while largely ignoring the geospatial context of ‘where' conflict occurs, or crucially, doesn't occur. Territorial disputes are highly salient issues that quite often result in militarized disputes. Terrain has been key to mitigating conflict even in the face of major variance in state capability and power projection. In this study I investigate how terrain characteristics interact with power projection, opportunity, and willingness and the impact this has across territorial disputes. Exploring terrain's interaction with these concepts and its effect among different types of conflict furthers our understanding of the questions listed above.
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Andersson, Emmie. "When women defeat barriers in the public - do barriers still remain in the private? A comparative study of the private life of senior managers in county councils, the conditions for being a manager through a gender perspective." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-77889.

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This thesis is a study of senior manager in county councils with the aim to explore if the life situations at home, systematically differs, depending in whether the manager are a man or a woman. Are women and men managers living in the same family structures and home situations, such as the division of domestic tasks, which let them be managers under equal conditions. My research questions are; 1) Are there differences between the managers’ personal and domestic life depending on whether the managers are a man or a woman? 2) Do the managers studied live within home structures that challenge or conforms the division of labor between the genders in the public/domestic gender order? The study is based on semi-structural interviews with three male and three female managers. The results indicated that there are differences in how male and female managers’ work-life is balanced. The differences found is pointing at the direction that female manager’s live in households where they have equal responsibility for the domestic sphere of the family. The male managers studied live, to a greater extent, in family structures where the responsibilities of taking care of the domestic chores are located on to their wives. The work-life conflict is very present in all managers’ lives. The male managers are living in, to a greater extent than the female managers, family structures that correspond with the public/domestic gender order. Where women are more responsible over the domestic tasks in the household in relation to the male managers.
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Isaac, Grant E. "Agricultural biotechnology and transatlantic trade : an international political economy analysis of social regulatory barriers." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2512/.

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The development and commercialisation of genetically modified (GM) agricultural crops has drawn attention to a complex challenge facing trade diplomacy - the challenge of regulatory regionalism created by social regulatory barriers. Social regulations associated with GM crops have been enacted to ensure food safety, environmental protection and moral, ethical and religious preferences. Regulatory regionalism exists at the transatlantic level where GM crops approved as safe in North America have been delayed or denied market access in the EU because of divergent social regulations. As domestic social regulations have emerged on the trade agenda trade diplomacy is at a crucial crossroads because the traditional integration approach of trade diplomacy fails to acknowledge the endogenous political economy factors responsible for the social regulations within a particular jurisdiction. The research reveals that maintaining the traditional approach will erode public support for trade diplomacy and marginalise it as a viable force in international integration. Given the shortcomings of the traditional trade approach, this study then identifies a regulatory development and integration framework contributing to regulatory stability and enhancing the potential for transatlantic regulatory integration. This Ideal Regulatory Framework essentially builds social credence into the scientific rationality approach. Social credence is built in by ensuring consumer information, trust and choice. The result is a trade diplomacy approach that contributes to regulatory stability and integration by balancing the competing interests within an operational, dynamic, rules-based approach capable of managing the social concerns associated with advanced technologies such as GM crops.
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Riley, Larry Edwin. "Anglers' Attitudes Toward the Fisheries Management Policies of the Logan and Blacksmith Fork Rivers, Utah." DigitalCommons@USU, 1987. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/4399.

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In the summer of 1986, anglers along three sections of the Logan and Blacksmith Fork Rivers, Utah were surveyed as to their attitudes toward fish stocking, habitat improvement, and wild trout management policies. Information concerning socio-demographic characteristics and ang ling values were ascertained as well. Data were cross tabulated to determine which of the variab les influence anglers' attitudes toward spec ifi c fisheries manage ment policies and the type of angling opportunity provided. The analysis of data s how e d differences between the types of anglers using the three sample sections. The data showed that variables such as preferred angling method, preferred water type, number of fishing trips taken this year, age, importance of keeping fish, and whether an angler emphasizes catching a large number of fish or large fish, can influence anglers ' attitudes toward fisheries management policies. The ungrouped data showed that the anglers sampled preferred: to catch brown or cutthroat trout; fish stocking to be limited to waters which have little or no natural reproduction or production; larger (14 inch) catchable size trout to be stocked even if it means a smaller number of fish will be stocked; the State to emphasize habitat improvement right along with fish stocking in their management plan; and the continuation of the policy to provide a limited amount of 11 Wild trout., regulated waters for angling variety.
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Lindblad, Jenny. "Metro barriers in the making : The political and sociotechnical milieu of public transport in Stockholm." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Socialantropologiska institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-124079.

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This thesis examines processes through which the barriers in the Stockholm metro are continuously rearranged. The barriers are in place with the purpose of securing income, while simultaneously enabling the flow of passengers into the metro. First, I examine the technical components and capacities of the barriers. Second, I outline a variety of actors involved with planning, manufacturing, and maintaining them, and analytically link these actors as comprising an ‘apparatus of public transport’. More specifically, this study focuses on how metro users’ practices are both influenced by, and influence how the barriers are rearranged. I show how this dynamic is enacted in the barrier milieu in metro stations, where also the tension between the purposes of securing income and allowing mobility is negotiated. The ethnographic material includes encounters with metro users, technicians, officials, and politicians in metro stations and other settings, as well as written documentations. In public discussions, the barriers are commonly at issue in relation to fare evasion. From a standpoint where technical, social, and political dimensions are understood as intermeshed, this study casts attention to a variety of practices occurring in the barrier milieu. By exploring how a technical arrangement influences social relations, I aim to raise questions of responsibility with regards to technology.
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Al-Haidar, Ghaneemah Moham. "Struggling for a right : Islam and the participation in sports and physical recreation of girls and women in Kuwait." Thesis, Brunel University, 2004. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/5066.

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The present study is the first of its kind. It is a study about the involvement of Kuwaiti females in sports and physical recreation. The study invesigates both the structures and resources that make female participation in sports and physical recreation possible, and the ideological and physical barriers that prevent girls and young women from taking part. The development of female sports and physical recreation in Kuwait is investigated in relation to relevant historical and political developments, taking particular account of the influence of Islamic ideologies about the role of women in society, women's enfranchisement, and women's bodies. It provides evidence from the Holy Qur'an in support of the need for girls and women to exercise their bodies. The research highlights the contradictory position that Kuwaiti women find themselves in living in a relatively liberal Islamic state with an official discourse of gender equality, but facing traditional and unequal gender divisions in daily life and throughout culture, specifically in sports and physical recreation. Opportunities for females in sports and recreation are tied to the political administration system of the state and the study looks at the present day situation of public provision and resourcing, following the liberation of the country from Iraq, as well as private resources that have developed as a result of westernized, global influences.. The study presents recommendations for Kuwaiti sports policy-makers, planners, and providers - that may be useful, too, for those in other societies in the Arabian Peninsula - concerning sports and physical recreation for Muslim girls and women in the future. The project traces the development of organised sport and physical recreation for females from 1950 until the present day. It includes details of physical education in schools, and the establishment and expansion of sport clubs and other facilities that are now in the country. Reference is made to the role of government agencies and departments - in particular the Public Authority for Youth and Sport (PAYS) that has special responsibility to establish stronger and more specialized opportunities. Since there is virtually no previous research or literature about the topic of girls and young women's involvement in sport and physical recreation in Kuwait, the main method of data collection was through questionnaires and interviews, supported by documentary evidence, including official statements.
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Barron, Patrick. "Barriers to the consolidation of peace : the political economy of post-conflict violence in Indonesia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a1dd34e0-475f-4279-b512-21faf35c55fb.

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What causes post-conflict violence to occur in some places emerging from extended violent conflict and not in others? Why does episodic post-conflict violence take different forms? And what causes episodic violence to escalate into larger renewed extended violence? This thesis contributes towards answers to these questions by examining the experience of Indonesia. Six provinces saw civil war or large-scale inter-communal unrest around the turn of the century. In each, war ended. Yet levels and forms of post-conflict violence vary significantly between areas. The Indonesian cases are used to build a theory of the sources of spatial and temporal variance in post-conflict violence. Multiple methods are employed. A new dataset, containing over 158,000 coded incidents, maps patterns of extended and post-conflict violence. Six districts in three provinces are then studied in depth. Comparative analysis of districts and provinces—drawing on over 300 field interviews—identifies the determinants of variations in post-conflict violence levels and forms. Adopting a political economy approach, the thesis develops a novel actor-based theory of post-conflict violence. Violence is not the result of failed elite bargains, dysfunctional inter-group relations, enduring grievances, or weak states. Instead, it flows from the incentives that three sets of actors—local elites, local violence specialists, and national elites—have to use violence for accumulation. Violence is used when it is beneficial, non-costly, and when other opportunities for getting ahead do not exist. How post-conflict resources are deployed, the degree to which those who use violence face sanctions, and the availability of peaceful means to achieve goals shape incentives and hence patterns of violence. Where only violence specialists support violence, post-conflict violence will take small-scale forms. Where local elites also support violence, escalation to frequent large episodic violence occurs. Extended violence only occurs where national elites also have reason to use violence for purposes of accumulation.
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Perry, Denielle. "The Uneven Geography of River Conservation In The U.S.: Insights From The Application Of The Wild And Scenic Rivers Act." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/22700.

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Rivers are vital for sustaining biodiversity and human development, yet globally only a small fraction of rivers enjoy protection and those with protections are often impaired or modified. Rapid rates of freshwater species’ extinctions indicate current conservation practices are failing. Despite over fifty years of scientific evidence justifying river conservation, it remains that less attention is focused on protecting ecosystems than on developing water resources for economic growth. This disparity is indicative of the ‘nature as resource’ versus ‘conservation of nature’ paradigm. Today, this paradigm is complicated by new attentions centering both on water resource development projects and conservation policy as climate change adaptation strategies. Policies protecting rivers are recommended for contending with more intense storms and flooding, increasing resilience for species, forests, and agricultural areas, and fostering some types of water security. Creating, implementing, and managing climate adaptation policies will require a strong state presence in water resource governance. We know, however, the aforementioned paradigm hinders conservation policymaking. Therefore, understanding how conservation policy has already been rationalized, implemented, and managed is critical to advancing climate adaptation policymaking. Yet, little empirical research has been conducted on federal river conservation policy creation or application across the U.S. To that end, this dissertation, presented in three discrete original research articles, examines the United States National Wild and Scenic Rivers System. Specifically, this study investigates the socio-ecological drivers behind the creation of the Wild and Scenic Rivers Act of 1968 (WSRA hereinafter) and the spatial dimensions of the policy’s application and management over time. This study is grounded empirically in extensive archival materials, interviews with federal land management agency personnel, conservation advocates, and technical experts, as well as spatial and temporal analysis of a geodatabase. Together, these methods were employed to answer the following research questions which guide this study: (1) What factors influence the temporal and spatial distribution of river segments protected under the Wild & Scenic Rivers Act? (2) What does the history of management in designated segments suggest about emerging trends and patterns in river conservation? (3) How are competing environmental values and ideologies understood and reconciled in the context of river conservation?
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Pachi, Dimitra. "Barriers to conflict resolution in Cyprus amongst young people : the role of political/social trust and emotions." Thesis, University of Surrey, 2009. http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/804384/.

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Gonzalez, Jason James. "Domestic Landscapes, Power, and Political Change: Comparing Classic Maya Communities in the Three Rivers Region of Northwestern Belize (A.D. 600 - 1000)." OpenSIUC, 2013. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/712.

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The goal of this dissertation is to identify the elite and non-elite power relationship between the Three Rivers Region primary center, La Milpa, and the small subsidiary center, Ixno'ha, during the Late Classic (A.D. 600 - 830/850). I analyze the domestic landscapes looking specifically at this relationship and how it reflected political change at the Late Classic beginning and end. The domestic landscape includes two parts: 1) the community patterns of house spatial associations to each other, environmental features, public centers, and infrastructure; 2) the household patterns of ceramic choices and house designs. What I found was that La Milpa and Ixno'ha shared many domestic landscape traits with largely similar Late Classic community and household choices. However, those choices shifted with greater similarity at the Late Classic end than the beginning. So, La Milpa elites showed potential influence over non-elite domestic choices during the late Late Classic. However, that influence was not overwhelming, thus suggesting a weakly centralized regional power structure. Moreover, the domestic landscape changes matched the political shifts only at the beginning of the Late Classic. This disparity suggests that non/elite and elite power regional relationships only partially connect to a regional political system. This research is about understanding hierarchical power relationships not just from the top-down elite view but also the bottom-up perspective, the domestic lives of the overall populations.
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Olsson, Mats-Olov. "Barriers to change? : understanding the institutional hurdles in the Russian forest sector." Licentiate thesis, Luleå, 2004. http://epubl.luth.se/1402-1757/2004/79/index.html.

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Mtelera, Prince. "“Exploring barriers to citizen participation in development: a case study of a participatory broadcasting project in rural Malawi”." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1016360.

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In Malawi, as in many newly-democratic countries in the developing world, donor organisations and NGOs have embarked on projects aimed at making reforms in governance which have generated a profusion of new spaces for citizen engagement. This thesis critically examines one such project in Malawi against the backdrop of a democratic nation emerging from a background of dictatorial regime. For thirty years, until 1994, Malawi was under the one-party regime of Kamuzu Banda which was characterised by dictatorial tendencies, in which participatory processes were non-existent and development was defined in terms of client-patronage relationships between the state and society (Cammack, 2004: 17). In 1994, however, Malawi embraced a multiparty system of government, paving way to various political and social reforms, which adopted participatory approaches to development. Drawing on a number of literatures, this thesis seeks to historicize the relationship which developed during the pre democracy era between the state and society in Malawi to underscore its influence on the current dispositions displayed by both bureaucrats and citizens as they engage in participatory decision making processes. This is achieved through a critical realist case study of a participatory radio project in Malawi called Ndizathuzomwe which works through a network of community-based radio production structures popularly known as ‘Radio Listening Clubs’(RLCs) where communities are mobilised at village level to first identify and define development problems through consensus and then secondly engage state bureaucrats, politicians, and members of other relevant service delivery organisations in making decisions aimed at resolving community-identified development problems (Chijere-Chirwa et al, 2000). Unlike during the pre-democracy era, there is now a shift in the discourse of participation in development, from the participation of ‘beneficiaries’ in projects, to the more political and rights-based definitions of participation by citizens who are the ‘makers and shapers’ of their own development (Cornwall and Gaventa, 2000). The findings of this thesis, however point to the fact that, there remains a gap between normative expectations and empirical realities in that spaces for participation are not neutral, but are themselves shaped by power relations (Cornwall, 2002). A number of preconditions exist for entry into participatory institutions as such entry of certain interests and actors into public spaces is privileged over others through a prevailing mobilisation of bias or rules of the game (Lukes, 1974: I)
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Jacobs, Inga M. "Norms and transboundary co-operation in Africa : the cases of the Orange-Senqu and Nile rivers." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2139.

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The inter-scalar interaction of norms is pervasive in African hydropolitics due to the nature of freshwater on the continent – shared, strategic and that which necessitates cooperation. However, with few exceptions, particular norms created at specific levels of scale have been researched in isolation of those existing at other levels. It is argued that this exclusionary approach endangers the harmonised and integrated development of international water law and governance, producing sub-optimal cooperative strategies. The notable contributions of Ken Conca and the Maryland School’s research on the contestation of norms occurring at different levels of scale, and Anthony Turton’s Hydropolitical Complex (HPC), will be examined through a Constructivist theoretical lens, in terms of their applicability to furthering an understanding of multi-level normative frameworks. Through the use of the Orange-Senqu River basin, and the Nile Equatorial Lakes sub-basin (NELSB) as case studies, it is argued that norm convergence is possible, and is occurring in both case studies analysed, although to varying degrees as a result of different causal factors and different biophysical, historical, socio-political and cultural contexts. This is demonstrated through an examination of regional dynamics and domestic political milieus. Notwithstanding their varying degrees of water demand, Orange-Senqu and NELSB riparians present fairly different political identities, each containing existing constellations of norms, which have affected the ways in which they have responded to the influence of external norms, how the norm is translated at the local level and to what extent it is incorporated into state policy. In so doing, the interface between international norms and regional/domestic norms will be explored in an attempt to understand which norms gain acceptance and why. It is therefore advocated that a multi-level interpretation of norm development in Africa’s hydropolitics is essential to an understanding of the interconnectedness of context, interests and identities. Each level of scale, from the international to the subnational, give meaning to how norms are translated and socialised, and how they in turn, transform contexts.
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Haque, Ashfara. "The role of a newspaper in an advocacy campaign to save Dhaka’s rivers in Bangladesh." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2015. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1716.

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Four major rivers that flow around Dhaka, the capital city of Bangladesh, are threatened by human activities that have caused them to seriously decline. This situation has become a significant concern for both Dhaka’s inhabitants and for environmentalists. River-related issues have become controversial and contentious, and have started to receive public attention. Nowadays the newspapers of Bangladesh frequently cover river issues, including the protection of rivers. The Daily Star, the leading national English-language newspaper of Bangladesh, has in the last few years advocated for tougher actions against river grabbing, encroaching, waste dumping and sand filling. In extending the range of its coverage on river-related issues, The Daily Star employed a shift from environmental journalism to a wider-ranging environmental media advocacy campaign. On 1 June 2009 the newspaper formally launched a media campaign called “Nodi Banchao Dhaka Banchao” (“Save Rivers, Save Dhaka”), aiming to raise public awareness and influence the government’s policy-making. It has been more than five years since this campaign began. In response to the campaign, the government of Bangladesh became concerned and has started a number of initiatives, but, in reality, there has been no major change in the condition of the rivers. The attempts by The Daily Star to advocate for protecting rivers drew public attention and also mobilised public opinion. This research discusses the role of a newspaper in raising public awareness through an advocacy campaign. Through this campaign, the newspaper became a platform for the government, environmental pressure groups and activists to engage with the public to work together to save Dhaka’s major rivers. This ongoing media advocacy campaign provides a unique case study. Applying the method of content analysis, this research takes a closer look at The Daily Star’s “Save Rivers, Save Dhaka” campaign, and also attempts to understand public perception of the effectiveness of this media-driven environmental advocacy precedent.
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Msukwa, Chimwemwe Kanyamana. "Strategic interests in transboundary river cooperation in Southern Africa – the case of the Okavango." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/5239.

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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
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ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Water is life. Its availability and quality directly relates to what is possible in agriculture as well as human health. In Southern Africa, water issues have become an important political agenda as a result of the droughts that the region has been experiencing. The Southern Africa Development Community (SADC), in its water protocol advises its member states to set up river basin organisations to manage transboundary rivers in Southern Africa. The aim is to encourage the sustainable use of international rivers. Sharing international rivers has proven to be a very difficult issue as shown by the voting patterns on the UN Convention on the Law of Non Navigational Uses of Transboundary Rivers and the subsequent failure of entry into force of this convention. While strategic interests on the global levels manifest themselves in voting patterns in forums like the UN Assembly, the situation is trickier at the regional level. These strategic interests are ever present as a result of states’ need for recognition of their sovereignty and the inability of states to accept any hierarchical enforcement. This study investigates the impact of these interests at the basin level on the structure of cooperation. With the use of a case study, namely the Okavango River Basin Commission, and guided by regime theory, the study looks at the process of regime formation and maintenance in the basin. It concludes that states use cooperative arrangements (international water cooperation regimes) as tools for the strategic protection of their sovereignty.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Water is lewe. Die beskikbaarheid en kwaliteit het direk te betrekking op wat moontlik toeneemed is in landbou so wel as menslike gesondheid. Water as ʼn noodsaaklike bron in suider-Afrika word meer en meer beskou as ʼn belangrike kwessie op die politieke agenda as gevolg van droogte wat in die streek ondervind word. ʼn Hoë vlak van belangrikheid word aan die bestuur van water binne die streek geheg. Die SAOG (Die Suider – Afrikaanse Ontwikkelings gemeenskap), het in sy water protokol aan sy lid state beveel om rivier kom organisasies te stig om beheer uit te oefen oor riviere in Suider- Afrika wat oor grense heen vloei. Die doel is om lidstate aan te moedig om die volhoubare gebruik van internasionale riviere te bevorder . Die vedeling van internasionale riviere is ‘n komplekse kwessie soos wat VN stempatrone aandui ten opsigte van die Wet op die Verbod teen Navigasie op Oorgrensende Riviere en die daaropvolgende versuim van die inwerkingtreding van die Konvensie aandui. As gevolg van state se behoefte vir erkenning van hul soewereiniteit en hul strategiese belange bly die deel van rivierkomme ‘n moeilike internasionale probleem. Hierdie studie ondersoek die impak van die bogenoemde belange op die kom vlak op die struktuur van samewerking. Met die gebruik van ʼn gevallestudie, naamlik die Okovango Rivier Kom Kommissie, en aan die hand van regime teorie, ondersoek die studie die proses van regime formasie asook die problematiek rondom die instandhouding van die Komissie. Die gevolgtrekking is dat state koöperatiewe reëlings (internasionale water samewerking regimes) as instrumente vir die beskerming van hul strategiese soewereiniteit en eie belange gebruik.
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Binkhamis, Mohammed. "Barriers and threats to Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Saudi Arabia : a study of regulatory, political and economic factors." Thesis, De Montfort University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/13236.

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The overarching purpose of this thesis is to identify and study barriers that have had the most effect on Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) and how these barriers have affected investors with plans of investing in Saudi Market. The barriers have been divided into three factors; political factors (the effect Arab Spring, Iran nuclear program and activities of terrorist groups have had on Saudi Arabia), regulatory factors (bureaucracy rules, government rules and social culture) and economic factors (effect of macroeconomic variables and exchange rate on FDI). After proper evaluation of literature and concepts, it became evident that the above factors have had effect on FDI, and this culminated in the design of a conceptual framework as well as some propositions for each of the factors; political factor (stability in government, internal and external conflicts, and international relations), regulatory factors (liberality, regulation, bureaucracy and impact on culture), and economic factors (growth rate, stability of currency, economic variables and market size). Needed data were obtained from interviews conducted on participants who gave their views concerning FDI sector (government officials, independent consultants and foreign investors). Furthermore, an inductive approach was used to identify the effect of changes to the current currency policy of Saudi Riyal pegged with US$ in a fixed exchange rate. Results have shown that regulations currently been put in place by the government as well as societal customs, have had adverse effect on FDI. However, political stability being enjoyed by Saudi Arabia has been pivotal in attracting foreign investment into the country. Added to this, acts of terrorism and the Iranian relationship have in no way affected FDI coming into the country. Though it became clear that any attempt by the government to acquire nuclear weapons, will have a negative effect on Saudi Arabia. The current economic standing of Saudi Arabia has attracted more foreign investments, as the country has been enjoying economic stability. It was also discovered from the studies that the increasing price of oil has had varying effect on FDI. Inflation has not been a major barrier to foreign investments. Current exchange policies have favored FDI; it became evident that any alteration of this policy will have a negative effect on FDI. In term of theoretical contribution, the study found that the literature does not fit with the Saudi Arabian case as high inflation rate, as well as the external and internal crises weren’t found to be as barriers for FDI in Saudi Arabia. In addition, the research has contributed a conceptual framework based on previous studies integrating regulatory, political and economic factors that can be used for any further research on FDI. In term of practical contributions, the study explored possible effect of new potential risks such as Arab Spring and nuclear weapon. The research will be useful for both regulator and investors as it clearly identifies the action necessary to attract FDI as well as provide a set of guidelines for investors who intend to enter Saudi market.
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Turton, Anthony. "The political aspects of institutional developments in the water sector South Africa and its international river basins /." Pretoria : [s.n.], 2003. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-06042004-110828.

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Migliore, Joseph Anthony. "The Cultural Barriers to Integration of Second Generation Muslims in Northern Italy." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/231.

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In this study, I examine the existing literature and carry out a qualitative exploration in order to formulate a better understanding of the dynamics that influence the lives of 2nd generation Italian Muslims. Although monumental social and political challenges remain in confronting integration of the Muslim population and for achieving greater acceptance of Islam within the Italian public sphere, the evidence suggests that the process for integration has slowly begun. Additionally, this study examines the intellectual framework of the existing literature which addresses the issues impacting Muslim integration in Northern Italy. This issue has induced new debates within Italy on multiculturalism, national identity, human rights, while more importantly raising the question--"to what extent do we allow Muslim integration into Italian society and the further insertion of Islam into Italy's spiritual geography?" This study argues that the convergence of contemporary international affairs with religion calls for a new lens for interaction. In Italy the events following 9/11, combined with a resurgence of Islamophobia and the impact of the Global War on Terror, have drawn the issue of Muslim immigrants into a negative spotlight. Mainstream attitudes in Europe, following 9/11, have generated a rift in Muslim-West relations and have caused confusion and anxiety among Muslims and non-Muslims alike. The research hypothesis for this thesis suggests that there are multiple factors impeding the efforts for Muslims to achieve equal footing within the Italian religious landscape and inclusion within Italian society. Among these are divisions found within the Muslim community itself, a growing mistrust of Islam in mainstream Italian society, sponsored by negative media stereotyping and xenophobic political movements, and underlying everything else, the privileged position of the Catholic Church and its unwillingness to accommodate Islamic identity within the social framework. The chosen methodology employed in this study is qualitative, theoretical contextual analysis combined with interviews plus questionnaires used to construct a case study were applied. Beyond engaging in seven interviews with the 2nd generation Italian Muslims, this study was informed by the relevant academic literature from the fields of conflict resolution, history, sociology, cultural studies, Islamic studies and political science. Finally this study contextualized the dynamics generating this conflict and examined the discontinuities this situation has created in the lives of Muslims in Italy. The exclusion of the Muslim population, coupled with the complex relationship between this cultural group and state, has led to the exploration within Italy of different models for integration. The findings of this study indicate that inequalities exist for the Muslim population of Northern Italy in their relation with the host nation and society. This further hampers the process of integration and generates further exclusion. Only profound rethinking of the Italian approach to integration will serve to adequately meet the needs of this marginalized population and fully incorporate them within Italian society.
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30

Vitsitsi, Gladys. "Barriers to women’s upward mobility in the public sector: a case study of Malawian women chief executives." Thesis, Nelson Mandela University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/13469.

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Women representation in management positions is described as a fundamental human right and an important means of fair democratic representation. This study intended to investigate the factors determining women upward mobility and their promotion to management positions. Included as variables were traditional gender roles, access to education and lack of mentoring and role models. The study followed the qualitative approach using snowball sampling and conducting semi structured interviews with ten Controlling Officers from different ministries and department of the Malawi Public Service to find out whether the variables under investigation indeed affect women upward mobility. Empirical evidence shows that traditional gender roles e.g. being mothers affect women upward mobility. Similarly, limited access to education is another factor that limits women access to managerial positions. Lack of mentoring and role models, especially where there are already few women at the top also affects women’s upward mobility. The study recommended that Malawi government should help women get scholarships that provide for their children. Furthermore, the government should provide flexible working hours especially for mothers. Women themselves should meet for a cup of tea where they can empower each other on the most important aspects of their job as chief executives; that is delivering a speech, making presentations and forming networks.
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31

Blechinger, Philipp [Verfasser]. "Barriers and solutions to implementing renewable energies on Caribbean islands in respect of technical, economic, political, and social conditions / Philipp Blechinger." Aachen : Shaker, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1080763333/34.

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32

Olsson, David. "Regime Type and Trade Policy : Has Increased Democratization Contributed to Lower Trade Barriers Among Autocratic States?" Thesis, Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-3407.

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C-Level Paper in Political Science, by David Olsson, Autumn 2008. Supervisor: Malin Stegman McCallion. “Regime Type and Trade Policy: Has Increased Democratization Contributed to Lower Trade Barriers Among Autocratic States?”

 

In this paper a new two-level game theory, based on previous research and deductive reasoning, is constructed and tested empirically. The purpose is to examine if developing new democracies, trading with developing autocracies, is an explanatory factor of trade liberalization among the latter. The research questions are: 1) Have tariff rates in developing autocratic countries followed the pattern of reduced tariffs among their developing new democratic trading partners? And; 2) If this is the case, is there a relative shift in trade flows that confirms this change to be an effect of the new democracies’ presumed influence?

                      In order to sufficiently carry out an empirical scrutiny, seven other determinants found to have effects on trade policies in previous research, are accounted for using a “most similar systems design”. For reasons of delimitation, six autocracies and their fifteen most important trading partners, observed 1980-1999, have been paired and analyzed. Each pair consists of one autocracy that trades with new democracies and one that does not; regarding the other determinants they are as similar as possible. The used material is the World Development Indicators, the Polity IV Dataset, the Yearbook of International Trade Statistics, the World Economic Outlook Database, the Database of Political Institutions, statistics from the World Trade Organization, the Dataset of Armed Conflicts, and the Unweighted Average Tariffs Measurement.   

                      The conclusion is that there are no indicators that affirm the theory and research questions. However, the theory is not unambiguously falsified. Hence, studies on more countries and time spans are needed.       

 

 

 

 

 

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33

Nunez, Lopez Lidia. "Electoral system stability and change: an analysis of the barriers and incentives to reform in European democracies since 1945." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209101.

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Electoral systems have an enormous importance on how political power is distributed, on governability and the dynamics of representation of any given democratic society. Political science has traditionally considered electoral systems to be stable institutions and has paid more attention to understand how political parties adapt to the electoral rules than to how “electoral institutions themselves are adapted by political parties” (Benoit 2004). However, given their importance, unveiling the factors that influence the change and the choice of electoral rules is crucial and an increasing number of studies has addressed the issue since the 1990s.

This dissertation lies at the crossroads between traditional explanations of the stability of electoral systems and the more recent interpretations of electoral system change. Through three empirical parts, this thesis shows how these literatures are reconcilable and complementary. This study encompasses a comprehensive set of explicative factors at the micro, meso and macro levels that shed light on the incentives and barriers to reform electoral systems. Methodologically, the large-N approach of this thesis goes beyond the usual case studies and small-N analyses that characterize the field of electoral system change. Besides, the consideration of cases of reforms and cases of stability contributes to a better understanding of the determinants of electoral system change. While traditional accounts of electoral system change are predominantly based on political parties’ self-interest, this study demonstrates that the context matters. In this regard, this dissertation has three main findings.

Firstly, this study calls into question the body of literature addressing the change of electoral institutions by analyzing the impact of different barriers in the success of reform debates. At the party level, it shows how intraparty division can constitute an important factor to explain institutional inertia. The analysis is based on the responses of Irish Members of Parliament (Teachtaí Dala, or TDs) to a number of survey items designed to measure their evaluations of the current electoral system. The study discusses how the heterogeneity of preferences within parties over this issue may act as a barrier for reform. Besides, at the micro level, it sheds light on the determinants of individuals’ incentives to support reform. Beyond the classical power-seeking motivations, individual legislators also appear to be driven by values and attitudes about the quality of democracy.

Secondly, this thesis focuses on institutional contexts. This study analyzes the capacity of institutions to deter reforms using empirical evidence of the occurrence of reforms and the duration of electoral systems in 17 European countries. Drawing on Lijphart’s framework of the patterns of democracy, this research analyzes the extent to which the elements that differentiate between majoritarian and consensus democracies can hinder electoral reforms. On the one hand, it shows the impact of individual institutions on the occurrence of reform and the duration of electoral systems. It demonstrates that higher numbers of veto players, more proportional electoral systems, limited vested interests of the incumbent parties, constitutional rigidity and the existence of judicial review can reduce the likelihood of reform. On the other hand, this study demonstrates that the different combinations of institutional elements provide important explanatory leverage on the duration of electoral systems. In this regard, contrary to what is often assumed, it is shown that the occurrence of electoral reforms is linked to the incumbents’ capacity to develop their preferred policies. Those systems in which power is more concentrated, that is majoritarian systems, appear to be those in which electoral systems reforms are more frequent.

Finally, the thesis explores the impact of external shocks on the likelihood of reform. On the basis of an analysis of a dataset of electoral reforms that have been enacted in Europe since 1945, this study demonstrates that economic crises and citizens’ dissatisfaction with democracy are related to the introduction of electoral reforms. However, the mechanism is mediated by the existence of new parties that capitalize on this dissatisfaction and that can threaten the established parties. In these circumstances, restrictive reforms – those that aim at hindering the entry of new parties - are more likely to be introduced, though too late to prevent the entry of these newcomers.


Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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34

Yankovskyy, Shelly. "Mental health policy and services in Tampa, Florida." [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2005. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0001176.

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35

Roback, Magnus. "Bredbandsutbyggnad i Östergötlands kommuner : En implementeringsanalys av de hinder som Östergötlands kommuner upplever i implementeringen av bredbandsmålen." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-158159.

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This thesis is examining the barriers that exists in the implementation of the Swedish governments broadband policy. It examines eleven municipalities in the Swedish county Östergötland and how they handle the implementation of the broadband policy. It answers three questions, what barriers exist, how do they handle them, and why do different municipalities handle barriers differently. To answer the questions, interviews with people who are in charge or knows the most about the implementation process in each municipality were conducted. There answers were analyst with an implementation analysis with focus on internal and external factors that can impact the implementation process. The answer to the thesis first question was that two types of barriers were most prominent in the implementation process, economical and collaborative barriers. In the two barriers the internal and external factors were analysed with an analysis model that provided the tools to answer the thesis second and third questions.The conclusions of the thesis are that the two most prominent barriers in the implementation process of the Swedish broadband policy are economical and collaborative barriers. The municipalities handle these barriers differently and that mainly depends on the municipalities different approach to how they can or if they want to handle the barriers.
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36

Smedley, David Alan. "Rivers as borders, dividing or uniting? : the effect of topography and implications for catchment management in South Africa." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1005527.

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South Africa's water resources are unequally distributed over space and time to a high degree and our already stressed water resources situation will only be exacerbated by climate change if current predictions are correct. The potential for conflict over increasingly strained water resources in South Africa is thus very real. In order to deal with these complex problems national legislation is demanding that water resource management be decentralized to the local level where active participation can take place in an integrated manner in accordance with the principles of IWRM. However, administrative and political boundaries rarely match those of catchments as, throughout South Africa, rivers have been employed extensively to delineate administrative and political boundaries at a number of spatial scales. The aim of this research is to determine if rivers act as dividing or uniting features in a socio-political landscape and whether topography will influence their role in this context. By considering sections of the Orange-Senqu River, some of which are employed as political or administrative boundaries, this project furthermore aims to consider the implications of this for catchment management in South Africa. South Africa's proposed form of decentralized water management will have to contend with the effects of different topographies on the way in which rivers are perceived and utilized. The ability of a river to act as a dividing or uniting feature is dependent on a number of interrelated factors, the effects of which are either reduced or enhanced by the topography surrounding the river. Factors such as the state of the resource, levels of utilization, local histories and the employment of the river as a political or administrative border are all factors that determine the extent to which a river unites or divides the communities along its banks, and are all influenced by topography. The implications of this for the management of catchments in South Africa are significant. Local water management institutions will have to contend with a mismatch in borders and in many cases bridge social divides that are deeply entrenched along the banks of rivers. Importantly, the need for a context specific approach to catchment management is highlighted.
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37

Dietsch, Marcel. "The political economy of natural gas producer cooperation : cartelisation and market power." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0454e490-1583-45af-aa70-83526dbcd4af.

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In 2001 the Gas Exporting Countries Forum (GECF) was created by some of the world’s leading natural gas producing and exporting countries in order to promote their mutual interests through cooperation, in particular with regard to extracting the maximum value from their natural gas exports. My core research question is: Does cooperation among GECF member countries explain those exporters’ market power in highly import-dependent natural gas consuming countries? To determine the influence of the GECF’s cooperative actions and policies, I study the GECF’s cooperative behaviour and measure the role of (collusive) producer conduct in terms of its contribution to achieving the main GECF objective: attaining gas prices that are measurably above the cost of production and hence help producers earn significant economic rents. I employ a variety of methods from the international relations literature on cooperation and cartelisation, collective action theory and an economic measurement model in three case studies. I find that cooperation among GECF members partly explains their market power in a number of import-dependent gas markets. This is so despite the GECF’s weak degree of institutionalisation. The reasons for the GECF’s influence on effective cooperative results are: first, conducive structural conditions in many gas importing markets favouring cartelisation; second, GECF members use methods such as artificial market entry barriers (e.g. long-term term contracts negotiated in a non-transparent way) to secure their market power and third, the GECF faces less severe internal procedural challenges that plague other cartels such as collective action problems, especially cheating. Cooperation among GECF exporters hence contributes to high(er) prices of natural gas. This causes economic inefficiencies and a transfer of wealth—and political power—from gas consumers to producers. It also hinders climate change mitigation as cleanerburning gas remains too expensive to replace ‘dirty’ coal in power generation.
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Lambert, Laurent A. "Drivers and barriers to change in desalinated water governance in the GCC : a comparative approach to water privatisations in Abu Dhabi, Doha and Kuwait City." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d98027bc-e479-46da-9f6f-1572e57f630c.

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The global water crisis has often been presented as a crisis of governance and attributed to various factors, including the slowness of institutional adjustments to rapid structural challenges such as demographic growth, resource degradation and economic difficulties (UNU-INWEH, 2012). Despite the rapid growth of cities around the world and a fast increase in the use of desalination for freshwater supply (WHO, 2011), the dynamics of institutional change in desalinated urban water governance have never been researched. This thesis investigates the drivers, barriers and counter-forces to a major institutional change - privatisation - in the desalinated water governance of the coastal cities of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) region. Through the cases of public private partnerships (PPPs) in Abu Dhabi and Doha and the failed attempt to implement similar PPPs in Kuwait City, this research investigates the diverse forces that have led to the implementation of this new institutional arrangement in order to question - both empirically and theoretically - the literature’s general assumption that privatisation reforms in urban water services in the South arise from structural issues, e.g. a water crisis, an economic crisis and/or a governance crisis. The three main schools of comparative studies are used systematically to test hypotheses about causal relationships between selected variables. The structural approach is applied to examine the influences of the redistributive rentier state, oil price fluctuations and regional energy integration over the privatisation process. Adopting a Post-colonial perspective, the political culture approach is used to examine critically the contemporary influences of traditional cultural features, key local institutions and foreign cultural influences over the fluctuating roles of both the State and the markets in the local urban water supply since the late 19th century. Finally, the rational agency theory is used to examine the role in the recent privatisation process of key political figures from the ruling families. This research demonstrates that the privatisation process of desalination units in Abu Dhabi and Doha was not driven by structural factors during the 2000s, a period of high oil prices, but was initiated in the 1990s and driven the following decade by the agency of a reforming elite wanting to privatize the water sector as part of a broader dynamic of construction of a neoliberal post-rentier economy – i.e. an intermediary political economic paradigm that aims to mediate the transition from rentierism to a fully liberalized economy. The political culture approach shows that these privatisations were facilitated by a gradual shift from pure rentierism towards a post-rentier form of neoliberalism in the political philosophy of liberal water technocrats on the one hand, and towards a regional trend of ‘pious neoliberalism’ (Atia, 2011) among practicing Sunni Muslims. Nevertheless, the enduring rentier mentality has constituted a strong counter-force to privatisation dynamics. The PPPs were implemented in Abu Dhabi and Doha because the local ruling elites situated the political bargaining within the tribal institutional milieus that they mastered completely through the control of the rent and related benefits. In Kuwait however, negotiations between the ruling elites and the leading political forces, the tribes and the opposition, were situated in a parliamentary institutional milieu that the ruling elite could not control and where the opposition and tribal MPs have opposed all reforms of the rentier ruling bargain. These findings illustrate that institutional changes in desalinated water governance are not neutrally driven by uncontrollable structural forces, but are the product of political bargaining between and among various rational political actors and their coalitions. This thesis also shows that in non-democratic or semi-democratic settings, the choice of a specific institutional milieu by the authorities is critical to the successful bargaining of institutional reforms, since it determines whether some key actors - along with structural factors (e.g. rent) and cultural factors (e.g. tribal influence) - will support the process or will be able to act against it.
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Pasquier, Linnéa. "Barriers and Bridges for Establishing Agroforestry : A qualitative study of Swedish land use policy in relation to agroforestry." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för naturgeografi, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-183241.

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Numerous scholars describe agroforestry as an extraordinary food production system that generates viable ecosystems and accommodates regenerative capabilities. Agroforestry may therefore be a promising solution to the future environmental challenges facing food production. This multifunctional land management system is practised in temperate and tropical regions alike, however, it exists to a remarkably limited extent in Sweden. This research points to the complexities in agricultural and forestry policy as a main barrier for wider agroforestry adoption. The foundation of inquiry is thus to analyze various Swedish legislatives and support systems that either facilitate or adverse agroforestry practice, through the lens of political ecology. The research findings derive from a qualitative study, consisting of conducted interviews with key stakeholders in Swedish agricultural and forestry policy. The study contends that a core obstacle for agroforestry development is the dualistic approach to governmental sectors, i.e. forestry and agriculture, and the lack of coordination between them, since agroforestry cannot be classified as neither . A perpetual policy prioritized towards large-volume crop yields, rapid production, large scale investments, calculative assessments and a competitive business sector is moreover identified. The research asserts that these hegemonic discourses permeating policy, consequently act as a disincentive for agroforestry adoption due to the ofttimes long implementation period, high initial investment and uncertain food market for agroforestry produce. In addition, the study illustrates that cultural expectations of landscape mainly give trees a cultural and environmental value, therein neglecting the multifunctionality of woody vegetation - which hence suggest a lack of a holistic approach to food systems. The thesis finally argues that these hegemonic discourses concerning assessment and management of land, together influence the design of state policy and farmers’ attitude towards agroforestry systems. Overall, current policy regulations portray a rather static and incomplete way of managing the dynamic symbiosis of multifunctional food systems.
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Tegneborg, Louise. "Barriers to Crisis-induced Learning within a Public Agency : A process-tracing plausibility probe of obstacles to MSB:s learning from the forest fire in Västmanland 2014." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-9749.

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After the devastating forest fire in the Swedish region of Västmanland in 2014, numerous investigations and evaluations suggested measures to improve the Swedish crisis management and preparedness. Yet, after a new wave of severe forest fires in 2018, the Swedish Civil Contingencies Agency (MSB) concluded that the lessons from 2014 had not been sufficiently implemented, since several issues reoccurred. The research area of obstacles to crisis-induced learning among public organizations is rather young, and any widely acknowledged theories are still lacking. This case study focuses on the crisis-induced learning process within MSB after the 2014 forest fire. Three hypotheses are derived from previous literature and modified to the case, and tested through a process-tracing plausibility probe according to an abductive approach. The analyzed material consists of documentation from the learning process in combination with semi-structured informant interviews with current and previous members of staff. The analysis confirms that the crisis documentation was insufficient which in most cases affected the learning process negatively. It further identifies an aspect of accessibility to this obstacle which should be considered in future research. As expected, the crisis learning was mainly based on the single-loop approach, although a few indications of a deeper organizational adjustment occurred. No significant indications of conflicting opinions within MSB were found in the documents, although some informants described how incompatible opinions had emerged. In most cases they impeded the process, as expected. However, in one case the conflicting interests were perceived to improve the learning outcome. This finding suggests that conflicting opinions, in comparison to previous claims, do not necessarily prevent learning. The relation between conflicting opinions and crisis learning must thereby be further explored. Additional indications of possible obstacles were that the process depended on individuals, the institutional memory was insufficient, the learning process differed between departments, and that lacking resources prevented the implementation of measures. The study ends by suggesting learning improvements and discussing the new insights for the hypotheses which can be used in future research.
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41

Abdullah, Adel. "Political and economic integration in the Gulf Cooperation Council 1981 including a survey of the problem of non tariff barriers applying to the important plastic and chemical industries." Thesis, Brunel University, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.309092.

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42

Riley, Timothy. "Trans-boundary river basins: a discourse on water scarcity, conflict, and water resource management." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2003. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4396/.

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This thesis is an inquiry regarding the interconnections between water scarcity, geopolitics, resource management, and the strategies for developing effective ways to resolve conflict and encourage sustainable water resource use in developing countries. The ecological services of trans-boundary rivers are explored in conjunction with the potential impacts to freshwater availability due to economic modernization, water resource development, and decision making regimes that determine how water is allocated among competing users. Anthropogenic stressors that induce water scarcity and the geopolitical mechanisms of conflict are studied. A discourse on the creation and functional extent of global and localized water ethics is investigated, emphasizing the importance of perceptual dispositions of water users in understanding the value of trans-boundary river basins.
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43

Scharfenberg, Coline. "Drivers and barriers for a sustainability transition of the current food and agriculture system of the city of Malmö : A case study of the sustainable urban farm and meeting place Botildenborg." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för Urbana Studier (US), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-43400.

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Humanity is facing massive sustainability challenges, such as climate change and the associated loss of biodiversity, water scarcity and food insecurity. Capitalist urbanisation drives furthermore profound transformations in rural and urban areas and thus in the agriculture and food systems, presenting both challenges and opportunities. Urban agriculture as a part of a local food system, where food is produced in an urban area and sold to consumers in that area, presents a new food production model, generating innovative tools to lower agricultural land use, improving resource use efficiency and biodiversity. Consequently, great potential can be attributed to a sustainable transformation of the agri-food system through urban agriculture.  Like many cities around the world, Malmö has recognised the need for sustainable development. Therefore, the city of Malmö has been addressing environmental, social and economic challenges for several years and is committed to a holistic and sustainable urban development. Although the city is aware of the benefits of small-scale urban agriculture, there are no policies that enable the upscaling of urban agriculture in the city. Botildenborg, a sustainable urban farm and meeting place in Malmö, on the other hand, has recognised the potential for sustainable business and development through urban agriculture for several years, by setting itself the goal to increase the local and ecologically produced food within the city through this form of agriculture. Botildenborg serves therefore as a case study of this research.  In order to be able to provide indications for policies to shape the transformation steps towards sustainability within the agri-food system in Malmö, structures and patterns, as well as possible drivers and potential obstacles of a sustainable transition, are examined in the course of this research. The empirical results from qualitative and quantitative data are systematically processed using the multi-level perspective in combination with the urban political ecology.  The results indicate that the identified barriers tend to be structural and are predominantly located in the economic and especially the political sphere. It seems that the non-monetary added value from urban agriculture is not perceived to its full potential by the city of Malmö. Botildenborg is stabilising itself mainly through knowledge sharing and network building, and thus will sooner or later be able, through the movement behind the network, to change the dominant agri-food regime. The rapidity of the transformation depends on the political ii willingness of the city of Malmö to explicitly integrate urban agriculture into its policies and regulations.
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Odeh, Yousre. "Wind Power Potential in Palestine/Israel : An investigation study for the potential of wind power in Palestine/Israel, with emphasis on the political obstacles." Thesis, Högskolan på Gotland, Institutionen för kultur, energi och miljö, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-217094.

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Wind resource assessment studies have been conducted in the Israeli side and the Palestinian side before; however, the previous studies were restricted with the political border either Palestinian or Israeli except one of them that was based on measurements dated to 1940-1983 (R. Shabbaneh & A. Hasan, 1997). Moreover, the studies were performed years ago, with simple techniques and based on old data (R. Shabbaneh & A. Hasan, 1997). Hence, the needs for a new study that is based on updated data, and using updated model is highly demanded. This study is intended to perform wind resource assessment in Palestine/Israel; the study has used two stages of assessment, primary one based on reference station data on both sides, Israeli and Palestinian. The second stage of wind resource assessment is based on WindPRO software. The wind resource assessment ends up with identifying sites with higher potential that are situated in four selected sites, North of Palestine/Israel, North of West-bank, Jerusalem, and Eilat, the higher potential was in Eilat area bearing mean wind speed of 9.88m/s at 100 m hub height.Moreover, the study recognized the importance of political situation assessment due to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Based on conducted survey, the political situation assessment concluded that international non-governmental organizations seem to be most capable of starting up wind power project in Palestine/Israel. Furthermore, the study concluded that supportive policies from both the Israeli and Palestinian governments are crucial to promote wind power projects in the region.
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Aytar, Osman. "Mångfaldens organisering : Om integration, organisationer och interetniska relationer i Sverige." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-1413.

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The aim of this dissertation is to examine inter-ethnic relations between organizationally active people with different ethnic backgrounds. I focus on relations that are based on a mutual interdependence between parties, mutual respect, common procedural rules, real opportunities that expressly approve or reject a proposal in a decision or deliberation situation free from compulsion, where people, who have different ethnic backgrounds, strive after insight and understanding in their relations. In this dissertation I present three empirical cases about cooperation, consultation and participation as forms of inter-ethnic relations from the organizational fields in the society. These cases are examples of what I characterize as “organizing inter-ethnicity”, or organizing people with different ethnic backgrounds around common concerns. Organizing inter-ethnicity is in turn a part of organizing and integrating diversity in society. Drawing on the results of three case studies, I distinguish between opportunities and barriers. My case studies clearly illustrate that the tensions that influence the patterns of and variation in opportunities and barriers have sources that reach well beyond ethnicity. Tensions between old and new organizations, between working immigrant organizations and refugee organizations, between organizations from same group or between organizations that have conflicts from their members’ countries of origin provide some examples of the difficulties that generate barriers to broad interest constellations between organizations.
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Laauwen, Hermanean May. "Explaining "non-reform" in special needs education policy in South Africa." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/27834.

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The purpose of my case study research is to explain the development trajectory of Special Needs Education policy in South Africa. I also intended to establish whether this policy reform trajectory could be explained as “non-reform” in Special Needs Education. The development path of policies has been widely researched and explained in relation to theories of change. Over the past decade there has, however, been a growing body of knowledge that has moved the theoretical basis for the development of policy from a traditional linear and causal model to a more complex, dynamic model of change. I was able to draw from both models to engage in my case study research on the development of the Special Needs Education policy. This policy eventually culminated in a Government White Paper on Special Needs Education. My primary research question is to understand why the policy on Special Needs Education did not emerge in South Africa when it was widely expected. I examined “up close” the views, perspectives and understandings of policy makers to establish the reasons for the non-emergence of the Special Needs Policy in South Africa. On closer analysis, I found that not only was there a significant delay between the policy formulation and policy adoption, but that this had created a critical policy vacuum in the Special Needs Education system in South Africa, which warranted an explanation. I found that the main reasons for the “policy-lag” were situated in the intended paradigm shift from a medical based model to an eco-systemic model, the intended restructuring of the special school system, logistical factors, and the availability of resources. This study addresses a gap in the related literature by its focus on the policy-making process for Special Needs Education in a transitional context. Its significance lies in shifting explanations of policy reform from the domain of the causal-linear to a political account of the process. The research was guided by a conceptual framework that combined the linear and iterative models of the policy development processes with the conceptual devices of “theory of action” and “theory in use”. The role of specific paradoxes and the ensuing tensions was formulated using qualitative content analysis. The study produced several new findings with regard to the factors that affect education policy-making in South Africa. Principal amongst these findings was the observation that the politics of participation was the main factor constraining the speed and direction of policy development in Special Needs Education. The findings of this research warrant several conclusions regarding the implementation and the dynamic nature of policy-making. The study concludes with suggestions for future research in policy-making related to Special Needs Education in South Africa.
Thesis (PhD (Education Management and Policy Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2004.
Education Management and Policy Studies
unrestricted
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47

Volkmann, Abigail J. "River Basin Management and Restoration in Germany and the United States: Two Case Studies." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/165.

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The uses and management of water resources play an important role in the development of a culture and the health of its environment and population. Humans throughout history have consistently exploited rivers, which degrades water quality and leads to water scarcity. This thesis is an examination of two river restoration projects, one on the Oder River in Germany and the other on the Klamath River in the United States, that represent each country's efforts to reverse river exploitation. These cases in Germany and the United States demonstrate the importance of achieving a better understanding of the political instruments and strategies for mitigating environmental issues on a global scale.
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48

Dao, Loan. "Leading the implementation of the national curriculum: A case study in one Queensland school." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2017. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/103197/1/Loan_Dao_Thesis.pdf.

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The research investigated how members of the school curriculum leadership team in one P-12 independent school led the implementation of the Australian Curriculum, and the challenges and enablers they encountered in this implementation. The findings suggest members positioned higher in the school hierarchy tend to refer more to direct use of powers, while those positioned lower in the school structure tend to refer more to indirect use of powers. Moreover, school leaders should consider the interactive nature of the change process in their planning and implementation of large-scale education reform, as it can facilitate or hinder such implementation.
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49

Gouvêa, José Paulo Neves. "A presença e a ausência dos rios de São Paulo: acumulação primitiva e valorização da água." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/16/16132/tde-19122016-161242/.

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A presente tese analisa o processo de apropriação privada dos rios de São Paulo e sua participação na produção do espaço da cidade, aprofundando aspectos relativos ao desenvolvimento social, político e econômico, desde sua fundação no século XVI até o início do século XX. Partindo das obras de canalização dos rios Tamanduateí, Tietê e Pinheiros, a pesquisa realiza um recuo histórico até o momento em que os rios e córregos de São Paulo se constituíam como um bem comum e sua principal característica era o uso de suas águas e terras. As diversas atividades relacionadas aos rios e córregos, nos primeiros séculos da ocupação, caracterizam-se pela convivência entre o consumo imediato, a utilização de mão de obra cativa e a obtenção de renda através do trabalho livre, em um momento em que a economia de São Paulo era tímida e a poluição dos rios já era percebida. Durante o século XIX, a partir da cultura do café e da imigração, estabeleceu-se uma economia baseada no trabalho livre assalariado e na valorização da propriedade fundiária. Na cidade de São Paulo, o crescimento populacional e a insuficiência da distribuição de água e esgotamento, associados ao significado econômico da propriedade e a disponibilidade de mão de obra, passaram a representar a possibilidade de valorização do capital a partir do estabelecimento de condições gerais de produção. Os rios de São Paulo foram então incorporados ao processo de provisão de infraestruturas e redes de serviços urbanos. Esse processo de acumulação de riqueza, baseado na expropriação da terra e da água, transformou os rios de São Paulo em recursos econômicos e engendrou um espaço que se caracteriza pela sobreposição do domínio particular sobre o domínio comum.
This thesis analyzes the process of private appropriation of the São Paulo and his participation in the production of the city\'s space, Aspects related to social, political and economic development, From its foundation in the 16th century to the beginning of the 20th century. Starting from the Pipelines of the Tamanduateí, Tietê and Pinheiros rivers, the research Historical retreat until such time as the rivers and streams of São Paulo were constituted as a common good and its main characteristic Was the use of its waters and lands. The various activities Rivers and streams, in the first centuries of occupation, are characterized By the coexistence between the immediate consumption, the use of labor And income through free labor, at a In which the economy of São Paulo was timid and the pollution of the rivers was already Perceived. During the nineteenth century, from the culture of coffee and immigration, An economy based on free wage labor was established And in the valuation of land ownership. In the city of São Paulo, the Population growth and the insufficient distribution of water and depletion, Associated with the economic significance of the property and Labor market began to represent the possibility of Capital appreciation based on the establishment of general conditions of production. The rivers of São Paulo were then incorporated into the Provision of urban services infrastructures and networks. This process Of accumulation of wealth, based on the expropriation of land and water, Transformed the São Paulo rivers into economic resources and spawned A space that is characterized by the overlapping of the particular domain On the common domain.
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50

Ballard, Velma J. "Gender and representative bureaucracy| The career progression of women managers in male-dominated occupations in state government." Thesis, Virginia Commonwealth University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3703956.

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The tenets of representative bureaucracy suggest that the composition of the bureaucracy should mirror the people it serves including women in order to influence the name, scope, and implementation of public policies. Women account for the largest segment of the workforce and have attained more education and advanced education than men. Although there have been steady increases in executive leadership positions, management positions, professional and technical positions in most occupations, women are still underrepresented in mid-to-upper management in male-dominated occupations. When women are under-represented in mid-to-upper levels of management in government, there are implications regarding representative bureaucracy.

Through the use of qualitative methods, this study examined the career progression experiences of women who were successful in reaching mid-to-upper levels of management in male-dominated occupations in state government. Specifically, the study explored how women perceive various occupational factors including their rates of participation, experiences, gender, roles within the bureaucracy, interactions with their coworkers, leaders and organizational policies, personal influence, and decision-making abilities.

The findings revealed that women experience various barriers to career progression in male-dominated occupations, but find mechanisms to navigate obstacles imposed by the negative consequences of tokenism. The findings indicate that although women have been successful in reaching mid-to-upper level management in male-dominated occupations, they do so in institutions, regional, district, field or offices with fewer overall employees where they have less opportunity to have influence on overall agency-wide policy decisions. The decision-making power is limited to implementation strategies of agency-wide policies within their smaller domains or geographical area of responsibility.

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