Journal articles: 'Riot control – Germany – History'

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Luttrell, Anthony. "The Hospitaller Background of the Teutonic Order." Ordines Militares Colloquia Torunensia Historica 26 (November 9, 2021): 351–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/om.2021.014.

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This article examines the foundation in 1190/1191 of a German field hospital outside the walls of Acre during its siege by the Christians studied against a background of Hospitaller affairs in Jerusalem before its loss in 1187. The article relies on contemporary texts rather than the myths which rapidly appeared, while documents issued by the papal chancery suggest misunderstandings of the situation in Syria. The field hospital was the creation of Germans arriving at Acre by sea and overland but its later development inside the walls was, at least partly, conditioned by the long-term mistrust and strife between Romance-speaking and Germanic parties in Jerusalem where the Germans established, at some distance from the main Hospitaller compound, a separate church and hospital dedicated to Santa Maria Alamannorum. In 1143 the pope adjudicated that the Germans were to be subject to the Hospital but were to be administered by Germans speaking German to those for whom they cared. By 1187 there were Hospitaller brethren and possessions in German lands but Santa Maria Alamannorum seems not to have had its own members or properties there. Those Germans at Acre in 1190/1191 would have known about their Jerusalem hospital but would not have sought an institutional link with it because that would have recognized Hospitaller claims to control them. In 1187 the Hospitaller Master and many brethren were killed and their Jerusalem headquarters was lost; no new Master was elected for some time and control passed to a succession of evidently disoriented senior officers. A new Master Garnier de Nablus reached Acre in June 1191 but by then the Hospitallers' rift with the Germans had hardened. and the Teutonic foundation in Acre successfully maintained its independence. How far the Hospitallers’ mismanagement of the situation eventually limited or impoverished their own order's future in German lands remains incalculable.

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FELDMAN, GERALD D. "Civil commotion and riot insurance in fascist Europe, 1922–1941." Financial History Review 10, no. 2 (October 2003): 165–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565003000143.

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Insurance for damage caused by public unrest became popular in post-1918 Central Europe and proved to be a profitable business, but one that became increasingly problematic because of the role of fascist regimes in promoting civil commotion. This article addresses some of the experiences of insurance companies, especially the Munich Reinsurance Company, when trying to manage policies covering political unrest and riot in Italy, Germany and Spain between 1922 and 1941. In the case of Italy in 1922, the new fascist regime forced the insurers to pay for damages caused by the Squadri. In Germany, the insurers were forced to assume a fictitious liability for damages done to the Jews in the Pogrom of November 1938. In Spain, Franco forced the insurance companies to treat Civil War damages as a civil commotion and make payouts despite their strenuous objections. These experiences demonstrated that civil commotion insurance was most safely marketed in democracies that provided enough unrest but also law and order to make it worthwhile.

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Brüggemann, Karsten, and Andres Kasekamp. "The Politics of History and the “War of Monuments” in Estonia." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 3 (July 2008): 425–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802080646.

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After darkness fell over the provincial town of Lihula on 2 September 2004, youths pelted riot police with stones. Nothing like this had ever happened before in the peaceful and orderly small Baltic State of Estonia. The police were protecting a crane and its driver sent by the Ministry of the Interior to remove a monument honouring those Estonians who fought on the German side against the Red Army during the Second World War. In the evening of 26 April 2007 demonstrators in Tallinn pelted riot police with stones and went on a rampage of smashing windows and looting. The Estonian capital had never experienced anything like this. The police were protecting the site of a monument honouring Soviet soldiers who had fought against Nazi Germany. At night, when the rioting had ceased, a crane ordered by the Ministry of Defence removed the monument.

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Green, Christopher, Farrha B. Hopkins, Christopher D. Lindsay, James R. Riches, and Christopher M. Timperley. "Painful chemistry! From barbecue smoke to riot control." Pure and Applied Chemistry 89, no. 2 (February 1, 2017): 231–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pac-2016-0911.

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AbstractPain! Most humans feel it throughout their lives. The molecular mechanisms underlying the phenomenon are still poorly understood. This is especially true of pain triggered in response to molecules of a certain shape and reactivity present in the environment. Such molecules can interact with the sensory nerve endings of the eyes, nose, throat and lungs to cause irritation that can range from mild to severe. The ability to alert to the presence of such potentially harmful substances has been termed the ‘common chemical sense’ and is thought to be distinct from the senses of smell or taste, which are presumed to have evolved later. Barbecue a burger excessively and you self-experiment. Fatty acids present in the meat break off their glycerol anchor under the thermal stress. The glycerol loses two molecules of water and forms acrolein, whose assault on the eyes is partly responsible for the tears elicited by smoke. Yet the smell and taste of the burger are different experiences. It was this eye-watering character of acrolein that prompted its use as a warfare agent during World War I. It was one of several ‘lachrymators’ deployed to harass, and the forerunner of safer chemicals, such as ‘tear gas’ CS, developed for riot control. The history of development and mechanism of action of some sensory irritants is discussed here in relation to recent advice from the Scientific Advisory Board (SAB) of the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) on chemicals that conform to the definition of a riot control agent (RCA) under the Chemical Weapons Convention.

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Johansen, A. "Violent Repression or Modern Strategies of Crowd Management: Soldiers as Riot Police in France and Germany, 1890-1914." French History 15, no. 4 (December 1, 2001): 400–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/15.4.400.

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Quataert, Jean H., and James Woycke. "Birth Control in Germany, 1871-1933." American Historical Review 96, no. 1 (February 1991): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164117.

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GARNHAM, NEAL. "RIOT ACTS, POPULAR PROTEST, AND PROTESTANT MENTALITIES IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY IRELAND." Historical Journal 49, no. 2 (June 2006): 403–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005267.

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The condition of the Anglican elite in eighteenth-century Ireland has been the focus of some debate by historians. Members of the Protestant Ascendancy class have been variously cast as a community under constant threat, or as a self-confident group secure in their control of the country's political and economic systems. Various contributions to this dialogue have been made through the study of popular movements and civil disorder. Rather than further comment on such phenomena this article seeks to examine the reactions of the Irish political elite to them. Although the country had no general Riot Act on the English model until 1787, legislative initiatives were made on several occasions prior to this. While these initially tended to be unsuccessful in parliament, local in their application, and to impose relatively lenient punishments, attitudes began to change in the 1770s. The political elite then moved comparatively rapidly to general legislation that created riot as a felony. Such developments suggest that prior to the last quarter of the eighteenth century civil disorder was not seen as a real threat to Protestant ascendancy, though Protestant fears finally culminated in legislative action in 1787. Arguably it was this event that marked the first great nadir in Anglican self-confidence in eighteenth-century Ireland.

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Streng, Marcel. "The food riot revisited: New dimensions in the history of ‘contentious food politics’ in Germany before the First World War." European Review of History: Revue europeenne d'histoire 20, no. 6 (December 2013): 1073–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2013.852517.

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9

Usborne, C. "Fertility Control and Population Policy in Germany, 1910-28." German History 8, no. 2 (June 1, 1990): 199–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635549000800205.

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Usborne, C. "Fertility Control and Population Policy in Germany, 1910-28." German History 8, no. 2 (April 1, 1990): 199–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/8.2.199.

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Thompson, Krista A. "Performing Visibility: Freaknic and the Spatial Politics of Sexuality, Race, and Class in Atlanta." TDR/The Drama Review 51, no. 4 (December 2007): 24–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram.2007.51.4.24.

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During the late 1990s, participants in Freaknic, the annual black college spring break gathering, were greeted by the Atlanta police in riot gear. Defying the police, women gave impromptu performances, sometimes stripping for participants' cameras. Thompson shows how these performances were a response not only to the city's treatment of Freaknic but also to Atlanta's long history of using force to control race, gender, and class.

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Hung, Jochen. "News from Germany. The Competition to Control World Communications, 1900–1945." German History 39, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 309–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghab032.

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O’Sullivan, Michael E. "Sex and Birth Control in West Germany." Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 101, no. 1 (November 1, 2021): 133–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/qufiab-2021-0008.

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Abstract Pius XII’s Addresses to the Catholic Union of Midwives on October 29, 1951 and the National Congress of the Family Front and the Association of Large Families on November 27, 1951 were a pivotal moment in the history of sexuality in the Catholic Church because the pope permitted the use of the rhythm method for the purposes of family planning. They occurred at a moment of transition between Pius XI’s condemnation of contraception and abortion in 1930 and Paul VI’s denunciation of the birth control pill in 1968. This essay argues that these two speeches require greater scholarly attention and that West Germany represents a compelling case study for their reception. Other scholars document well the importance of Germany to the life and papacy of Pius XII, but little light has been shed on how Central European Catholics responded to his views about sex. In a fresh reading of the papal intervention, this essay suggests that the speeches only endorsed practices that had been common since the 1930s. In the midst of changing norms about sex and increased access to birth control as well as anxiety about rapid social change, Pius XII’s attempt at conciliation was significant but ultimately failed.

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Krafft, Erin Katherine. "Punk Prayers versus Neoliberalism." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 56, no. 2 (May 10, 2022): 152–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/22102396-05602006.

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Abstract This paper examines the trajectories of Nadya Tolokonnikova and Maria Alekhina in the years since their performance in the Cathedral of Christ the Savior. This study, however, does not simply focus on their activities as individuals, but seeks to contextualize their work over the last decade in terms of capitalism, neoliberalism, and collective struggle. Planting the history of Pussy Riot within the context of historic and contemporary tensions within intersectional feminisms in Russia, the “West”, and transnationally, this paper will map divergences and convergences that render transnational feminist collaboration both troubled and uniquely productive. Global neoliberalism has challenged nation-states to develop hybridized and dynamic tactics of control that function both locally and in terms of transnational relations, and feminist movement therefore faces the same challenge; this paper participates in that struggle.

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Cooper, Alice H., and Paulette Kurzer. "Rauch ohne Feuer: Why Germany Lags in Tobacco Control." German Politics and Society 21, no. 3 (September 1, 2003): 24–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503003782353411.

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The puzzle explored in this article is why Germany, in spite of itssuperb record in environmental policy and health care, has systematicallythwarted measures to reduce smoking rates. At this point,thousands of large-scale epidemiological findings demonstrate a relationshipbetween smoking and disease. Moreover, unlike alcohol,there is no safe amount of smoking. Cigarettes kill, and smoking isthe single largest source of preventable death in advanced industrializedstates. By various estimates, tobacco kills 500,000 Europeansper year, including 120,000 Germans. Globally, in the years 2025 to2030, smoking will kill 7 million people in the developing world and3 million in the industrialized world. No other consumer product isas dangerous as tobacco, which kills more people than AIDS, legaland illegal drugs, road accidents, murder, and suicide combined.

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16

Usborne, C. "Birth Control in Germany 1871-1933; Die Sexualberatungsstellen der Weimarer Republik 1919-1933." German History 8, no. 1 (January 1, 1990): 101–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/8.1.101.

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Abrams, L. "From Control to Commercialization: the Triumph of Mass Entertainment in Germany 1900-25?" German History 8, no. 3 (July 1, 1990): 278–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/8.3.278.

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Abrams, L. "From Control to Commercialization: the Triumph of Mass Entertainment in Germany 1900-25?" German History 8, no. 3 (October 1, 1990): 278–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635549000800302.

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19

Rogers, John D. "The 1866 Grain Riots in Sri Lanka." Comparative Studies in Society and History 29, no. 3 (July 1987): 495–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500014699.

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Until fairly recently, grain riots were viewed as spontaneous reactions of the poor to hunger, not worthy of detailed analysis. Over the past twenty years, partially as a result of pioneering studies by George Rudé and Edward Thompson with reference to France and Britain, a considerable body of scholarly writing about these disturbances has appeared. Consistent cross-cultural patterns have emerged from this research. Grain riots were not necessarily a product of hunger, although they were a facet of struggles over the control of food. They have normally taken one of two forms. One was the market riot, where the crowd protested against the price or lack of availability of grain. Such disturbances often commenced with the offer to buy grain at a “just” or “customary” price. If this demand was not met, more drastic action was taken. Sometimes rioters seized grain and sold it to the crowd for a just price, and then turned the receipts over to the owners of the grain. More often grain was strewn about, destroyed, or stolen. The second main form of grain riot was the blockade. In times of shortage, people prevented the export of grain from a town or district because they believed that merchants and landlords should not benefit from scarcity and that such exports would drive up the price locally. Sometimes retributive action accompanied or followed both types of protest, meting out punishment to traders, landlords, or others who were perceived as wrongly profiting from food shortages. Such action usually took the form of wholesale looting. In general, grain rioters avoided serious violence.

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20

Gradmann, Christoph. "Locating Therapeutic Vaccines in Nineteenth-Century History." Science in Context 21, no. 2 (June 2008): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026988970800166x.

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ArgumentThis essay places some therapeutic vaccines, including particularly the diphtheria antitoxin, into their larger historical context of the late nineteenth century. As industrially produced drugs, these vaccines ought to be seen in connection with the structural changes in medicine and pharmacology at the time. Given the spread of industrial culture and technology into the field of medicine and pharmacology, therapeutic vaccines can be understood as boundary objects that required and facilitated communication between industrialists, medical researchers, public health officials, and clinicians. It was in particular in relation to evaluation and testing for efficacy in animal models that these medicines became a model for twentieth-century medicine. In addition, these medicines came into being as a parallel invention in two very distinct local cultures of research: the Institut Pasteur in Paris and the Institut für Infektionskrankheiten in Berlin. While their local cultural origins were plainly visible, the medicines played an important role in the alignment of the methods and objects that took place in bacteriology research in France and Germany in the 1890s. This article assesses the two locally specific regimes for control in France and in Imperial Germany. In France the Institut Pasteur, building on earlier successful vaccines, enjoyed freedom from scrutinizing control. The tight and elaborate system of control that evolved in Imperial Germany is portrayed as being reliant on experiences that were drawn from the dramatic events that surrounded the launching of a first example of so-called “bacteriological medicine,” tuberculin, in 1890.

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Jansen, Sarah. "An American Insect in Imperial Germany: Visibility and Control in Making the Phylloxera in Germany, 1870–1914." Science in Context 13, no. 1 (2000): 31–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889700003719.

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The ArgumentThe vine louse Phylloxera vastatrix became a “pest” as it was transferred from North America and from France to Germany during the 1870s. Embodying the “invading alien,” it assumed a cultural position that increasingly gained importance in Imperial Germany. In this process, the minute insect, living invisibly underground, was made visible and became constitutive of the scientific-technological object, “pest,” pertaining to a scientific discipline, modern economic entomology. The “pest” phylloxera emerged by being made visible in a way that enabled control measures against it. Thus, visibility functioned as a prerequisite for control measures. I differentiate between social visibility and physical visibility, as well as between social control and physical control of the “introduced pest.” The object phylloxera emerged at the intersection of techniques of social control such as surveillance, techniques of physical control such as disinfection, and representational practices of the sciences such as mathematics and graphics. The space of its visibility was not the vineyard as property of a vintner but the vineyard as national territory, where German (viti-) culture was defended against foreign infiltration and destruction. Many vintners had alternate visions of the grapevine disease, they resented the invasion and destruction of their vineyards by government officers, and thus they did not participate in the social and epistemic constitution of the “pest.” By 1914, the “introduced pest” had not yet become an effective “machinery.” However, the “pest” as an object of scientific knowledge emerged together with economic entomology. The field became organized as a discipline in Germany in 1913, forty years after the phylloxera had first aroused the minds of some worried Wilhelmians, and, together with its nationalistic images, the field of “pest” control became organized towards a redefinition of German society and its perceived dangers.

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22

Lazonick, William, and Mary O'sullivan. "Finance and industrial development: evolution to market control. Part II: Japan and Germany." Financial History Review 4, no. 2 (October 1997): 117–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565000000925.

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23

Frackman, Kyle. "Homemade Pornography and the Proliferation of Queer Pleasure in East Germany." Radical History Review 2022, no. 142 (January 1, 2022): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-9397072.

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Abstract Like other Eastern Bloc countries, East Germany sought to control even its citizens’ leisure time in the 1960s and 1970s, with the goal of making it useful or at least not subversive to state interests. Certain hobbies, like amateur photography, found support from the state in the form of increased access to equipment and supplies. Other scholarship has shown that sex was a locus of privacy and self-assertion in a society with a high degree of surveillance and state control. Focusing on a previously unanalyzed collection of erotic photographs of men, the article argues, first, that the support for amateur photography makes the state an unwitting participant in the creation and circulation of these illicit images and, second, that the images are an archive of queer men’s self-presentation and critique in a context wherein their existence and affect are transgressive.

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Weigel, John Wesley. "Image Under Fire: West German Development Aid and the Ghana Press War, 1960–1966." Contemporary European History 31, no. 2 (December 13, 2021): 259–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777321000102.

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During the 1960s, development aid helped West Germany project a benign image while it discouraged diplomatic recognition of East Germany. In Ghana, however, this effort clashed with the Pan-Africanist aims of President Kwame Nkrumah. Four periodicals under his control attacked West Germany as neo-colonialist, militarist, racist, latently Nazi and a danger to world peace. West German officials resented this campaign and tried to make it stop, but none of their tactics, not even vague threats to aid, worked for long. The attacks ended with Nkrumah's overthrow in early 1966, but while they lasted, they demonstrated that a small state receiving aid could use the press to invert its asymmetric political relationship with the donor.

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Walk, Robert D. "D. Hank Ellison, Chemical Warfare during the Vietnam War: Riot Control Agents in Combat. New York: Routledge, 2011. 202 pp." Journal of Cold War Studies 14, no. 4 (October 2012): 233–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_00287.

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KAUDERS, ANTHONY D. "NEGOTIATING FREE WILL: HYPNOSIS AND CRIME IN EARLY TWENTIETH-CENTURY GERMANY." Historical Journal 60, no. 4 (April 3, 2017): 1047–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x16000601.

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AbstractThe history of free will has yet to be written. With few exceptions, the literature on the subject is dominated by legal and philosophical works, most of which recount the ideas of prominent thinkers or discuss hypothetical questions far removed from specific historical contexts. The following article seeks to redress the balance by tracing the debate on hypnosis in Germany from 1894 to 1936. Examining responses to hypnosis is tantamount to recording common understandings of autonomy and heteronomy, self-control and mind control, free will and automaticity. More specifically, it is possible to identify distinct philosophical positions related to the question as to whether hypnosis could surmount free will or not. The article demonstrates that the discourse often centred on the perceived struggle, located within a particular ‘personality’, between an individual's ‘character’ or ‘soul’ and the infiltration by a foreign or hostile force. While one group (compatibilists) emphasized the resilience of the ‘moral inhibitions’, another group (determinists) doubted that these were sufficient to withstand hypnosis.

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KWAN, JONATHAN. "TRANSYLVANIAN SAXON POLITICS AND IMPERIAL GERMANY, 1871–1876." Historical Journal 61, no. 4 (April 15, 2018): 991–1015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000486.

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AbstractThis article investigates the potential influence of the newly formed Imperial Germany on Transylvanian Saxon politics. The Saxons were German-speaking settlers with long traditions of local autonomy and political privileges within the kingdom of Hungary. From the early eighteenth century, Saxon politics had been defined by its relations to Hungary and to the Habsburg monarchy as a whole. Under the dualist system set up in the 1867 Compromise, the Hungarian government exerted control over Transylvania. The unification of Germany in 1871 introduced a new factor into Saxon politics since there was a clear territorial subject for the indistinct notions of pan-German cultural, religious (Lutheran), and historical affinities. The issue of Saxon administrative and political autonomy, eventually removed by the Hungarian government in 1876, forms a case-study of Saxon politics and the place of Germany within it. There was a spectrum of responses, not simply increased German nationalism amongst Saxons, and the article traces the careers of Georg Daniel Teutsch, Jakob Rannicher, and Guido Baussnern to highlight the diversity within the Saxon camp. From the perspective of Imperial Germany, diplomatic considerations such as regional stability outweighed any possible intervention in Hungarian domestic matters. Moreover, the German public remained largely indifferent to appeals for support.

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Bertram, Christiane, Wolfgang Wagner, and Ulrich Trautwein. "Learning Historical Thinking With Oral History Interviews: A Cluster Randomized Controlled Intervention Study of Oral History Interviews in History Lessons." American Educational Research Journal 54, no. 3 (February 1, 2017): 444–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/0002831217694833.

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The present study examined the effectiveness of the oral history approach with respect to students’ historical competence. A total of 35 ninth-grade classes ( N = 900) in Germany were randomly assigned to one of four conditions—live, video, text, or a (nontreated) control group—in a pretest, posttest, and follow-up design. Comparing the three intervention groups with the control group, the intervention groups scored better on four of the five achievement tests. Comparing the live group with the video and text groups, students in the live condition were more convinced of their learning progress at both measurement points. However, they scored lower than the video/text group on two achievement measures and higher on one at the posttest.

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Richardson-Little, Ned. "Arms intervention: Weimar Germany, post-imperial influence and weapons trafficking in warlord China." Journal of Modern European History 19, no. 4 (November 2021): 510–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/16118944211051858.

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The Treaty of Versailles aimed to strip Germany of both its colonial empire and the global reach of its arms industry. Yet the conflicts in warlord-era China led to the reestablishment of German influence on the other side of the world via the arms trade. Weimar Germany had declared a policy of neutrality and refused to take sides in the Chinese civil war in an effort to demonstrate that as a post-colonial power, it could now act as an honest broker. From below, however, traffickers based in Germany and German merchants in China worked to evade Versailles restrictions and an international arms embargo to supply warlords with weapons of war. Although the German state officially aimed to remain neutral, criminal elements, rogue diplomats, black marketeers and eventually military adventurers re-established German influence in the region by becoming key advisors and suppliers to the victorious Guomindang. Illicit actors in Germany and China proved to be crucial in linking the two countries and in eventually overturning the arms control regimes that were imposed in the wake of World War I.

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Kim, Yu-Kyong. "Certification of (History) Schoolbooks in Germany : From the Governmental Control to the Autonomous Decision." Korean Journal of German Studies 32 (August 31, 2016): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.17995/kjgs.2016.08.32.5.

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31

Gehlen, Boris. "Corporate law and corporate control in West Germany after 1945." Business History 61, no. 5 (May 17, 2017): 810–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00076791.2017.1319939.

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Peal, David. "Self-Help and the State: Rural Cooperatives in Imperial Germany." Central European History 21, no. 3 (September 1988): 244–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900012206.

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The consolidation of territorial states in Central Europe undermined the local customs and institutions that had shaped village life since the Middle Ages. By the end of the eighteenth century unitary law codes overrode rural customs. By distinguishing between public and private law, these codes stripped the organized village community of legal substance. Police and judicial functions once performed within the community were assumed by bureaucrats, and the state meddled with the use of local resources by liberalizing marriage and residence laws. Deprived of political autonomy, the village did remain the core economic and social unit in rural life, controlling access to communal forests and enforcing the rules of three-field agriculture. In the middle decades of the nineteenth century this limited autonomy was undermined as well. Freedom of contract, security of individual property, free transmission of property between generations, and commercialization of landed property struck at the ability of villages to control their material world in customary ways.

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Connelly, John. "East German Higher Education Policies and Student Resistance, 1945–1948." Central European History 28, no. 3 (September 1995): 259–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900011845.

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Those who opposed Communist rule in East Germany often did so because Communism in practice strongly reminded them of the fascism they had experienced in the Third Reich. The new East German regime was also one that attempted total control of people's lives; therefore it became natural to describe it as totalitär. Most sensitive to the similarities between the old and new regimes were university students. They displayed stronger direct opposition to the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) in the years from 1946–1949 than any other social group. This is reflected in the political battles that were fought in universities during these years, leading to SED election failures in the elections of the postwar years: 1946/47 and late 1947. The latter were the last freely contested elections in East Germany until 1989. It is also reflected in the disproportionate number of students arrested by Soviet and East German authorities in the early postwar years.

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Hiley, Nicholas. "The Failure of British Counter-Espionage against Germany, 1907–1914." Historical Journal 28, no. 4 (December 1985): 835–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00005094.

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Modern British counter-espionage effectively began in April 1907, when a joint conference of naval and military officials, formed the previous year to consider ‘the Powers Possessed by the Executive in Time of Emergency’, recommended both an immediate strengthening of the laws against espionage, and a War is Office investigation of ‘the question of police surveillance and control of aliens’. These recommendations were to prove an important initiative, and did much to determine the course of British counter-espionage before 1914, yet at the time they probably seemed little more than an airing of old grievances unlikely to find new support, for they were among the last remnants n. of the abortive ‘Emergency Powers Bill’ which the War Office intelligence department had been advocating to strengthen home defence ever since the invasion scare of 1888. The 1906 joint conference had in fact hoped to further the cause of this great legislative package, with its radically new powers of access, requisition and seizure but, faced with the Liberal administration's commitment to the ‘continuous principle’ that a full-scale landing was impossible, had been forced instead to confine itself to the purely naval and military aspects of home defence. As its report confessed in April 1907, in the prevailing climate of opinion the only hope for the great ‘Emergency Powers Bill’ was as a series of ‘small and independent measures’.

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Silberstein-Loeb, Jonathan. "Heidi J. S. Tworek. News from Germany: The Competition to Control World Communications, 1900–1945." American Historical Review 125, no. 5 (December 2020): 1998–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz1341.

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Melton, Edgar. "Gutsherrschaftin East Elbian Germany and Livonia, 1500–1800: A Critique of the Model." Central European History 21, no. 4 (December 1988): 315–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900012498.

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For over a century now, scholars have viewed the divergent paths of agrarian development east and west of the Elbe river as a watershed in German history. In the west, according to this view, peasants from the late Middle Ages on enjoyed increasing freedom from direct seigniorial interference in their social, economic, and judicial affairs. Seigniorial obligations (often commuted to cash rents) remained, as did a degree of seigniorial control over peasant lands in many regions, but peasants west of the Elbe increasingly shed the more onerous seigniorial obligations, and could generally move without the lord's permission.

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Goldstein, Cora. "The control of visual representation: American art policy in occupied Germany, 1945–1949." Intelligence and National Security 18, no. 2 (June 2003): 283–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684520412331306860.

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Melenotte, Sabrina. "Perpetrating violence viewed from the perspective of the social sciences: Debates and perspectives." Violence: An International Journal 1, no. 1 (April 2020): 40–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2633002420924963.

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What drives some people to “perpetrate violence”? Why do others, by contrast, not perpetrate violence, even under the same conditions? Do all violent acts involve a radicalization or a dehumanization and degradation of civil relations between subjects, sometimes even between neighbors or even within the same family or community, be it ethnic or national? This special theme gathers contributions from many different geographical areas (mainly Morocco, Syria, Germany, and Rwanda) and from several disciplines (literature, political science, sociology, history) in order to offer keys to understanding the factors that trigger or accelerate the perpetration of violence, but also those that curb or limit it. The reader will also find exhaustive states of the art and case studies on different types of violence (riot, political, paramilitary, genocidal), leading to transversal theorizations that go well beyond dichotomies and old debates. For example, the authors discuss the “old” opposition between a situational and a procedural approach, embodied—not without artifice—by Browning and Goldhagen, or the necessary dehumanization of the enemy generally associated with the study of genocides. Another methodological choice with a strong epistemological implication consisted in not contrasting the recent theories on radicalization with those on extreme violence, and rejecting any obvious determinism between both moments, in order to avoid explaining the perpetration of violence in too facile a way.

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BRUCE, GARY. "‘In our District, the State Is Secure’: The East German Secret Police Response to the Events of 1989 in Perleberg District." Contemporary European History 14, no. 2 (May 2005): 219–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777305002328.

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This article details the year 1989 in the East German District Perleberg up to the fall of the Wall as reflected in the documents of the Ministry for State Security – the Stasi. It seeks to introduce empirical evidence on the course of the revolution in the towns of East Germany, an area which has received much less scholarly attention than larger centres. The article argues that in this particular outlying district, the generally accepted key factors behind the revolution (regime implosion, the changing international situation and popular pressure) are valid, but would best be weighted away from the changing international situation to the advantage of the other two. Furthermore, the evidence from District Perleberg suggests that pervasive state control, rather than accommodation and limited spheres for manoeuvre, was the dominant feature in 1989 in East Germany

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Makdisi, Ussama. "AFTER 1860: DEBATING RELIGION, REFORM, AND NATIONALISM IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE." International Journal of Middle East Studies 34, no. 4 (September 18, 2002): 601–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743802004014.

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The events of 1860 constitute a turning point in the modern history of Lebanon. In the space of a few weeks between the end of May and the middle of June, Maronite and Druze communities clashed in Mount Lebanon in a struggle to see which community would control, and define, a stretch of mountainous territory at the center of complicated Eastern Question politics.1 The Druzes carried the day. Every major Maronite town within reach of the Druzes was pillaged, its population either massacred or forced to flee. In July, Damascene Muslims rioted to protest deteriorating economic conditions, targeting and massacring several hundred of the city's Christian population. Although the reasons for the fighting in Mount Lebanon and the riot in Damascus were quite different, the Ottoman, local, and European reactions inevitably conflated both events.2 Following the restoration of order, the conflict of 1860 was the subject, effectively, of an Ottoman government mandate of silence—a desire to forget the events and proceed with administering the newly constituted Mutasarrifiyya of Mount Lebanon. At the same time, however, the sectarian violence prompted an outpouring of local memories that the Ottoman government could neither control nor suppress.

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Becker, Nikolaus, Evelin Deeg, Thomas Rüdiger, and Alexandra Nieters. "Medical history and risk for lymphoma: results of a population-based case-control study in Germany." European Journal of Cancer 41, no. 1 (January 2005): 133–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejca.2004.08.028.

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MacRaild, Donald M. "‘Abandon Hibernicisation’: priests, Ribbonmen and an Irish street fight in the north-east of England in 1858*." Historical Research 76, no. 194 (October 22, 2003): 557–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00190.

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Abstract This article seeks to contextualize a rare piece of evidence of the Catholic Church's attempts to control nationalist political expression among Irish migrants. The evidence, a letter from a priest to his bishop in Darlington, was generated by an investigation of a street riot in Sunderland in 1858. A detailed statement of such controlling influences is uncommon, even though historians have occasionally uncovered fleeting examples that are similar in nature. The discussion which follows seeks to fit this evidence, and its immediate context, into a wider historiography concerning the interplay of social Catholicism and the political involvement of Irish migrants. This document portrays the English priest as a kind of politico-religious policeman, and explains the lengths to which the Church was willing to go in ensuring that strict adherence to Catholic practice was not affected by the demands of clandestine political organizations. Although the events discussed here are very specific, in both period and place, the article seeks to contribute to an understanding of parish life where politics and faith became entwined.

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Orich, Annika. "Archival Resistance." German Politics and Society 38, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2020.380201.

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The popularity of Pegida and success of the Alternative for Germany has raised the question of how Germany should respond to the New Right. This article argues that reading in archives has emerged as a sociopolitical act of resistance against far-right movements, and that archival reading across time, borders, and media has turned into a strategy to defend democratic ideals. As the New Right’s rise also originates in an archival investment to control public opinion and policy, the practice of archivally reading today’s far right shows that contemporary Germany is in the midst of renegotiating its cultural archive, memory, and democratic principles.

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Lineva, Anna, Eva Tavčar Benković, Samo Kreft, and Ellen Kienzle. "Remarkable frequency of a history of liver disease in dogs fed homemade diets with buckwheat." Tierärztliche Praxis Ausgabe K: Kleintiere / Heimtiere 47, no. 04 (August 2019): 242–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/a-0894-8141.

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Abstract Objective In our nutrition consultation service we observed liver disease in 2 dogs of one owner who was feeding buckwheat. This led to the hypothesis that buckwheat may cause problems. The present retrospective study in a German and a Russian nutrition consultation service was carried out to see whether there is an increased incidence of liver disease in dogs fed buckwheat. Materials and methods A retrospective study was carried out on the nutrition consultation cases of the Chair of Animal Nutrition and Dietetics, LMU Munich and a Russian nutrition consultant. All cases of dogs with buckwheat in their nutritional history were evaluated and compared with randomly selected dogs that had not been fed buckwheat from the same case set. Two German and 1 Russian buckwheat samples were compared (appearance, nutrient content, starch gelatinization, flavonoids, fagopyrin) as well as cooking methods. Results In the years 2007–2017, 34 cases of dogs fed buckwheat were identified in Germany and 57 in Russia. Eighty-five control cases in Germany and 48 in Russia were evaluated. In Germany, the incidence of liver disease in dogs fed buckwheat was 32 %, while that of the control group was 3.5 %. However, in Russia there was no significant difference between dogs fed buckwheat and control dogs. The appearance of the German and Russian buckwheat differed, with smaller seeds and more greenish colour in the German specimens while the Russian buckwheat presented larger and more brownish seeds. There was no difference in the analyses of the 3 buckwheat samples in crude nutrient and rutin content. Quercetin, quercitrin and fagopyrin were not detectable in all three samples. The degree of starch gelatinization in the Russian sample was higher than in the German. In Russia it is recommended to remove the reddish scum during boiling whereas this is rarely mentioned in Germany. Conclusion and clinical significance German buckwheat may represent a risk in canine diets. With the difference remaining unclear, it is recommended to refrain from feeding buckwheat to dogs. In dogs fed homemade diets and suffering from liver disease, buckwheat should be considered in the nutrition history.

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Steege, Paul. "Holding on in Berlin: March 1948 and SED Efforts to Control the Soviet Zone." Central European History 38, no. 3 (September 2005): 417–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916105775563580.

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March 18, 1948 dawned cold and rainy in Berlin. Although the city government had proclaimed the hundredth anniversary of the 1848 revolution an official holiday, Berliners awoke to a day that seemed ill-made for personal or political celebrations. One century earlier, some nine hundred persons had died on Berlin's barricades, dramatically challenging the Prussian ancien regime but falling short of their aspirations for a free and unified Germany. After one hundred years that had seen only a brief interlude of tumultuous democracy between the world wars, competing forces in postwar Berlin both claimed the democratic legacy of those barricade battles in a new contest for the city. But that legacy proved difficult to control. For the Soviet-supported Socialist Unity Party (SED), Berlin represented at once the core of the party's expanding power and the greatest threat to its realization. Like the 1848 revolutionaries, the SED leadership in Berlin found the lines between victory and defeat decidedly blurred.

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MAEGRAITH, JANINE CHRISTINA. "Nun apothecaries and the impact of the Secularization in Southwest Germany." Continuity and Change 25, no. 2 (August 2010): 313–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416010000202.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines the interplay of the Secularization of 1803, the ‘professionalisation’ of pharmacy, and increasing state control in Württemberg after 1806 by looking at convent pharmacies and their destiny after the secularization of the convents in 1803. This interplay consequently led to the temporary abolition of convent pharmacies and with them an important occupational niche for female apothecaries was thus lost. The research is based on a detailed case study of the convent pharmacy in Gutenzell in Upper Swabia, 50 kilometres south of Ulm.

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Holmgren, Derek. "Managing Displaced Populations: The Friedland Transit Camp, Refugees, and Resettlement in Cold War Germany." Central European History 53, no. 2 (June 2020): 335–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000138.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines the resettlement of displaced populations in both postwar German states from 1945 to 1955. Specifically, it investigates who were the displaced populations circulating between the occupation zones, and what methods the German civil governments and occupying military authorities used to aid and resettle them. Through a case study of the Friedland refugee transit camp, this article argues for an expansive understanding of the term “refugee” to include more groups, ranging from Displaced Persons and German expellees to returning prisoners of war and civil internees. It further contends that transit camps were the linchpin in a system to render humanitarian aid, bring refugee movement under state control, and resettle the displaced. Analysis of camp operations and resident populations reveals the state as humanitarian actor in addition to international and charitable organizations, while also complicating the Cold War mythology of Friedland as the “Gateway to Freedom.”

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Gazdag, G., GS Ungvari, and H. Czech. "Mass killing under the guise of ECT: the darkest chapter in the history of biological psychiatry." History of Psychiatry 28, no. 4 (August 22, 2017): 482–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957154x17724037.

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Following its inception, electroconvulsive therapy (ECT), rapidly spread all over the world, including Nazi Germany. Paradoxically, at the same time, the euthanasia programme was started in Germany: the extermination of people with intellectual disabilities and severe psychiatric disorders. In Lower Austria, Dr Emil Gelny, who had been granted a specialist qualification in psychiatry after three months of clinical training, took control of two psychiatric hospitals, in Gugging and Mauer-Öhling. In 1944, he began systematically killing patients with an ECT machine, something that was not practised anywhere else before or after, and remains unprecedented in the history of convulsive therapy. He modified an ECT machine, adding extra electrodes, which he fastened onto a victim’s wrists and ankles to administer lethal electric shocks.

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Stone, James. "Bismarck and the Great Game: Germany and Anglo-Russian Rivalry in Central Asia, 1871–1890." Central European History 48, no. 2 (June 2015): 151–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938915000321.

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AbstractOtto von Bismarck, the first chancellor of a unified Germany, was an active participant in the Anglo-Russian rivalry for control of Central Asia. Even though Germany had no direct interests there and was never involved on the ground during the two decades of his chancellorship, Bismarck invested considerable resources in working to shape the course of events in that part of the world, stoking the flames of conflict whenever it suited the dictates ofRealpolitik. Over a twenty-year period, he actively pursued a consistent strategy that focused on tying down Russian troops in the remote Asian steppes, i.e., as far away from Central Europe as possible. At the same time, he manipulated Anglo-Russian rivalry in Asia to achieve various foreign policy goals that would further German interests. This article explores in detail all of these objectives, as well as their interrelationship. In particular, it unravels the perplexing mystery of how Bismarck was able to influence the politics of Central Asia from his distant headquarters in Berlin.

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Bachrach, David S. "Bachrach, David S., The Benefices of Counts and the Fate of the Comital Office in Carolingian East Francia and Ottonian Germany." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 136, no. 1 (June 26, 2019): 1–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgg-2019-0001.

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Abstract The long-standing historiographical controversy about the nature of the comital office in East Francia and Ottonian Germany has turned on the same set of questions for more than a century: over whom did the count exercise jurisdiction, what was the basis of count's jurisdiction, and what was the source of the material assets that allowed counts to perform their duties? Left out of these discussions, however, has been the related problem of the control exercised by the king over the assets attached to the comital office, denoted variously as the res de comitatu, the count's ministerium, or simply the comitatus. The following study examines this question from the reign of Emperor Louis the Pious (814–840) through the death of Emperor Henry II (1002–1024), and concludes that the Carolingian and Ottonian rulers maintained tight control over the fiscal assets assigned to counts, and were able to recover them and reassign them as the royal government saw fit. This conclusion is at odds with much of the scholarship on the comital office in East Francia and Ottonian Germany that presents counts holding erstwhile fiscal assets in allodial tenure and the de facto transformation of the comital office into a hereditary possession.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Riot control – Germany – History'

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