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Academic literature on the topic 'Riot control – Germany – History'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Riot control – Germany – History"

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Luttrell, Anthony. "The Hospitaller Background of the Teutonic Order." Ordines Militares Colloquia Torunensia Historica 26 (November 9, 2021): 351–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/om.2021.014.

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This article examines the foundation in 1190/1191 of a German field hospital outside the walls of Acre during its siege by the Christians studied against a background of Hospitaller affairs in Jerusalem before its loss in 1187. The article relies on contemporary texts rather than the myths which rapidly appeared, while documents issued by the papal chancery suggest misunderstandings of the situation in Syria. The field hospital was the creation of Germans arriving at Acre by sea and overland but its later development inside the walls was, at least partly, conditioned by the long-term mistrust and strife between Romance-speaking and Germanic parties in Jerusalem where the Germans established, at some distance from the main Hospitaller compound, a separate church and hospital dedicated to Santa Maria Alamannorum. In 1143 the pope adjudicated that the Germans were to be subject to the Hospital but were to be administered by Germans speaking German to those for whom they cared. By 1187 there were Hospitaller brethren and possessions in German lands but Santa Maria Alamannorum seems not to have had its own members or properties there. Those Germans at Acre in 1190/1191 would have known about their Jerusalem hospital but would not have sought an institutional link with it because that would have recognized Hospitaller claims to control them. In 1187 the Hospitaller Master and many brethren were killed and their Jerusalem headquarters was lost; no new Master was elected for some time and control passed to a succession of evidently disoriented senior officers. A new Master Garnier de Nablus reached Acre in June 1191 but by then the Hospitallers' rift with the Germans had hardened. and the Teutonic foundation in Acre successfully maintained its independence. How far the Hospitallers’ mismanagement of the situation eventually limited or impoverished their own order's future in German lands remains incalculable.
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FELDMAN, GERALD D. "Civil commotion and riot insurance in fascist Europe, 1922–1941." Financial History Review 10, no. 2 (October 2003): 165–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565003000143.

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Insurance for damage caused by public unrest became popular in post-1918 Central Europe and proved to be a profitable business, but one that became increasingly problematic because of the role of fascist regimes in promoting civil commotion. This article addresses some of the experiences of insurance companies, especially the Munich Reinsurance Company, when trying to manage policies covering political unrest and riot in Italy, Germany and Spain between 1922 and 1941. In the case of Italy in 1922, the new fascist regime forced the insurers to pay for damages caused by the Squadri. In Germany, the insurers were forced to assume a fictitious liability for damages done to the Jews in the Pogrom of November 1938. In Spain, Franco forced the insurance companies to treat Civil War damages as a civil commotion and make payouts despite their strenuous objections. These experiences demonstrated that civil commotion insurance was most safely marketed in democracies that provided enough unrest but also law and order to make it worthwhile.
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Brüggemann, Karsten, and Andres Kasekamp. "The Politics of History and the “War of Monuments” in Estonia." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 3 (July 2008): 425–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802080646.

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After darkness fell over the provincial town of Lihula on 2 September 2004, youths pelted riot police with stones. Nothing like this had ever happened before in the peaceful and orderly small Baltic State of Estonia. The police were protecting a crane and its driver sent by the Ministry of the Interior to remove a monument honouring those Estonians who fought on the German side against the Red Army during the Second World War. In the evening of 26 April 2007 demonstrators in Tallinn pelted riot police with stones and went on a rampage of smashing windows and looting. The Estonian capital had never experienced anything like this. The police were protecting the site of a monument honouring Soviet soldiers who had fought against Nazi Germany. At night, when the rioting had ceased, a crane ordered by the Ministry of Defence removed the monument.
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Green, Christopher, Farrha B. Hopkins, Christopher D. Lindsay, James R. Riches, and Christopher M. Timperley. "Painful chemistry! From barbecue smoke to riot control." Pure and Applied Chemistry 89, no. 2 (February 1, 2017): 231–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pac-2016-0911.

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AbstractPain! Most humans feel it throughout their lives. The molecular mechanisms underlying the phenomenon are still poorly understood. This is especially true of pain triggered in response to molecules of a certain shape and reactivity present in the environment. Such molecules can interact with the sensory nerve endings of the eyes, nose, throat and lungs to cause irritation that can range from mild to severe. The ability to alert to the presence of such potentially harmful substances has been termed the ‘common chemical sense’ and is thought to be distinct from the senses of smell or taste, which are presumed to have evolved later. Barbecue a burger excessively and you self-experiment. Fatty acids present in the meat break off their glycerol anchor under the thermal stress. The glycerol loses two molecules of water and forms acrolein, whose assault on the eyes is partly responsible for the tears elicited by smoke. Yet the smell and taste of the burger are different experiences. It was this eye-watering character of acrolein that prompted its use as a warfare agent during World War I. It was one of several ‘lachrymators’ deployed to harass, and the forerunner of safer chemicals, such as ‘tear gas’ CS, developed for riot control. The history of development and mechanism of action of some sensory irritants is discussed here in relation to recent advice from the Scientific Advisory Board (SAB) of the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) on chemicals that conform to the definition of a riot control agent (RCA) under the Chemical Weapons Convention.
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Johansen, A. "Violent Repression or Modern Strategies of Crowd Management: Soldiers as Riot Police in France and Germany, 1890-1914." French History 15, no. 4 (December 1, 2001): 400–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/15.4.400.

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Quataert, Jean H., and James Woycke. "Birth Control in Germany, 1871-1933." American Historical Review 96, no. 1 (February 1991): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164117.

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GARNHAM, NEAL. "RIOT ACTS, POPULAR PROTEST, AND PROTESTANT MENTALITIES IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY IRELAND." Historical Journal 49, no. 2 (June 2006): 403–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005267.

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The condition of the Anglican elite in eighteenth-century Ireland has been the focus of some debate by historians. Members of the Protestant Ascendancy class have been variously cast as a community under constant threat, or as a self-confident group secure in their control of the country's political and economic systems. Various contributions to this dialogue have been made through the study of popular movements and civil disorder. Rather than further comment on such phenomena this article seeks to examine the reactions of the Irish political elite to them. Although the country had no general Riot Act on the English model until 1787, legislative initiatives were made on several occasions prior to this. While these initially tended to be unsuccessful in parliament, local in their application, and to impose relatively lenient punishments, attitudes began to change in the 1770s. The political elite then moved comparatively rapidly to general legislation that created riot as a felony. Such developments suggest that prior to the last quarter of the eighteenth century civil disorder was not seen as a real threat to Protestant ascendancy, though Protestant fears finally culminated in legislative action in 1787. Arguably it was this event that marked the first great nadir in Anglican self-confidence in eighteenth-century Ireland.
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Streng, Marcel. "The food riot revisited: New dimensions in the history of ‘contentious food politics’ in Germany before the First World War." European Review of History: Revue europeenne d'histoire 20, no. 6 (December 2013): 1073–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2013.852517.

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Usborne, C. "Fertility Control and Population Policy in Germany, 1910-28." German History 8, no. 2 (June 1, 1990): 199–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635549000800205.

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Usborne, C. "Fertility Control and Population Policy in Germany, 1910-28." German History 8, no. 2 (April 1, 1990): 199–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/8.2.199.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Riot control – Germany – History"

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Riley, Ethan M. ""A Higher Law"| Taking Control of William H. Seward's Rhetoric After the Christiana Riot." Thesis, Northern Arizona University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1537804.

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Freshman Sen. William H. Seward of New York was not expected to say anything noteworthy in his "Freedom in the New Territories" speech against the Compromise bills on March 11, 1850. The venerated "Great Triumvirate" had previously addressed the Senate—Sen. Henry Clay on Jan. 29, Sen. John C. Calhoun on March 4, and Sen. Daniel Webster on March 7—so everything there was to say was thought to have been said. Seward's "Freedom in the New Territories" speech, however, is recalled as one of the more divisive of Compromise orations and most significant of Senate maiden speeches in history because of its appeal to "a higher law than the Constitution." The utterance drew a maelstrom of criticism from the partisan press and congressional adversaries and colleagues; however, Seward's rhetoric introduced a reformist interpretation of the phrase "higher law" to the slavery discourse.

This thesis applies concepts from the literature on rhetoric of agitation and control and ideographs to define Seward's rhetoric as managerial, show his motives as socio-economic, and discover how the senator's reformist arguments were controlled by the establishment after the Christiana Riot in 1851. The researcher suggests that the establishment employed a kind of denial of rhetorical means to obstruct Seward's reformist rhetoric of its solidifying slogans. Future research into the control response to agitative rhetoric is suggested to understand the strategies and tactics used to control reformist rhetoric.

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Miller, Aaron Michael. "The Duality of the Hitler Youth: Ideological Indoctrination and Premilitary Education." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc955087/.

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This thesis examines the National Socialists' ultimate designs for Germany's youth, conveniently organized within the Hitlerjugend. Prevailing scholarship portrays the Hitler Youth as a place for ideological indoctrination and activities akin to the modern Boy Scouts. Furthermore, it often implies that the Hitler Youth was paramilitary but always lacks support for this claim. These claims are not incorrect, but in regard to the paramilitary nature of the organization, they do not delve nearly deeply enough. The National Socialists ultimately desired to consolidate their control over the nation and to prepare the nation for a future war. Therefore, they needed to simultaneously indoctrinate German youth, securing the future existence of National Socialism but also ensuring that German youth carry out their orders and defend Germany, and train the youth in premilitary skills, deliberately attempting to increase the quality of the Wehrmacht and furnish it with a massive, trained reserve in case of war. This paper relies on published training manuals, translated propaganda, memoirs of former Hitler Youth members and secondary literature to examine the form and extent of the ideological indoctrination and premilitary training--which included the general Hitler Youth, special Hitler Youth subdivisions, military preparedness camps akin to boot camp, and elaborate war games which tested the youths' military knowledge. This thesis clearly demonstrates that the National Socialists desired to train the youth in skills that assisted them later in the Wehrmacht and reveals the process implemented by the National Socialists to instill these abilities in Germany's impressionable youth.
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Dortch, Jamie. "Kaethe Kollwitz women's art, working-class agitation, and maternal feminism in the Weimar Republic /." unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07282006-103433/.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006.
Title from title screen. Joseph Perry, committee chair. Electronic text (90 p. : ill.) : digital PDF file. Description based on contents viewed May 1, 2007. Includes bibliographical references. Includes bibliographical references (p. 72-75).
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Rademacher, Franz L. "DISSENTING PARTNERS: THE NATO NUCLEAR PLANNING GROUP 1965-1976." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1217257345.

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JOHANSEN, Anja. "Bureaucrats, generals and the domestic use of military troops : patterns of civil-military co-operation concerning maintenance of public order in French and Prussian industrial areas, 1889-1914." Doctoral thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5846.

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Defence date: 20 April 1999
Supervisor: Prof. Raffale Romanelli, European University Institute ; Co-supervisor: Prof. Michael Müller, University of Halle-Wittenberg ; External supervisor: Dr. Vincent Wright, Nuffield College, Oxford ; External examiner: Prof. Peter Becker, European University Institute
First made available online 21 September 2017
The purpose of the thesis is to understand the role of the army in the management of civil conflicts within the 'democratic' republican system in France and the 'semiabsolutist' and 'militaristic' Prussian system. In both countries, existing interpretations of the domestic role of the army focus on legal-constitutional perspectives, governmental and parliamentary policy making, and social conflicts, and are often normative. However, the lack of a cross-national comparative perspective has led to a series of conclusions that are called into question when the French and Prussian cases are compared. The thesis seeks to answer the question why the authorities in French and Prussian industrial areas, when confronted with similar challenges from mass protest movements between 1889 and 1914, adopted strategies that involved very dissimilar roles for the army in maintaining public order. On the basis of empirical observations of the process of bureaucratic decision making and inter-institutional co-operation between the state administration and the military authorities in Westphalia and Nord-Pas-de-Calais, the analysis was established using a 'historical institutionalist' framework of interpretation. The thesis puts forward two main arguments: that the strategies adopted by the French and Prussian authorities in the early 1890s that involved very dissimilar roles for the army in domestic peacekeeping were linked to dissimilar perceptions of the threat to the regime. The French Republic, despite its democratic and civilian ideals, made extensive use of the army because the fragility of the regime meant that it could not afford the danger that public unrest might get out of control. Conversely, the Prussian authorities considered their regime to be sufficiently stable to experiment with strategies to deal with public unrest that did not imply military intervention, even if these strategies provided a much lower degree of control over public unrest. The other main conclusion of the study is that the repeated implementation in the French case o f strategies that involved mobilisation of the army and the implementation in the Prussian case of strategies that drew upon civil forces alone, led to different strategies, organisations and uses of forces available. Hence, veiy dissimilar patterns of inter-institutional co-operation developed between the state administration and the military authorities in Westphalia and Nord-Pas-de-Calais.
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Books on the topic "Riot control – Germany – History"

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Bataille, Henk. De ordediensten en het Heizeldrama: Het compromis tussen openbare orde en vrijheid van vergadering. Antwerpen: Kluwer rechtswetenschappen, 1988.

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Birth control in Germany, 1871-1933. London: Routledge, 1988.

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Chemical warfare during the Vietnam War: Riot control agents in combat. New York: Routledge, 2011.

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Vogler, Richard. Reading the riot act: The magistracy, the police, and the army in civil disorder. Milton Keynes [England]: Open University Press, 1991.

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author, Jobard Fabien, ed. Politiques du désordre: La police des manifestations en France. Paris XIXe: Éditions du Seuil, 2020.

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Strangers and misfits: Banishment, social control, and authority in early modern Germany. Boston: Brill, 2008.

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Edexcel A2 history: Hitler and the Nazi state : power and control, 1933-45. 2nd ed. [Place of publication not identified]: Philip Allan Updates, 2007.

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The history of U.S. information control in post-war Germany: The past imperfect. Newcastle upon Tyne, UK: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2016.

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German remote-control tank units, 1943-1945. Atglen, PA: Schiffer Pub., 1996.

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German remote-control tank units, 1940-1943. Atglen, PA: Schiffer Pub., 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "Riot control – Germany – History"

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Graßl, Hartmut, Stefan Bauberger, Johann Behrens, Paula Bleckmann, Rainer Engels, Eberhard Göpel, Dieter Korczak, Ralf Lankau, and Frank Schmiedchen. "The Ambivalences of the Digital—Humans and Technology Between New Dreams/Spaces of Possibility and (Un)Noticeable Losses." In Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, 221–32. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-91597-1_11.

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AbstractEvery new technology is used by us humans almost without hesitation. Usually the military use comes first. Examples from recent history are the use of chemical weapons by Germany in the First World War and of atomic bombs in the Second World War by the US. Now, with the rapid advances in microelectronics over the past few decades, a wave of its application, called digitization, is spreading around the world with barely any control mechanisms. In many areas this has simplified and enriched our lives, but it has also encouraged abuse. The adaptation of legislation to contain the obvious excesses of “digitization” such as hate mail and anonymous threats is lagging behind massively. We hear almost nothing about technology assessment through systematic research; it is demanded at most by a few, usually small groups in civil society, which draw attention to the threats to humankind—future and present—and the Earth's ecosystem. One such group, the Federation of German Scientists (VDW) e.V., in the spirit of the responsibility of science for the peaceful and considered application of the possibilities it creates, asked three of its study groups to jointly organize its 2019 Annual Conference. The study groups “Health in Social Change,” “Education and Digitization,” and “Technology Assessment of Digitization” formulated the following position paper for the 2019 VDW Annual Conference, entitled “Ambivalences of the Digital.”
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O’Brien, Gerald. "A Brief History of Eugenic Control." In Eugenics, Genetics, and Disability in Historical and Contemporary Perspective, 14—C2.N3. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197611234.003.0003.

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Abstract This chapter provides a concise history of eugenics and eugenic polices within the United States, as well as the later German policies under the Nazis. Much has been written about the eugenic alarm period (1900–1925), and this chapter attempts to provide a brief overview of the more important aspects of the period. Importantly, while many tend to exploit eugenics for certain political or ideological ends, interest in eugenics during the alarm period cut across the sociopolitical landscape. The specific eugenic policies (sterilization, immigration control, institutionalization, etc.) enacted in the United States are discussed, along with the movement’s focus on persons with feeble-mindedness. Finally, the relationship between policies in the United States and Nazi Germany will be explored, along with the impact of Nazi eugenic policies.
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Pohl, Dieter. "War and Empire." In The Oxford History of the Third Reich, 217–49. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192886835.003.0009.

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Abstract National Socialism was bent on unleashing war and winning an empire from the very beginning. The prerequisite for this was overcoming the world economic crisis and an extensive armament policy. At the same time, the German leadership managed to outmaneuver international diplomacy. The war that Hitler launched in 1939 was far riskier than it appears in retrospect. It also proceeded differently than originally conceived, with unplanned campaigns in northern and southeastern Europe. The central campaign against the Soviet Union was planned as a ‘Blitzkrieg’, but this concept failed early on. Nevertheless, Germany succeeded in temporarily bringing most of continental Europe under its control. The reconquest of the occupied territories was very protracted and took the Allies over two years. The German empire was also not based on clear concepts; rather, the occupation policy was structured very differently. The central aims of the occupation were the violent securing of the territories, economic exploitation, the murder of the Jews, and, in parts of eastern Europe, the restructuring of societies. Hitler’s rule over Europe was inconceivable without the cooperation of the allied Axis states, but also without the cooperation of millions of collaborators. These societies under occupation were initially paralysed, but increasingly turned against German rule from 1943 onwards.
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Diaz-Andreu, Margarita. "Colonialism and Monumental Archaeology in South and Southeast Asia." In A World History of Nineteenth-Century Archaeology. Oxford University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199217175.003.0016.

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In the nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century, political and economic power was concentrated in just a few countries. Having eclipsed the most mighty early modern empires—those of Spain and Portugal, the Ottoman Empire, The Netherlands, and the Scandinavian countries— Britain, France, the Russian, and the Austro-Hungarian Empires became the major European powers. Later, these were joined by the newly formed countries of Germany and Italy, together with the United States of America and Japan. In these countries elites drew their might not only from the industrial revolution but also from the economic exploitation of their ever-increasing colonies. Colonialism, a policy by which a state claims sovereignty over territory and people outside its own boundaries, often to facilitate economic domination over their resources, labour, and markets, was not new. In fact, colonialism was an old phenomenon, in existence for several millennia (Gosden 2004). However, in the nineteenth century capitalism changed the character of colonialism in its search for new markets and cheap labour, and the imperial expansion of the European powers prompted the control and subjugation of increasingly large areas of the world. From 1815 to 1914 the overseas territories held by the European powers expanded from 35 per cent to about 85 per cent of the earth’s surface (Said 1978: 41; 1993: 6). To this enlarged region areas of informal imperialism (see Part II of this book) could be added. However, colonialism and informal colonialism were not only about economic exploitation. The appropriation of the ‘Other’ in the colonies went much further, and included the imposition of an ideological and cultural hegemony throughout each of the empires. The zenith of this process of colonization was reached between the 1860s and the First World War, in the context of an increasingly exultant nationalism. In a process referred to as ‘New Imperialism’, European colonies were established in all the other four continents, mainly in areas not inhabited by populations with political forms cognate to the Western powers. In the case of Africa, its partition would be formally decided at an international meeting—the Berlin Conference of 1884–5.
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Kollmann, Karl, Calum E. Douglas, and S. Can Gülen. "Piston Aeroengines." In Turbo/Supercharger Compressors and Turbines for Aircraft Propulsion in WWII: Theory, History and Practice—Guidance from the Past for Modern Engineers and Students, 315–38. ASME, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/1.884676_ch12.

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There were a number of aircraft and engine manufacturers active in Germany in 1930s and 1940s. Some were quite well known, e.g., Messerschmitt (former Bayerische Flugzeugwerke), Focke-Wulf, Junkers, Dornier, etc. Some others were rather obscure, e.g., Hamburger Flugzeugbau, Klemmflugzeugbau, etc. The Reichsluftfahrtministerium (RLM) had a rather convoluted designation system (they thought that it was an improvement over the older one, of course) to provide a (supposedly) simple and unambiguous identification of every German civilian and military aircraft and its corresponding airframe design. Manufacturers were represented by two letters: the first letter in upper case, the second usually in lower case. A selection of the most famous ones is listed in Table 12-1. It should be noted that a mass-production model by a certain manufacturer, say, Messerschmitt Bf 109, were manufactured in the factories of other manufacturers (e.g., Fieseler or Gotha) under license. This system was under the control of the RLM (later in the war, starting in early 1944, under the supervision of the Armament Ministry – see below).
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Biess, Frank. "Conclusion." In German Angst, 368–74. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198714187.003.0011.

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The conclusion explains what was distinctly “German” about German Angst after 1945. It summarizes the argument of the book and reflects on the general historical factors that explain the rise and fall of specific fears in postwar Germany. Recurring episodes of fear resulted from changing international and global contexts. Intense media attention exacerbated certain fears, whereas shifting scientific understandings of emotions enabled other fears. Political elites engaged in a deliberate politics of fear, but fears and emotions more generally often evaded attempts at control or manipulation. The conclusion then also discusses the significance of the history of fear for our contemporary political moment.
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Lustig, Jason. "Conclusion." In A Time to Gather, 174–79. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197563526.003.0007.

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This chapter considers the overall impact of the twentieth-century proliferation of archive activities in Jewish life and the rising paradigm of total archives in particular. By looking at the development of Jewish archiving in Germany, the United States, and Israel/Palestine, we see the concrete manifestation of the impulses of a “time to gather” in Jewish cultures around the world. These efforts represent a kind of community-based archives, but also the internal tensions: What happens when there is a widespread understanding of the value of archives, and they represent resources of cultural capital worth fighting for? This conclusion also places the history of Jewish archives and the struggles to “own” the past in the broader context of the emerging information society. Altogether, this history indicates contentious struggles over what it means to have control over history in its most practical terms.
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Clarke, Colin. "Kingston: A Creole Colonial City (1692–1962)." In Decolonizing the Colonial City. Oxford University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199269815.003.0010.

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In colonial towns—settlements founded or developed by Western, imperial powers—two or more ‘cities’ usually exist: ‘the indigenous, ‘‘tradition-orientated’’ settlement, frequently manifesting the characteristics of the ‘‘pre-industrial city’’, and on the other hand, the ‘‘new’’ or ‘‘western’’ city, established as a result of the colonial process’ (King 1976: 5–6). But Caribbean cities gainsay this duality. Caribbean societies have virtually no pre- European inhabitants, and the non-Western elements in their cultures are no more indigenous than the traits of their white elites. Caribbean cities are quintessentially colonial, products of early mercantilism. Their creole (local or American) cultural characteristics were fashioned in the Caribbean by white sugar planters, merchants, and administrators who enslaved the blacks they imported from Africa, and with them bred a hybrid group—the free coloured people (Braithwaite 1971). Caribbean colonial cities are characterized by a morphological unity imposed by Europeans, yet their social and spatial structures have been compartmentalized by these creole social divisions (Clarke 1975a; Goodenough 1976; Welch 2003) Caribbean societies have been moulded by colonialism, the sugar plantation and slavery. These historical factors have also been underpinned by insularity, which facilitated occupation, exploitation, and labour control— and implicated port cities in such seaborne activities as sugar export and slave-labour recruitment. Accordingly, four themes provide the organizational framework for this chapter on Kingston, the principal city of Jamaica, during the colonial period: the economy, population, colour-class-culture stratification, and the spatial aspects of the city’s organization. The themes relate to different scales: the urban economy expresses the global aspects of commercial transactions; population and race-class stratification refer to the juxtaposition of different populations and cultures within colonial society; these socio-economic structures give rise to distinctive spatial configurations within the urban community. By 1800 Kingston was the major city and port of the largest British colony in the Caribbean, and its multiracial population was rigidly stratified into legal estates. Since the early nineteenth century, Jamaica has experienced a sequence of clearly identified historical events—slave emancipation in 1834, equalization of the sugar duties after 1845, a workers’ riot in 1938, and a slow process of constitutional decolonization after 1944, leading up to independence in 1962. This chapter is therefore organized around three major periods in Caribbean history—slavery (1692–1838), emancipation and the postemancipation period (1838–1944), and constitutional decolonization (1944– 62).
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Uslaner, Eric M. "Foundations: The Question of Identity." In National Identity and Partisan Polarization, 1—C1.T3. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197633946.003.0001.

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Abstract National identity forms the basis of who is a “true” member of society, who is accepted as a legitimate resident and who should be supported by government programs if necessary. These decisions are based upon the values of members of society. They depend more on a country’s composition and history than upon its districts. There is little support for the argument that the nature of legislative elections or the structure of government matters. If they did, single-member districts would be the most polarized political systems while parliamentary elections would be more divisive. There is also no support for the claim that divided control might force compromise between parties. A structural account would expect that a nation such as Sweden would be the most polarized while the United States and the United Kingdom would be the least divided. This chapter sets the stage for the analysis of 10 countries with different legacies and distinct institutions as well as how to measure identity. The countries are the United States, Great Britain, France, Austria, Germany, Hungary, Poland, Israel, and Taiwan.
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Goldman, Lawrence. "The International Statistical Congress, 1851–1878." In Victorians and Numbers, 241–56. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192847744.003.0013.

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This chapter shows how the liberal internationalism of the statistical movement at mid-century was undermined by the subsequent growth of nationalism and social conservativism across Europe. It concerns the history of the International Statistical Congress which held nine meetings in major European cities, 1853–78. The ISC has not attracted much historical attention but has generally been presented as embodying the noble aim of international social collaboration as articulated at its London Congress in 1860. In reality, however, there were many international political tensions, and wars of national unification, which undermined the organization, especially after the unification of Germany in 1871. The new German state was unwilling to cooperate with the Congress and to accept its policies and standards. Eventually, in the late 1870s, the ISC collapsed, though it was followed by a more successful professional forum for statisticians, the International Statistical Institute. This case study examines the international politics of statistics and the conflict between liberal practitioners and conservative statesmen and state structures. It also counterposes the continental European model of statistical organization under the control of the state, with the independence from government enjoyed by British statisticians.
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Conference papers on the topic "Riot control – Germany – History"

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Schlein, Barry C., David A. Anderson, Markus Beukenberg, Klaus D. Mohr, Hans L. Leiner, and Wolfgang Träptau. "Development History and Field Experiences of the First FT8 Gas Turbine With Dry Low NOx Combustion System." In ASME 1999 International Gas Turbine and Aeroengine Congress and Exhibition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/99-gt-241.

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This paper describes the FT8-2 Dry Low NOx (DLN) combustor development process and reviews the development history and initial field experience at a natural gas pipeline station in Germany. The development process is primarily focused on defining a fuel nozzle or injector, investigating emissions, fuel-air mixing, flame stability, acoustics, flashback resistance, and flame disgorgement. Empirical development tools including single nozzle and sector combustion rigs, as well as flame imaging techniques, are discussed. A summary of in-house engine development testing is provided. The control methodology used to meet emissions, while maintaining combustor pressure pulsations at an acceptable level, is provided. The natural gas compressor station design and operational experience with a GHH BORSIG compressor driven by the FT8 engine in Werne, Germany is summarized. Also presented are details of the very short conversion period from Standard to DLN combustor with the first successful ignition of the engine 26 days after work had begun.
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Platt, N. A. "Optical Mass Production In A First Generation Manufacturing Base. Potentials and Limitations !" In Optical Fabrication and Testing. Washington, D.C.: Optica Publishing Group, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1364/oft.1980.fwa4.

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The fabrication of Optical Elements began as an Art rather than a Science and has tended to remain so throughout its history. With demands of high quantity and quality, the fabrication procedures are under constant standardisation to approve upon yet cost-effective material, machinery and manpower. Rollei Singapore (Pte) Ltd. (RS), a subsidiary of Rollei, Franke & Heidecke, West Germany, has grown into a mass manufacturer of high precision optical, optomechanical and photographic components/equipment in Singa­pore since 1970 with the majority of designs licensed by Carl Zeiss, West Germany. The author projects Singapore's industrial structure and economic policies. He spot-lights RS for history, general policies, scope, spread and its versatility in a first generation manufacturing base. The effect of major features, to that effect, viz., machinery and equipment used, technologies applied and control techniques observed are dilated. Particular stress is laid on applied modem cost-effective techniques of manufacturing processes ensuring reproduceability and reliability through the State of Art.
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Feinhals, J., A. Kelch, and V. Kunze. "Removal: An Alternative to Clearance." In The 11th International Conference on Environmental Remediation and Radioactive Waste Management. ASMEDC, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2007-7079.

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This presentation shows the differences between the application of clearance and removal, both being procedures for materials leaving radiation protection areas permanently. The differentiation will be done on the basis of the German legislation but may be also applicable for other national legislation. For clearance in Germany two basic requirements must be given, i.e. that the materials are activated or contaminated and that they result from the licensed use or can be assigned to the scope of the license. Clearance needs not to be applied to objects in Germany which are to be removed only temporarily from controlled areas with the purpose of repair or reuse in other controlled areas. In these cases only the requirements of contamination control apply. In the case of removal it must either be proved by measurements that the relevant materials are neither activated nor contaminated or that the materials result from areas where activation or contamination is impossible due to the operational history considering operational procedures and events. If the material is considered neither activated nor contaminated there is no need for a clearance procedure. Therefore, these materials can be removed from radiation protection areas and the removal is in the responsibility of the licencee. Nevertheless, the removal procedure and the measuring techniques to be applied for the different types of materials need an agreement from the competent authority. In Germany a maximum value of 10% of the clearance values has been established in different licenses as a criterion for the application of removal. As approximately 2/3 of the total mass of a nuclear power plant is not expected to be contaminated or activated there is a need for such a procedure of removal for this non contaminated material without any regulatory control especially in the case of decommissioning. A remarkable example is NPP Stade where in the last three years more than 8600 Mg were disposed of by removal and only 315 Mg were released by clearance, even before the decommissioning licensing procedure was finished.
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Meiss, Sebastian A. "Electric Power Supply of German NPPs: Defence in Depth, Protection Against External Hazards and Retrofitting as a Consequence of the Fukushima Accident." In 2016 24th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone24-60987.

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The history of building and operating nuclear power plants (NPPs) in Germany dates back to the late 1950s and will come to an end in 2022. By then all NPPs still in operation will have to shut down in a defined sequence, according to the revisions made to the German Atomic Energy Act as a consequence of the accident at the Fukushima Dai-Ichi NPP. Nine out of 17 NPPs have already been shut down permanently as a consequence. Due to the progress in science and technology, the design of the electrical power supply of German NPPs got more complex and hardened against various scenarios with time. The latest generation of NPPs built in Germany in the late 1980’s — the pressurized water reactor of type Konvoi — was designed with Defence in Depth in mind. They are connected to several voltage levels of the power grid and feature two layers of AC emergency power systems, each of which fulfills the n+2 redundancy criteria. The second of those layers is especially hardened against the influence of certain internal and external events and is part of an emergency control system which can keep the plant in a safe state autonomously for 10 hours under certain conditions. With this being the state of science and technology at that time in Germany, most of the older NPPs in operation had been retrofitted by 2011 with systems that were designed to partially compensate for these plants’ weaker original design. Various events such as the accident at the Chernobyl 4 NPP in 1986 and also the accident at the Fukushima Dai-Ichi NPP in 2011 led to changes in the German regulatory framework and recommendations to the NPPs for further retrofitting activities. In the regime of electrical power supply, the latest changes in requirements and corresponding retrofitting of the NPPs in operation include mobile diesel generators with corresponding, redundant feeding points, an enhanced coping capability for station blackouts with only DC-power left and measures to ensure bringing back AC-power within the available time. In this presentation the author gives an overview over the historic development of the electric design in German NPPs and discuss details of the most recently added requirements on retrofitting — e.g. in the new regulatory framework — to enhance the robustness of the electrical power supply of those NPPs. An update on the progress on the actual retrofitting process of the German NPPs with respect to these new requirements is given.
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Reports on the topic "Riot control – Germany – History"

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Allan, Duncan, and Ian Bond. A new Russia policy for post-Brexit Britain. Royal Institute of International Affairs, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784132842.

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The UK’s 2021 Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy describes Russia as ‘the most acute direct threat to [the UK’s] security’ in the 2020s. Relations did not get this bad overnight: the trend has been negative for nearly two decades. The bilateral political relationship is now broken. Russian policymakers regard the UK as hostile, but also as weaker than Russia: a junior partner of the US and less important than Germany within Europe. The consensus among Russian observers is that Brexit has reduced the UK’s international influence, to Russia’s benefit. The history of UK–Russia relations offers four lessons. First, because the two lack shared values and interests, their relationship is fragile and volatile. Second, adversarial relations are the historical norm. Third, each party exaggerates its importance on the world stage. Fourth, external trends beyond the UK’s control regularly buffet the relationship. These wider trends include the weakening of the Western-centric international order; the rise of populism and opposition to economic globalization; and the global spread of authoritarian forms of governance. A coherent Russia strategy should focus on the protection of UK territory, citizens and institutions; security in the Euro-Atlantic space; international issues such as non-proliferation; economic relations; and people-to-people contacts. The UK should pursue its objectives with the tools of state power, through soft power instruments and through its international partnerships. Despite Brexit, the EU remains an essential security partner for the UK. In advancing its Russia-related interests, the UK should have four operational priorities: rebuilding domestic resilience; concentrating resources on the Euro-Atlantic space; being a trusted ally and partner; and augmenting its soft power. UK decision-makers should be guided by four propositions. In the first place, policy must be based on clear, hard-headed thinking about Russia. Secondly, an adversarial relationship is not in itself contrary to UK interests. Next, Brexit makes it harder for the UK and the EU to deal with Russia. And finally, an effective Russia policy demands a realistic assessment of UK power and influence. The UK is not a ‘pocket superpower’. It is an important but middling power in relative decline. After Brexit, it needs to repair its external reputation and maximize its utility to allies and partners, starting with its European neighbours.
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