Academic literature on the topic 'Ringsted (Denmark)'

In 1205, the Danish king Valdemar II married a Bohemian princess, known in her new country as Dagmar. Little contemporary information exists concerning this queen, who died only seven years after her arrival. Nonetheless, Dagmar is one of very few figures from medieval Danish history whose names are familiar to a general Danish public in the present. Over the centuries, a narrative of her life has emerged, based largely on a group of ballad texts first written down in the sixteenth century, that Queen Dagmar was so exceptionally beautiful and kind that Danes (particularly common people) remained devoted to her memory through the generations. Moreover, several texts, and a remarkable early twentieth-century painting in St Bendt’s Church in Ringsted posit her as an intercessor on behalf of Denmark, in ways that come very close to portraying her as a saint, so much that one twentieth-century ballad scholar concludes that the Benedictine monks of Ringsted launched a canonization process on her behalf. This article investigates the image of Queen Dagmar as it has developed over the centuries with a particular eye toward implications or claims of sanctity, toward Dagmar’s purported role as an intercessor during and after her lifetime, and her perceived (and at times seemingly prescribed) role in the constitution of Danish identity.

The Scandinavian Society for Cell Toxicology (SSCT) has arranged annual scientific meetings since 1983. These workshops were the forum for the Multicentre Evaluation of In Vitro Cytotoxicity (MEIC) programme. Along with the MEIC programme, which was completed in 1998, a wide range of topics relating to cytotoxicity have been discussed. The meetings have also given an opportunity for graduate students and young scientists to present their work to an international audience. At the same time, experts in the fields of in vitro toxicity have been invited as speakers. The 19th SSCT scientific meeting, which was held in 2001 at Sørup Manor in Ringsted, Denmark, was no exception. The meeting consisted of four sessions: mechanisms of toxicity; environmental toxicological testing; alternatives to animal experiments; and validation of in vitro tests.

This article examines a collection of saints’ lives from c. 1200, preserved asfragments in the Danish National Archives and the Royal Library.1 Half of the fragmentstransmit material related to Thomas Becket: Benedict of Peterborough’s miracles, Johnof Salisbury’s vita, and an anonymous account of King Henry II’s penance in Canterbury.The presence of the two latter works in Denmark, as well as that of some of the otherlegends represented amongst the fragments, are identified and discussed here for thefirst time. Based on the contents and provenance of the fragments, a link to Ringstedabbey is suggested.

The aim of the Evaluation-guided Development of New In Vitro Test Batteries (EDIT) multicentre programme is to establish and validate in vitro tests relevant to toxicokinetics and for organ-specific toxicity, to be incorporated into optimal test batteries for the estimation of human acute systemic toxicity. The scientific basis of EDIT is the good prediction of human acute toxicity obtained with three human cell line tests (R2 = 0.77), in the Multicentre Evaluation of In Vitro Cytotoxicity (MEIC) programme. However, the results from the MEIC study indicated that at least two other types of in vitro test ought to be added to the existing test battery to improve the prediction of human acute systemic toxicity — to determine key kinetic events (such as biotransformation and passage through biological barriers), and to predict crucial organ-specific mechanisms not covered by the tests in the MEIC battery. The EDIT programme will be a case-by-case project, but the establishment and validation of new tests will be carried through by a common, step-wise procedure. The Scientific Committee of the EDIT programme defines the need for a specific set of toxicity or toxicokinetic data. Laboratories are then invited to perform the defined tests in order to provide the “missing” data for the EDIT reference chemicals. The results obtained will be evaluated against the MEMO (the MEIC Monograph programme) database, i.e. against human acute systemic lethal and toxicity data. The aim of the round-table discussions at the 19th Scandinavian Society for Cell Toxicology (SSCT) workshop, held in Ringsted, Denmark on 6–9 September 2001, was to identify which tests are the most important for inclusion in the MEIC battery, i.e. which types of tests the EDIT programme should focus on. It was proposed that it is important to include in vitro methods for various kinetic events, such as biotransformation, absorption in the gut, passage across the blood–brain barrier, distribution volumes, protein binding, and renal clearance/accumulation. Models for target organ toxicity were also discussed. Because several of the outlier chemicals (paracetamol, digoxin, malathion, nicotine, paraquat, atropine and potassium cyanide) in the MEIC in vivo–in vitro evaluation have a neurotoxic potential, it was proposed that the development within the EDIT target organ programme should initially be focused on the nervous system.

Gevninge – the gateway to LejreGevninge is one of many Danish villages characterised by having extensive modern housing estates built around a medieval core. The oldest part of the village, with a late Romanesque church, lies on the west side of a small river, Lejre Å, about 2 km from its mouth at Roskilde Fjord (fig. 1).Both in the 1880s and in the 1970s, remains of human skeletons were found in Grydehøj to the west of the old village core (fig. 2). These clearly originate from burials, but the finds are undated. In 1974, remains of an inhumation grave from Viking times were found a short distance from a sunken road which, up until the 18th century, was part of the main road between Kalundborg and Roskilde. In 1979, a gilded bronze strap-end mount from the 8th century AD was found less than 200 m south of the sunken road, but it was first in the winter of 1999-2000 that settlement remains from Viking times were discovered.The archaeological investigationsThe excavation in 2000 uncovered 3600 m2 of settlement remains; these had been heavily damaged by site development in the 1960s and 1970s (fig. 3). On the basis of the evidence available, it is impossible to determine whether these represent several phases of a single farmstead or a portion of a larger settlement. The absence of any traces of structures in the northern evaluation trenches indicates that the settlement did not extend to the north of the sunken road where the graves were found. The terrain falls relatively steeply away from the excavation to the east towards Gevninge Bygade and, although it is possible, it seems rather unlikely that the Viking Age settlement extended in this direction. Relative to the topography, an extension to the south and west seems most obvious.There is no doubt that the site should be assigned to the Viking period. House I is unlikely to be earlier than 10th century (fig. 4), whereas the rectangular pit-house belongs to the end of the same century or the subsequent one. House II (fig. 5) and the other pit-houses are – typologically – less useful for a precise dating of the site. The metal artefacts, including the strap-end mount and a handful of coins from the time of the Civil War, span the period from the 8th to the 14th century, but the majority belong in the 9th-10th centuries (figs. 9-13). Pottery is the most common artefact type and occurs as un-ornamented flat-bottomed settlement wares and Baltic ware (fig. 8). The former have typically inwardly curved rim sections, the sides of the vessels are un-ornamented and they are generally bucket-shaped (fig. 14). The Baltic ware pottery is characterised by more angular rims, which have often been finished off using a wooden shaping tool. Decoration is mostly in the form of encircling grooves, waved furrows and a series of slanting or circular impressions. Compared with the other finds from the structures, the Baltic ware from the excavation belongs in the latter part of the 10th century and up into the 11th century.Traces of crafts were not conspicuous. In one pit-house there were several un-fired clay loom weights, while two deep postholes in the bottom of another pit-house are interpreted as the base for a loom. The distaff whorls and – possibly – the few bone and antler needles also belong to textile production (fig. 7). Iron slag, which definitely was not one of the most conspicuous aspects, originates from “fire-based” crafts. Textile production and iron working are the crafts typically seen at agrarian sites, with the former occurring most frequently.On the basis of the buildings, the traces of crafts and the majority of the finds, the site must be categorised as an average farmstead from Viking times. The site did, however, include four unusual finds: a gold armring (figs. 12 and 13), part of a gilded bronze helmet (fig. 10), a bronze bucket and a winged spearhead. These finds give food for thought, nourished by Gevninge’s location in the landscape, combined with its proximity to the legendary Lejre.A main transport junctionThe area south of Gevninge is characterised by a series of branching streams which meet at Gammel Lejre and continue towards Roskilde Fjord in the form of Lejre Å. To the west and southwest there is an area of about 50 km2 with a more-or-less pronounced moraine landscape. Large parts of this have lain through historical times as rough ground, common and forest. This landscape type forms a very clear contrast to the area east of Lejre Å - a flat and fertile plain extending out to the Øresund and Køge Bugt. In landscape terms, this is a border area, running north-south, where crossing points had to be chosen with care. Gammel Lejre, which from the 5th to the 10th century was an important chieftain’s or royal farmstead with magnificent halls, huge long-houses and a cult site, is well-suited to the passage of east-westbound traffic (fig. 15). In the flat terrain to the east of Lejre Å, maps from the end of the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th century show no road network prior to the construction of two highways in the second half of the 18th century. These run in a straight line from Roskilde to Ringsted and Kalundborg, respectively. Between them, Ledreborg Allé can be seen; it was constructed at the same time and probably replaced a road running eastwards from Gammel Lejre. To the west of Lejre Å, the undulating landscape, with its numerous small, steep hills, small lakes, watercourses and wetlands, presented greater challenges. There was an alternative crossing point about 4 km to the northwest, close to the fjord. Today, this place is called Borrevejle, which means “the ford at the edge” (fig. 16). From Borrevejle, the road led to Gevninge and – via the sunken road to the north of the Viking Age settlement – down to Lejre Å. Here lay the ford Langvad, from where the road ran eastwards, south of Lyngbjerg Mose, towards Kattinge. The fact that the roads around 1800 led towards Kattinge is linked with the opportunity here to cross the system of watercourses and lakes which extended from Gammel Lejre and past Kor­nerup to a lake, Store Kattinge Sø, by Roskilde Fjord. At both ends of the lake there were lock bridges to allow passage. Store Kattinge Sø was originally a bay which was dammed in the High Middle Ages so that the water level today lies at +2.5 m. In Viking times the lock bridges at Store Kattinge Sø did not exist, the amount of water on the Kornerup Å drainage system was therefore less, and the possibilities for passage were decidedly different.The road eastwards from the ford in Gevninge could well have gone via Kattinge and crossed the watercourse between Lille Kattinge Sø and the bay. Around 1800, the road continued through Kongemarken, where a Viking Age inhumation grave, a Christian burial ground from the Late Viking and Early Medieval times, as well as remains of a settlement from the same time, have all been found. From here, the road swings northwards, across Gedevad and onwards to the east to the bishop’s thorp, Bistrup, and the village of Bjerget (St. Jørgensbjerg) with St. Clemens’ church on Roskilde Fjord. Neither of these two settlements can, with certainty, be traced back to before AD 1000. It is therefore an obvious possibility that eastward traffic from Kongemarken took a more southerly route, which – perhaps – is indicated by settlement remains and stray finds between Roskilde and Svogerslev Sø (see fig. 16). In this respect, it is worth mentioning that the two stray finds from Viking times from the Borrevejle area lie in association with the old road routes. Similarly, the small hoard of silver rings from Lyngbjerg Mose was found where the road from Gevninge to Kattinge ran from about 1800.From the above, it is apparent that there were two significant possibilities for the passage of east-west land traffic in the Gevninge-Lejre area. Both have topographic advantages and disadvantages, and identification of one as being more important than the other can be based on no more than a guess. However, inclusion of the waterways does contribute a new angle when addressing this question.The sea route to LejreThe Isefjord complex comprises a western and an eastern branch which both extend more than 35 km inland into Zealand. The western arm, Isefjord, is deep and wide and only has narrow passages around Orø (fig. 17). Despite the fact that Isefjord is the most accessible route from a seaward perspective, it is unlikely to have been the route taken by people travelling to Gammel Lejre. The distance over land to the Isefjord is almost three times as great as the shortest route between Gammel Lejre and Roskilde Fjord, and more than half of this distance comprises gently undulating rough ground with numerous ponds and wetlands.Roskilde Fjord is characterised by narrow navigation channels and variable water depth, but these naturally-determined sailing conditions would not have been a problem for people who knew the fjord. The bay, Lejre Vig, is the place closest to Gammel Lejre. The sea route leading to the bay is protected by a natural feature – a transverse bar, which extends from Bognæs in the south to Selsø in the north. The mouth of Lejre Å is, in topographical terms, a well-suited site for a landing place, but there is a lack of archaeological evidence for the existence of such a feature. Given the lack of a demonstrable landing place by the fjord, attention can be focussed on Lejre Å as being Gammel Lejre’s link with the sea.Streams and rivers as travel routesToday, very few watercourses in Denmark appear as being navigable. A very great proportion of them no longer have a natural appearance or water flow. This is primarily due to intensive efforts during the last 200 years to drain wet meadows and fields. Any evaluation of the navigability of a watercourse in Viking times is associated with a number of variable and, in part, unknown factors. Accordingly, any conclusions are vitiated by a degree of uncertainty, not least in the case of smaller watercourses. The width and depth of the stream or river is decisive in determining the size of vessel which can be navigated. The fall and natural course of a watercourse, which in places is sharply meandering with a variable water depth, will be limiting factors relative to the size of the vessel which is able to pass (fig. 18).The appearance of Lejre Å on maps from the 19th century can give some indication of the conditions prior to the time when drainage and water extraction were initiated. It seems that the course of the stream was relatively straight from its mouth up to Gevninge. However, at Gevninge Church there was a very sharp turn and this is still in existence. To the south of the village, the stream is considerably narrower and substantially more winding. Particularly from Kornerup and southwards towards Gammel Lejre, the course is, in places, strongly meandering. Overall, the stream has a fall from Gammel Lejre to its mouth of 7 m, which corresponds to a gradient of 1‰. The fall is not, however, evenly distributed. From Gammel Lejre, and about 1.5 km down its course, the stream falls 2.79‰, whereas the fall over the next 750 m is 1.31‰. From here to the ford in Gevninge, the fall is 0.5‰, with the last section to the mouth of the river having a fall of 0.34‰. Ole Crumlin-Pedersen has suggested that a watercourse is navigable – all things being equal – as long as the fall is less than 2‰. Alone on this basis, it is unlikely in the past that vessels sailed all the way to Gammel Lejre. It is therefore an obvious possibility that Gevninge was the place where the change was made from waterway to roadway.The distance from Gevninge to Gammel Lejre is 3.7 km by road, as shown on maps from around 1800. The road departs from an area where Viking Age settlement has been excavated and it follows the contours of the landscape in such a way that steep passages are avoided. The route taken by this road, rather than the river, constitutes the probable link between the two places.ConclusionGammel Lejre was not established at some random place in the landscape. With regard to resources, it was a border area between the hamlets of the Eastern Zealand plain and the Central Zealand forest settlements. In addition, it provided a satisfactory, potential crossing point east-west over the steam systems from the south. There is archaeological, legendary and historical evidence showing that Gammel Lejre was a very special place in the Late Iron Age and Viking times. This special position arose from its role as a cultic and power-political centre.The same situation was probably the case at the Tissø complex in Western Zealand, which was established at the beginning of the Late Germanic Iron Age. Tissø lies slightly more than 6 km from the coast, and both its name and finds from the lake demonstrate the cultic significance of the site. Almuth Schülke has pointed out that the Tissø complex lies virtually on an island, with the lake to one side and wetlands and watercourses to the other. Access to Tissø was made difficult by natural barriers in the landscape which conferred exclusiveness and – not least – the possibility of controlling traffic to the settlement.The topographically determined limitations on potential access to Gammel Lejre are not as clear as in the case of the Tissø complex. Watercourses and wetlands to the south and east form a natural border, and the rough ground of the common landscape to the west contains its own obstacles. None of these barriers was insurmountable but they could well have functioned as a border zone around Gammel Lejre. In the area of common from Borrevejle in the north to Ledreborg Castle in the south, a couple of settlements have been demonstrated along with three graves and a few stray finds from the Roman Iron Age. Similarly, in the Middle Ages there were at least five thorps here, which were later abandoned. For the central period relative to Gammel Lejre, the 5th-10th centuries AD, there are no finds from this area. It was not necessarily a conscious choice that the area lay abandoned. The same tendency to abandon poorer soils at the beginning of the Late Iron Age can be seen elsewhere, such as, for example, in Nordskoven at Jægerspris and on Halsnæs at the northernmost part of Roskilde Fjord. Neither is it unusual that areas such as these were then re-occupied for thorp settlement in the Early Middle Ages. This does not, however, change the fact that the area to the west of Gammel Lejre appears to have lain as a wilderness in Viking times. Apart from one artefact with no details of its exact find spot, there are no recorded finds from the Late Iron Age bet­ween the central site and Elverdamsåen, a watercourse lying about 10 km to the west.Access to Gammel Lejre was obviously regulated so that approved people could enter and intruders were held at a distance. Gevninge was a link in this invisible fence. Gevninge is located where roads running east-west meet to avoid Central Zealand’s areas of hilly rough ground, and where watercourses could be crossed relatively unproblematically. Furthermore, Gevninge was a landing place and offloading point for vessels that were able to enter the lower part of Lejre Å. Larger vessels could perhaps have lain at the mouth of the stream or innermost in Lejre Vig, but from here people would anyway have been directed to follow the road from Gevninge to Gammel Lejre.Seen in the light of this situation, Gevninge could have been the home of the Lejre King’s entrusted servant. He not only controlled the traffic through the area and access to Gammel Lejre, he also represented the Lejre king and, on his behalf, received distinguished personages and – who knows – perhaps escorted them to important meetings in the exclusivity of the magnificent hall. With this position in society, Lejre’s gatekeeper probably received gifts of golden rings, magnificent weapons and vessels from Lejre’s pugnacious king.Jens UlriksenRoskilde Museum

Abstract The paper aims at presenting and discussing a recently discovered copper-alloy applique with a rare depiction of Alexander the Great. The ornament was found near the city of Ringsted in Central Zealand, Denmark. It is compared to a silver shield mount with identical Alexander-motif from Illerup Ådal, Jutland (DK), and to a copper-alloy applique with possible Alexander III depiction from Nytofte, Zealand (DK). Furthermore, the origin of the ornament and its production and function are also briefly discussed.

OBJECTIVE: The iodine intake level is important for the occurrence of thyroid disorders in a population. We have previously found that iodine in drinking water is related to iodine excretion but whether iodine is present as iodide or bound in other molecules remains unknown. DESIGN: We measured iodine in drinking water from 22 locations in Denmark. Six locations were selected by iodine content for further tap water analysis (Skagen 140 micro g/l, Samsoe 56 micro g/l, Nykoebing S. 50 micro g/l, Nakskov 40 micro g/l, Ringsted 38 micro g/l, Copenhagen 19 micro g/l). METHODS: HPLC size exclusion before (Skagen) and after (all sites) freeze drying and measurement of absorbance (280 nm) and iodine in fractions, and fluorescence spectroscopy of bulk organic matter in Skagen drinking water. RESULTS: Iodine content was unaltered after 3 Years (P=0.2). All samples contained organic molecules with characteristics similar to humic substances. Most iodine eluted with humic substances (Skagen 99%, Ringsted 98%, Nykoebing S. 90%, Copenhagen 90%, Samsoe 75%, Nakskov 40%). Changing pH and ionic strength and preincubation with iodide indicated that iodine was bound in humic substances. Humic substances may affect thyroid function but differ with geology. Geological and geochemical data agree with tap water humic substances having been released from marine deposits. Iodine is abundant in the marine environment and marine deposits are particularly rich in iodine. Correlation analysis (r=0.85, P=0.03) conform to iodine in drinking water, suggesting marine humic substances at the source rock. CONCLUSION: Iodine in Danish drinking water varied considerably. In drinking water with a high iodine content, the iodine mainly eluted with humic substances derived from marine source rock. We hypothesize that iodine in drinking water in general suggests coexisting humic substances of marine origin.

Abstract Background Desktop scanners are devices for digitization of conventional impressions or gypsum casts by indirect Computer-Aided Design/Computer-Assisted Manufacturing (CAD/CAM) in dentistry. The purpose of this in vitro study was: 1, to investigate whether virtual models produced by the extraoral scanner have the same trueness as sectioned casts; and 2, to assess if digitization with an extraoral scanner influences the surface information. Methods A polimethyl-methacrilic acid (PMMA) cast and a reference scanner (TwoCam 3D, SCAN technology A/S, Ringsted, Denmark; field of view 200 mm, resolution 0.1 mm ± 0.025 mm) were used to create the reference data in standard tessellation format (STL). According to the extraoral CAD/CAM digitization steps, impressions, mastercasts, and sectioned casts were made, and STL files were generated with the reference scanner. The pivotal point of the study was to digitalize these sectioned casts with the extraoral scanner (Straumann CARES Scan CS2 Visual 8.0 software, InstitutStraumann AG, Basel, Switzerland) and STL files were exported. Virtual caliper measurements were performed. Absolute deviations were compared using multilevel mixed-effects linear regression. Relative distortions were calculated with mean absolute errors and reference values. Results Differences were observed in measurements of tooth sizes. All four prepared teeth were affected. No relationship was observed in relative deviations. Absolute differences between all the indirect digitization steps considering arch distances were: impressions, − 0.004 mm; mastercasts, 0.136 mm; sectioned casts, − 0.028 mm; and extraoral scanner, − 0.089 mm. Prepared dies on the virtual casts (extraoral scanner) were closer to each other than those on the sectioned gypsum casts. Relative deviation calculations revealed no relationship with the position of the dies in the arch. Conclusion The trueness of the virtual models generated by the extraoral scanner system used in this study was different from the dimensions of the sectioned casts. The digitization of gypsum casts changes both the dimensions of dies and the distances between the dies. The virtual casts had smaller distances than any distances measured at previous steps. Either bigger dies or longer distances did not result in greater distortions. We cannot, however, generalize our results to all scanners available on the market, because they might give different results.

Abstract Background Atrial fibrillation (AF) and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD) often coexist. Beta-blockers are a mainstay of treatment in AF and are considered safe in COPD patients after myocardial infarction, though real-life studies have demonstrated significant under-use. Little is known on the utilization patterns in patients with AF and COPD. Purpose To investigate the temporal trends of beta-blocker utilization in patients following first diagnosis of AF in a hospital setting, with and without concomitant COPD, and determine clinical factors associated with beta-blocker use. Methods A nationwide study from 1995 to 2015 using data from the comprehensive Danish health registers. All patients with first registered AF diagnosis in a hospital setting were included. Beta-blocker use was identified by claimed prescriptions within 90 days following AF diagnosis. Factors associated with beta-blocker use or non-use in COPD patients during the most recent period (2010–2015) was examined using multivariable logistic regression and presented as odds ratios (OR) with 95% confidence intervals (95% CI). Results A total of 264 180 patients were included, of these 31 981 (12.1%) had COPD. Patients with concurrent COPD were older than those without COPD (median age 76 vs. 74 years), the proportion of males was similar (54%) and patients with COPD had more comorbidities, particularly cardiovascular disease. Across the 21-year study period, fewer patients with COPD used beta-blockers after AF diagnosis, than those without COPD (38.8% vs. 53.2%, p<0.001). Beta-blocker use increased in both groups during the study period (Figure 1). Nevertheless, the proportion of users was consistently lower among patients with COPD, although the difference was smaller during the most contemporary year (2015: 55.5% vs. 61.6% in COPD vs. non-COPD respectively). Predictors for decreased beta-blocker use included high age, COPD severity represented by use of triple inhaled therapy (OR 0.84 [95% CI 0.77–0.92]), and a history of frequent COPD exacerbations (OR 0.80 [95% CI 0.74–0.86]) (Figure 2). In a subgroup of COPD patients with complete clinical data from the Danish Register of COPD, severe airflow limitation (Forced Expiratory Volume in 1 second <30% of predicted) and high grade of dyspnoea (Modified Medical Research Council Dyspnoea scale 3–4) were associated with decreased odds for beta-blocker use (OR 0.48 [95% CI 0.38–0.59] and OR 0.67 [95% CI 0.55–0.80], respectively). Conclusions Beta-blocker use in patients with AF and concurrent COPD have increased considerably over a 21-year period yet remained less used than in patients without COPD. The severity of COPD was a strong negative predictor for beta-blocker use following AF diagnosis, suggesting a fear for adverse effects. The lower use of beta-blocker treatment in patients with severe COPD and AF might suggest underuse and warrants further evaluation. Funding Acknowledgement Type of funding sources: Public hospital(s). Main funding source(s): Naestved - Slagelse - Ringsted Hospitals, Region Sjaelland, Denmark Figure 1. Temporal trends of beta-blocker useFigure 2. Factors associated with beta-blocker use