Relevant bibliographies by topics / Riksdagens

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Riksdagens'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 28 July 2024
Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Riksdagens"

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Sadomtseva, Anna R. "Sweden’s Policy of Non-alignment during the Korean War (1950-1953)." Vestnik Yaroslavskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta im. P. G. Demidova. Seriya gumanitarnye nauki 17, no. 3 (October 4, 2023): 366. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/1996-5648-2023-3-366-375.

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The article deals with the position of Sweden in the Korean War. It demonstrates the attitude to the conflicting parties and analyzed the decisions of the Swedish government, in particular assistance to South Korea. It is also considered the Swedish politicians’ opinion of solving so-called «Korean issue». The basis of source study was formed by the documents of the Security Council and the General Assembly. The author refers to the minutes of the meetings of the Swedish Riksdag (Riksdagens protocol) which allow to determine the position of the Swedish political circles concerning the conclusion of the «Korean issue». Particular attention was paid to the Prime Minister of Sweden Tage Erlander’s memories, which were based on his diaries.
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Sadomtseva, Anna. "Sweden’s Policy of Non-Alignment in the European Integration Processes, 1950s — Early 1960s." ISTORIYA 14, no. 8 (130) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840027818-8.

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The article deals with the position of Stockholm in relation to the integration processes in Europe in the 1950s — early 1960s. It makes an attempt to explain the reason why the Swedish leadership avoided participating in the European Coal and Steel Community and the European Economic Community. It is also considered the motives of the Swedish Government, which prompted to participate in the European Free Trade Association for the purpose of long-term cooperation. The author refers to the minutes of the meetings of the Swedish Riksdag (Riksdagens protokoll), which allow to determine the positions in various political circles of Sweden regarding the “Schumann Plan” and the Treaty of Rome, as well as the possible participation of Stockholm in the integration processes. In addition, the article shows the reaction of the leaders of the bipolar system blocs — the USSR and the USA — to the actions of the Swedish leadership in relation to the European integration processes.
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Damgaard, Erik. "Anders Sannerstedt, Förhandlingar i riksdagen. Lund: Lund University Press, 1992, 277 s.; Mats Sjölin, Coalition Politics and Parliamentary Power> Lund: Lund University Press, 1993, 230 s." Politica 25, no. 4 (January 1, 1993): 479. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/politica.v25i4.67770.

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Törnqvist, Maria. "Varannan damernas väg till riksdagen. En romantisk historia." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 28, no. 4 (June 14, 2022): 24–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v28i4.3853.

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This article explores the impact of a romantic discourse in Swedish gender politics and more so; a heteroromantic discourse on closeness and passion between men and women. This is done through a close reading of the Swedish debate on “varannan damernas”, a quota measure to increase the number of women in parliament. The article argues that part of what turned this into a gender political success-story is the heteroromantic framing together with an adoption of ideals of cooperation inside the existing parties. The change in status is marked by a shift in terminology from ‘quotas’ to ‘varannan damernas’ (‘every other women’). In its earlier usage the expression refers to a phrase from the dance halls in which women were allowed to ask men up for every other dance. The metaphor thereby brings the question of women’s political presence into the intimate sphere and turns the previously conflictual framing of enforced legislated gender quota into a dance that symbolically guarantees both parts free will. The discursive embedding of visions and strategies is decisive in order to make gender equality an intelligible target for political action and change. With the counter-case of a women’s party, the article claims that the acceptance of certain gender equality solutions is not only due to a strong women’s movement or a general public interest in gender related matters. It is foremost a question of how claims and strategies are made intelligible and how they are incorporated into normative ideals of Swedish politics (mutual agreements and block-politics) and gender equality (cooperation between men and women). Thereby the case demonstrates that visions of emancipation are structured within relations of power. Gender politics can be described as a striving for gender equality, but is also a struggle over the classifications and legitimacy of certain world views as well as over material resources.
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Damgaard, Erik. "Anders Sannerstedt, Riksdagen och lagstiftningen, Lund: Studentlitteratur, 1989, 79 s." Politica 22, no. 1 (January 1, 1990): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/politica.v22i1.69293.

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Kanckos, Lise. "Surrogatarrangemang, moderskap och nationalitet. Finlands riksdags debatter om legaliseringen av surrogatarrangemang." K&K - Kultur og Klasse 40, no. 113 (June 20, 2012): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kok.v40i113.15718.

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Surrogacy, motherhood and nationality | Surrogacy arrangements were allowed in Finland, and were practiced to a small extent at four clinics, before the Act on Assisted Reproduction took effect on 1 September 2007. The political debate on surrogacy was at times lively during the preparations of the law. This article is based on a rhetoric and discourse analysis of discussions on surrogacy, maternity and nationality in the Finnish parliamentary debates concerning the legalisation of surrogacy. The material consists of three debates in 2002, 2006 and 2007, newspaper articles, a medical article and the website of a discussion forum. Surrogacy arrangements in Finland were often constructed in these debates as safe and controlled, and the Finnish surrogate was described as altruistic, while surrogates in other countries were constructed as rented wombs. These political discourses on surrogacy are also discussed in relation to a wider context of cross-border reproductive care and consumption.
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Damgaard, Erik. "Ingvar Mattson, Forhandlingsparlamentarism. En jämförande studie av riksdagen och folketinget, Lund: Lund University Press, 1996, 266 s." Politica 28, no. 4 (January 1, 1996): 482. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/politica.v28i4.68092.

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Bersbo, Zara. "Kvinnors deltidsarbete – en fråga om rättighet eller tvång? Debatten om gifta kvinnors deltidsarbete i den svenska riksdagen 1942." HumaNetten, no. 18 (November 27, 2015): 11–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.15626/hn.20061802.

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Grishin, I. "Prize without Victory, Victory without Prize." World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2015): 68–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-2-68-76.

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Traditional stability of the Swedish legislative and executive authorities functioning, manifested in the almost complete absence of parliamentary and governmental crises, was questioned by results of the general elections in September 2014. The Alliance of four center-right parties who ruled Sweden from 2006 to 2014 suffered a defeat having lost 32 of 173 mandates. Simultaneously, the informal coalition of three center-left parties that opposed to the Alliance in 2006-2014 increased its representation in the Riksdag from 156 to 159 deputies only. Thus, none of the two inter-party blocks has the absolute parliamentary majority (175) needed for the formation of the own government. At the same time, Sweden Democrats who first entered the Riksdag in 2010 have significantly increased their faction (from 20 to 49 deputies) and thereby strengthened their king maker position (holding the balance of power) in the new parliament. Yet this party is isolated and excluded from the cross-party interaction in the Riksdag because of its Islamofobia and anti-immigrant attitudes. The new government of minority (the Social Democrats and the Green Party) was approved by the Riksdag due to the negative parliamentarism principle which means that the government shall be deemed approved if it does not receive the absolute majority of votes against it. However, many subsequent government bills submitted to the Riksdag are likely to be rejected by the opposition parties of the Alliance with assistance of the Sweden Democrats. To avoid such situation, the government parties have to bargain with smaller center-right parties on particular issues and thus to form a required ad hoc parliamentary majority. After the last elections, the political establishment parties became much more dependent in their interaction on the Sweden Democrats' unpredictable behavior than before. All of these factors greatly complicate the Riksdag's and the government's work as well as sharply increase risks of governmental and parliamentary crises even to the extent of the government's resignation and pre-term elections. It is unusual for Sweden where such elections last took place in 1958.
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Almbjär, Martin. "Grävandet efter demokratins rötter: Riksdagen och kungamakten 1611–1866." Scandia : Tidskrift för historisk forskning 89, no. 1 (May 29, 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.47868/scandia.v89i1.25207.

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Syftet med denna text är att problematisera riksdagens roll i svensk politisk historia, ca 1600–1900, och dess bidrag till utvecklingen mot demokrati och allmän rösträtt. För det första stärkte riksdagsrepresentanterna monarkin på riksdagens bekostnad vid flera tillfällen och bytte långsiktigt institutionellt inflytande mot vinster i enskilda sakfrågor. Vid andra tillfällen var de märkbart passiva och oförmögna att förhindra monarkin. Riksdagen utgjorde en tveksam och svag bastion för folkrepresentation och man kan hävda att riksdagen mellan 1611 och 1809 hade en svag ställning gentemot kungen i 94 år, nästan hälften av perioden. Detta förändrades dock mellan 1809 och 1866, trots att det fanns flera likheter i det politiska ramverket, samt politiska förutsättningar för ytterligare ett skifte till en stark monarki och en svag eller upplöst riksdag. Ståndsriksdagens sista 50 år utgör således en nyckelperiod om vi vill förstå varför riksdagen slutligen intog en stark ställning i den svenska politiska kulturen. Denna fråga berör inte bara historiker, utan också människor som är intresserade av hur och varför representativa församlingar blir lika eller mer legitima än auktoritära alternativ. Eftersom vi lever i en period där demokratiska institutioner och värderingar ifrågasätts är det viktigt att förstå hur de kom att omfamnas i första hand.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Riksdagens"

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Willert, Fredrik. "Utbildningsnivå i riksdagen : utbildningsnivå hos riksdagens ledamöter 1971-2006." Thesis, Högskolan på Gotland, Institutionen för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-1108.

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In the past decades the level of education of the Swedish population has steadily risen. This paper asks questions about the level of education level among members of the Swedish parliament, Riksdagen. The answers are found by studying biographic data over members of parliament between 1971 and 2006. In 1971 a new riksdag, enkammarriksdagen which consists of one “House”, was founded. Earlier, the Riksdag consisted of two “Houses”. Biographical data over all members of parliament from 1971 to 2006 are available the public and represents the source material to this study. This study shows that there is a significant change in the overall education level among members of parliament during this period. During this period the education system as well as the political system, especially the election system, has undergone significant changes. This study also shows that the education level in members of parliament differ from the education level of the rest of the population. It also reveals a possible tendency towards not finishing or graduating from higher education among members of parliament. However, this study can only present possible explanations to this fact and does not draw any general conclusions about the future of this tendency. One possible explanation suggests that the changes in the election system are linked to the education level development of the members of parliament.
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Hagevi, Magnus. "Bakom riksdagens fasad /." Göteborg : Akademiförl. Corona, 1998. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/24836815X.pdf.

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Löfgren, Joel. "Riksdagens informationsbehov : En domänanalytisk studie av riksdagens informationsbehov i syfte att finna riktlinjer för förvärv." Thesis, Uppsala University, Department of ALM, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-101855.

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Qvist, Per. "Riksdagens utanförskapsdiskurs : En diskursanalys av begreppet utanförskap." Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Avdelningen för kultur-, religions- och utbildningsvetenskap, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-13806.

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Uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka hur utanförskapsbegreppet, som är ett närliggande begrepp till begreppet socialexklusion, konstrueras av arbetsutskottet i den nutida svenskariksdagspolitiska debatten. Uppsatsen undersöker även hur begreppet utanförskapär relaterat till arbetslöshet och fas 3, som är ett arbetsmarknadspolitisktprogram för arbetslösa människor. Vidare undersöker uppsatsen hurarbetsmarknadsutskottet konstruerar den önskvärda medborgaren.Forskningsmetoden som används är kritisk diskursteori och kritisk diskursanalysmed inspiration av James Paul Gee. Resultaten kategoriseras i fyra teman inomutanförskapsdiskursen. Denna nutida politiska diskursen konstruerar en ordningav logik och moral inom vilken utanförskap är en metafor för arbetslös; attvara utanför är att vara utanför arbetsmarknaden, vilket innebär att diskursenkonstruerar en generaliserad bild av arbetslösa - som att samtliga arbetslösabefinner sig i utanförskap. Vidare konstruerar diskursen den önskvärdamedborgaren som arbetande, formellt utbildad och icke-invandrare. Resultatendiskuteras i relation till både svensk och internationell forskning kringutanförskap och social exklusion.
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Hegeland, Hans. "Nationell EU-parlamentarism : riksdagens arbete med EU-frågorna /." Stockholm : Santérius Academic press, 2006. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/520624165.pdf.

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Wirman, Jenni. "Flyktingar - kris för vem? : Om säkerhetisering i riksdagens migrationsdebatter 2013-2015." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-312962.

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For the last two decades Sweden has been one of the most important receiving countries for asylum seekers, hence regarding itself as a “humanitarian superpower”. Historically Sweden has had one of Europe’s most extensive migration policies and made its latest mark by 2015 by allowing the highest number of asylum seekers ever to the country. The media coverage and the public debate on the war refugee migration to Sweden has been comprehensive and thereby put the topic of migration in the centre of parliamentary discussions. The aim of this study was to examine if and how migration has been a subject of securitization in the parliamentary debates. The study was conducted by using a qualitative text analysis of parliament protocols from 2013–2015. The results show that during the period of study a number of parties have made securitising statements regarding migration, but that the subject of migration was securitized first in 2015 when the securitising problem formulation was adopted by a majority in the parliament. I have also concluded that there has been a slight change in the way in which migration is securitized. In 2013–2014 the majority of the parliament parties used the diffuse securitising technique when debating migration, while in 2015 there was a shift towards the exceptionalist securitising technique.
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Beciragic, Mirza, and Sofia Severinsson. "Politiker som varumärke : En studie om Personal Branding bland svenska Riksdagens partiledare." Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Business Studies, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-3193.

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Bakgrund: Politiska partiers ideologier börjar allt mer likna varandra och placerar sig i mitten av höger- vänsterskalan i kamp om väljarna. Under valperioden läggs mer fokus på partiledarens Personal Branding. Partiledaren behöver sälja sin ogripbara och komplexa produkt för att skapa positiva uppfattningar hos väljarna.

Frågeställningar: Hur uppfattar riksdagspartierna den egna partiledares Personal Branding? Hur uppfattar väljarna riksdagspartiernas Personal Branding hos partiledarna?, Vilka likheter och skillnader finns mellan riksdagspartiernas uppfattning jämfört med väljarnas uppfattning på Personal Branding?

Syfte: Syfte med studien är att analysera Svenska Riksdagens partiledares Personal Branding. Analysen kommer dels bestå av Riksdagspartiernas uppfattning om den egna partiledaren och väljarnas uppfattning om partiledarnas Personal Branding. Studien kommer även klarlägga skillnader och likheter dem emellan.

Metod: Studien utför en metodtriangulering dvs., använder kvantitativa och kvalitativa metoder. Intervjuer har genomförts med de svenska riksdagspartierna och två enkätundersökningar har genomförts, då författarna gjorde både ett slumpmässigt urval och ett bekvämlighetsurval.

Teoriområden: Varumärkesvärde, varumärkesidentitet och Personal Branding

Resultat: Studien påvisar att riksdagspartierna vill lyfta fram deras partiledares starkaste egenskaper för att särskilja partiledarna från deras konkurrenter. Studien påvisar tydligt vem av partiledarnas Personal Branding uppfattas positivt eller negativt. Skillnader samt likheter kan tydas mellan riksdagspartiernas uppfattning om partiledarnas Personal Branding kontra väljarnas uppfattningar.

Slutsats: Studien ger en nyanserad bild av den problematik som partiet kontra väljarna står för idag. Resultat visar att Personal Branding är ett betydelsefullt verktyg inom politiken både för Riksdagspartierna själva och väljarna. Riksdagspartierna är beroende av partiledarens Personal Branding, då partiledaren måste förvalta rollen på ett positivt sätt, annars skadar det partiets anseende och partiledarens Personal Branding i form av väljarnas negativa uppfattningar och uteblivna röster.

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Blomgren, Mattias. "Inkluderande och exkluderande strategier och förhållningsätt mot Sverigedemokraterna i tre av riksdagens utskott." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-176482.

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Many studies have focused on whether or not different kinds of strategies used towards radical right parties give them more or less electoral support and power. This study, however, sets out to center the MP’s subjective views on how the strategies and different approaches are being used and experienced in parliamentary committees in the Swedish Riksdag. The purpose of the study is to gain new and more detailed information of the motivations used for the strategies from the MPs subjective views of the Swedish Democrats (SD). The different types of strategies studied are excluding strategies such as ignore, cordon sanitaire, demonise and defuse. The including strategies which are examined are adapt and collaborate. Vote technical disidentification is a theoretical contribution to strategies being used from this study and shows how MPs blame other parties for voting more on SD than their own. Semi- structured interviews with MPs from five parties, including SD, in three different parliamentary committees with a total number of 15 participants, which are used as the material. The result of the study suggests that there are some differences in the approaches of the different MPs, and the difference lies mostly in between and within parties and not so much among the different committees. The MPs have some differences in their subjective conception of the SD where some have a tough approach against them while others have a softer understanding to them socially but none except for one MP want formal collaboration with them. In broad terms, the political right has some tendencies to use inclusion strategies and the political left uses the exclusion strategies more broadly and not the inclusion at all, according to the result. Informal approaches to take distance from SD, used more by the political left. The perception of the strategies and approaches being used differs a lot from between the MPs from SD and the rest of the MPs in the study. A more hard, unfair and undemocratic is the perceptions of the MPs from SD of the strategy and approaches while the others do not see them as commonly used.
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Lundgren, Fred. "Riksdagens ombudsman : en granskning av JO:s tillsynsverksamhet och domstolars självständighet, ur ett konstitutionellt perspektiv." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-115632.

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Åberg, Mats E. "En dag i riksdagens Twitterrum : En språklig analys av samtliga riksdagsledamöters twittrande under 24 timmar." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för nordiska språk, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-201103.

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Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att beskriva riksdagsledamöternas twittrande och försöka lyfta framnågot av det som kännetecknar Twittermediet. Det uppfylls genom att besvara frågorna: • Vilken typ av interpersonella språkhandlingar utförs i riksdagsledamöternas twittrande? • Hur kan man kategorisera och beskriva de interpersonella språkhandlingarna? • Skiljer sig språkhandlingarna åt beroende på parti-, blocktillhörighet eller kön? • Finns det några språkliga särdrag som är typiska för riksdagsledamöternas användande avTwittermediet? Frågorna besvaras genom att undersöka alla tweets som skrevs av någon ledamot av Sverigesriksdag den 5 mars 2013. Uppsatsen beskriver flera aspekter av riksdagsledamöternas twittrande. Vanligaste allmänna språkhandling är ett påstående, ibland följt av en fråga. Både beröm och kritikutdelas men följer då alltid mönstret kritik åt politisk motståndare och beröm åt politisk vän. Sverigedemokraterna uttalar sig oftare med tvärsäkerhet och mer sällan med garderingar än övrigapartier. Inga stora skillnader mellan könen och Alliansen respektive de Rödgröna står att finna. Twittermediet är ofta informellt och snabbt vilket ger upphov till nya språkliga konstruktioner ochibland rena fel.
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Books on the topic "Riksdagens"

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Hagevi, Magnus. Bakom riksdagens fasad. Göteborg: Akademiförlaget Corona, 1998.

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Ekroth, Jesper, and Kjell Swanström. JO - lagarnas väktare. Stockholm: Riksdagens ombudsmän - JO i samarbete med Riksbankens jubileumsfond, 2009.

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Millhagen, Rebecka. Riksdagens hus: Två kvarter i Gamla stan. Stockholm: Byggförlaget, 1996.

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Roth, Per-Anders. Riket, valkretsen och hemkommunen: Lokal och regional representation i den svenska riksdagens sista andra kammare. [Gothenburg]: Göteborgs universitet, 1996.

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Sannerstedt, Anders. Riksdagen och lagstiftningen. Lund: Studentlitteratur, 1989.

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Sannerstedt, Anders. Förhandlingar i riksdagen. Lund, Sweden: Lund University Press, 1992.

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Herman, Schück, ed. Riksdagen genom tiderna. [Stockholm]: Sveriges riksdag, 1985.

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Stig, Hadenius. Riksdagen: En svensk historia. [Stockholm]: Sveriges riksdag, 1994.

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Dahlström, Jan Håkan. Folkvalda: Bilder från Riksdagen. [Stockholm]: Carlsson, 1989.

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Valtioneuvosto, Finland. Statsrådets trafikpolitiska redogörelse till Riksdagen. Helsingfors: Statens tryckericentral, 1988.

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Book chapters on the topic "Riksdagens"

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Wickström, Mats. "Rasfrågorna i den svenska riksdagen 1968." In Sveriges avrasifiering. Svenska uppfattningar om ras och rasism under efterkrigstiden, 211–30. Karlstad University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.59217/kriterium.47.h.

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Dissertations / Theses Books
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