Academic literature on the topic 'Rigidité de réflexion'

Cette étude décrit la mobilité professionnelle intergénérationnelle sur une période d'un siècle dans la région du Saguenay (Québec). Distinguant la mobilité intergénérationnelle au début et vers la fin de la vie active, l'analyse s'appuie sur le fichier de population BALSAC, qui contient les biographies individuelles et familiales de cette population régionale pour la période 1842-1971. Il appert premièrement que la mobilité globale a augmenté dans la région bien avant les années 1950 ou 1960 (même en ne tenant pas compte de la mobilité structurelle induite par la contraction du secteur agricole) et deuxièmement que durant ces 100 ans, l'héritabilité sociale était beaucoup plus élevée dans les catégories d'ouvriers que dans les catégories non manuelles. L'étude fournit donc des matériaux nouveaux pour alimenter la réflexion sur l'existence d'une classe ouvrière au Québec de même que sur la rigidité des clivages et des barrières sociales.

À la fois compositeur et chercheur, Manoury s’est très tôt intéressé à l’interaction en temps réel entre les instruments acoustiques et les nouvelles technologies liées à l’informatique musicale, telle que développée à l’Institut de recherche et coordination acoustique/musique (Ircam) à partir des années 1980. Après Répons (première version en 1981) de Pierre Boulez, le besoin se fait en effet sentir de casser la rigidité de l’outil électronique et d’explorer au-delà du dialogue conventionnel instrument/ordinateur, afin d’élaborer, enfin, une symbiose réciproquement profitable, malléable en concert, et constamment renouvelable, à la manière d’une interprétation concertante. Après l’instrument, le compositeur devait très rapidement se pencher sur la problématique soulevée par la voix. À partir de 1993, Manoury travaillera ainsi à la capture, puis au traitement numérique de la voix en temps réel, d’abord par une analyse des composantes acoustiques du son, puis une manipulation de ces composantes. Le cycle de mélodies En écho (1993-1994) pour soprano et électronique représentera le premier stade de cette réflexion, toujours dans le cadre de recherches expérimentales. Si le chercheur Manoury recherche l’innovation, le compositeur Manoury, quant à lui, se tourne aussi volontiers vers les institutions et les genres musicaux traditionnels, dont l’opéra et la musique chorale. L’écriture vocale de Manoury, que l’on peut qualifier de simple et naturelle, témoigne d’une grande flexibilité et est le fruit d’une réflexion qui prend en compte les limites du langage post-sériel, et dont témoignent ses différents opéras. Or, ce retour au genre-roi ne saurait se priver de l’innovation électronique nouvellement créée ; 60e Parallèle (1995-1996), K… (2000), La Frontière (2003) et La Nuit de Gutenberg (2011) intègrent une partie électronique, profitant, pour chaque opus, des avancées de la technique au service de la voix et de l’art lyrique. L’objet de ce texte est de proposer une approche globale des différents projets lyriques de Manoury, afin de mettre notamment en lumière le rôle de plus en plus prononcé de la transformation électronique sur le plan dramatique, et d’étudier également le réel travail de réciprocité entre l’instrumental et l’électronique.

Résumé Depuis le début des années soixante-dix, les Etats-Unis et le Japon se distinguent des autres pays de l'OCDE par le fait que le taux de chômage est pour l'essentiel stationnaire (il fluctue autour d'une moyenne constante : cette fluctuation est faible au Japon et forte aux Etats-Unis). Partant de ces faits saillants, nous avons cherché à distinguer quelles étaient les caractéristiques des marchés du travail respectifs, afin de les inscrire dans la régulation économique d'ensemble. Nous avons donc cherché à situer notre réflexion dans une perspective générale, en intégrant le fonctionnement des marchés financiers, du système de formation et plus généralement, des interventions de politique économique. De cette analyse comparée, il ressort que les Etats-Unis et le Japon se trouvent être deux cas polaires, tant dans la configuration de l'emploi que dans l'adaptation cyclique. La configuration de l'emploi est assez stable depuis trente ans, aucun des deux pays n'ayant décidé de réformer le fonctionnement de son marché du travail : l'emploi est peu protégé aux Etats- Unis, quel que soit le statut, alors que le Japon offre la vision d'un système dual où coexistent l'emploi à vie et les statuts atypiques. En matière de comportement cyclique, le premier pays se caractérise par une rigidité nominale des salaires, ce qui provoque une plus grande variabilité de la quantité de travail par rapport au cycle, loin donc de la présentation néoclassique des marchés. Au contraire, au Japon, les salaires nominaux sont flexibles et la quantité de travail relativement invariante. Mais, cette fexibi- lité moyenne des prix coexiste avec une forte viscosité des prix relatifs. Par ailleurs, les deux pays ont comme spécificité d'avoir parfaitement intégré leur marché du travail à une forme de contrat social qui sert à partager le poids des ajustements. Au Japon, il ressort que le marché du travail a été vidé de sa fonction d'allocation de la main-d'œuvre, au profit d'un système interne aux entreprises ; aux Etats-Unis, ce marché externe aux entreprises conserve un rôle crucial dans la réallocation de la main-d'œuvre. In-fine, il ressort de l'étude de ces deux pays que la flexibilité n'admet pas un définition unique. A la définition classique de l'OCDE, on peut opposer une autre définition qui organise la transmission des déséquilibres dans le cadre d'un contrat social qui fige certains paramètres. Le Japon et les Etats-Unis mettent en œuvre deux formes de cohérence dans ce partage des ajustements ; c'est du côté du défaut de cohérence qu'il faut chercher une réponse aux échecs de nombreux pays européens à éviter la dérive du taux de chômage.

e3890004This paper discusses the memory and forgetfulness temporal modulations in self-care and ethical parrhesia field, using Seneca's Moral Letters to Lucilius as a historical-philosophical contribution to provide a psychagogical ethic education. At first, philosophical and psychological theoretical bases on memory and forgetfulness are presented aiming to balance the axiological asymmetries between both occurring in society and at school institutions. The forgetfulness claiming as an educational strategy involves the overcoming of epistemological models centered on mnemonic processes for acquisition and accumulation of objective and impersonal knowledge with strictly performative purposes. Seneca, master of Lucilius, is considered one of the leading philosophers of ancient times linked to introspection as a philosophical exercise, fertile ground for the exploration of proficient relations between memory and forgetfulness. The Seneca's Letters, with profound reflections on time and its existential declinations, are filled with pedagogical desire, emotions and experiences appreciation, moral truth, and combined and unremitting pursuit of happiness that meets the moral goodness. Such elements emerge as qualities required by Education in a troubled world, which denies the loss of the present through the strenuous and unrestricted adhesion to the immediacy. A world devoid, moreover, of codified moral rigidity, in which educational individuals have to be built on relationships with themselves in the present time, using the sources of memory and forgetfulness in the spiritual experimentation of themselves through the care of others.ResumoO presente artigo discute as modulações temporais da memória e do esquecimento no âmbito do cuidado de si e da parrésia ética, utilizando as Cartas a Lucílio, de Sêneca, como contributo histórico-filosófico para prover a Educação de uma eticidade psicagógica. Em um primeiro momento, são apresentadas bases teóricas filosóficas e psicológicas sobre a memória e o esquecimento, a fim de equilibrar as assimetrias axiológicas entre ambos, ocorrentes na sociedade e nas instituições escolares. A reivindicação do esquecimento como estratégia educativa implica a superação de modelos epistemológicos centrados em processos mnemônicos para a aquisição e a acumulação de conhecimentos objetivos, impessoais e com finalidades estritamente performativas. Sêneca, educador de Lucílio, é considerado um dos principais filósofos da antiguidade ligados à introspecção como exercício filosófico, seara fértil para a exploração das profícuas relações entre memória e esquecimento. As epístolas senequianas, com profundas reflexões sobre o tempo e suas declinações existenciais, são repletas de volição pedagógica, de valorização das emoções e das experiências, de verdade moral e de busca conjunta e incessante da felicidade que coincide com o bem moral. Tais elementos despontam como qualidades requeridas pela Educação em um mundo problemático, que nega a perda do presente pela adesão sôfrega e irrestrita à imediatidade. Mundo desprovido, ademais, de uma rigidez moral codificada, no qual os sujeitos educativos têm de se construir nas relações consigo próprios, no tempo presente, servindo-se das fontes da memória e do esquecimento na experimentação espiritual de si pelo cuidado do outro.Palavras-chave: Filosofia da educação, Pedagogia e Educação, Função pedagógica, Relações pedagógicas.Keywords: Pedagogical function, Pedagogical relations, Pedagogy and Education, Philosophy of education.ReferencesANDRADE, Carlos Drummond de. Sentimento do mundo. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras. 2012, 88 p.BORGES, Jorge Luis. Ficções. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2007, 176 p.BRANDÃO, Junito de Souza. Dicionário mítico-etimológico da mitologia grega. Vol. II. J-Z. 2 ed. Petrópolis: Vozes, 1997, 419 p.CANDAU, Joël. La mémoire, la perte et le doute. 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Introduction In November 2020, upon learning that the company’s Covid-19 vaccine trial had been successful, the head of Pfizer’s Vaccine Research and Development, Kathrin Jansen, celebrated with champagne – “some really good stuff” (Cohen). Bubbles seem to go naturally with celebration, and champagne is fundamentally associated with bubbles. Yet, until the late-seventeenth century, champagne was a still wine, and it only reached the familiar levels of bubbliness in the late-nineteenth century (Harding). During this period and on into the early twentieth century, “champagne” was in many ways created, defined, and defended. A “champagne bubble” was created, within which the “nature” of champagne was contested and constructed. Champagne today is the result of hundreds of years of labour by many sorts of bubble-makers: those who make the bubbly drink, and those who construct, maintain, and defend the champagne bubble. In this article, I explore some elements of the champagne bubble, in order to understand both its fragility and rigidity over the years and today. Creating the Champagne Bubble – the Labour of Centuries It is difficult to separate the physical from the mythical as regards champagne. Therefore the categorisations below are always overlapping, and embedded in legal, political, economic, and socio-cultural factors. Just as assemblage – the mixing of wine from different grapes – is an essential element of champagne wine, the champagne bubble may be called heterogeneous assemblage. Indeed, the champagne bubble, as we will see below, is a myriad of different sorts of bubbles, such as terroir, appellation, myth and brand. And just as any assemblage, its heterogeneous elements exist and operate in relation to each other. Therefore the “champagne bubble” discussed here is both one and many, all of its elements fundamentally interconnected, constituting that “one” known as “champagne”. It is not my intention to be comprehensive of all the elements, historical and contemporary. Indeed, that would not be possible within such a short article. Instead, I seek to demonstrate some of the complexity of the champagne bubble, noting the elaborate labour that has gone into its creation. The Physical Champagne and Champagne – from Soil to Bubbles Champagne means both a legally protected geographical area (Champagne), and the wine (here: champagne) produced in this area from grapes defined as acceptable: most importantly pinot noir, pinot meunier (“black” grapes), and chardonnay (“white” grape). The method of production, too, is regulated and legally protected: méthode champenoise. Although the same method is used in numerous locations, these must be called something different: metodo classico (Italy), método tradicional (Spain), Methode Cap Classique (South Africa). The geographical area of Champagne was first legally defined in 1908, when it only included the areas of Marne and Aisne, leaving out, most importantly, the area of Aube. This decision led to severe unrest and riots, as the Aube vignerons revolted in 1911, forcing the inclusion of “zone 2”: Aube, Haute-Marne, and Seine-et-Marne (Guy). Behind these regulations was a surge in fraudulent production in the early twentieth century, as well as falling wine prices resulting from increasing supply of cheap wines (Colman 18). These first appellations d’origine had many consequences – they proved financially beneficial for the “zone 1”, but less so for the “zone 2”. When both these areas were brought under the same appellation in 1927, the financial benefits were more limited – but this may have been due to the Great Depression triggered in 1929 (Haeck et al.). It is a long-standing belief that the soil and climate of Champagne are key contributors to the quality of champagne wines, said to be due to “conditions … most suitable for making this type of wine” (Simon 11). Already in the end of the nineteenth century, the editor of Vigneron champenois attributed champagne’s quality to “a fortunate combination of … chalky soil … [and] unrivalled exposure [to the sun]” (Guy 119) among other things. Factors such as soil and climate, commonly included in and expressed through the idea of terroir, undoubtedly influence grapes and wines made thereof, but the extent remains unproven. Indeed, terroir itself is a very contested concept (Teil; Inglis and Almila). It is also the case that climate change has had, and will continue to have, devastating effects on wine production in many areas, while benefiting others. The highly successful English sparkling wine production, drawing upon know-how from the Champagne area, has been enabled by the warming climate (Inglis), while Champagne itself is at risk of becoming too hot (Robinson). Champagne is made through a process more complicated than most wines. I present here the bare bones of it, to illustrate the many challenges that had to be overcome to enable its production in the scale we see today. Freshly picked grapes are first pressed and the juice is fermented. Grape juice contains natural yeasts and therefore will ferment spontaneously, but fermentation can also be started with artificial yeasts. In fermentation, alcohol and carbon dioxide (CO2) are formed, but the latter usually escapes the liquid. The secret of champagne is its second fermentation, which happens in bottles, after wines from different grapes and/or vineyards have been blended for desired characteristics (assemblage). For the second fermentation, yeast and sugar are added. As the fermentation happens inside a bottle, the CO2 that is created does not escape, but dissolves into the wine. The average pressure inside a champagne bottle in serving temperature is around 5 bar – 5 times the pressure outside the bottle (Liger-Belair et al.). The obvious challenge this method poses has to do with managing the pressure. Exploding bottles used to be a common problem, and the manner of sealing bottles was not very developed, either. Seventeenth-century developments in bottle-making, and using corks to seal bottles, enabled sparkling wines to be produced in the first place (Leszczyńska; Phillips 137). Still today, champagne comes in heavy-bottomed bottles, sealed with characteristically shaped cork, which is secured with a wire cage known as muselet. Scientific innovations, such as calculating the ideal amount of sugar for the second fermentation in 1836, also helped to control the amount of gas formed during the second fermentation, thus making the behaviour of the wine more predictable (Leszczyńska 265). Champagne is characteristically a “manufactured” wine, as it involves several steps of interference, from assemblage to dosage – sugar added for flavour to most champagnes after the second fermentation (although there are also zero dosage champagnes). This lends champagne particularly suitable for branding, as it is possible to make the wine taste the same year after year, harvest after harvest, and thus create a distinctive and recognisable house style. It is also possible to make champagnes for different tastes. During the nineteenth century, champagnes of different dosage were made for different markets – the driest for the British, the sweetest for the Russians (Harding). Bubbles are probably the most striking characteristic of champagne, and they are enabled by the complicated factors described above. But they are also formed when the champagne is poured in a glass. Natural impurities on the surface of the glass provide channels through which the gas pockets trapped in the wine can release themselves, forming strains of rising bubbles (Liger-Belair et al.). Champagne glasses have for centuries differed from other wine glasses, often for aesthetic reasons (Harding). The bubbles seem to do more than give people aesthetic pleasure and sensory experiences. It is often claimed that champagne makes you drunk faster than other drinks would, and there is, indeed, some (limited) research showing that this may well be the case (Roberts and Robinson; Ridout et al.). The Mythical Champagne – from Dom Pérignon to Modern Wonders Just as the bubbles in a champagne glass are influenced by numerous forces, so the metaphorical champagne bubble is subject to complex influences. Myth-creation is one of the most significant of these. The origin of champagne as sparkling wine is embedded in the myth of Dom Pérignon of Hautvillers monastery (1638–1715), who according to the legend would have accidentally developed the bubbles, and then enthusiastically exclaimed “I am drinking the stars!” (Phillips 138). In reality, bubbles are a natural phenomenon provoked by winter temperatures deactivating the fermenting yeasts, and spring again reactivating them. The myth of Dom Pérignon was first established in the nineteenth century and quickly embraced by the champagne industry. In 1937, Moët et Chandon launched a premium champagne called Dom Pérignon, which enjoys high reputation until this day (Phillips). The champagne industry has been active in managing associations connected with champagne since the nineteenth century. Sparkling champagnes had already enjoyed fashionability in the later seventeenth and early eighteenth century, both in the French Court, and amongst the British higher classes. In the second half of the nineteenth century, champagne found ever increasing markets abroad, and the clientele was not aristocratic anymore. Before the 1860s, champagne’s association was with high status celebration, as well as sexual activity and seduction (Harding; Rokka). As the century went on, and champagne sales radically increased, associations with “modernity” were added: “hot-air balloons, towering steamships, transcontinental trains, cars, sports, and other ‘modern’ wonders were often featured in quickly proliferating champagne advertising” (Rokka 280). During this time, champagne grew both drier and more sparkling, following consumer tastes (Harding). Champagne’s most important markets in later nineteenth century included the UK, where the growing middle classes consumed champagne for both celebration and hospitality (Harding), the US, where (upper) middle-class women were served champagne in new kinds of consumer environments (Smith; Remus), and Russia, where the upper classes enjoyed sweeter champagne – until the Revolution (Phillips 296). The champagne industry quickly embraced the new middle classes in possession of increasing wealth, as well as new methods of advertising and marketing. What is remarkable is that they managed to integrate enormously varied cultural thematics and still retain associations with aristocracy and luxury, while producing and selling wine in industrial scale (Harding; Rokka). This is still true today: champagne retains a reputation of prestige, despite large-scale branding, production, and marketing. Maintaining and Defending the Bubble: Formulas, Rappers, and the Absolutely Fabulous Tipplers The falling wine prices and increasing counterfeit wines coincided with Europe’s phylloxera crisis – the pest accidentally brought over from North America that almost wiped out all Europe’s vineyards. The pest moved through Champagne in the 1890s, killing vines and devastating vignerons (Campbell). The Syndicat du Commerce des vins de Champagne had already been formed in 1882 (Rokka 280). Now unions were formed to fight phylloxera, such as the Association Viticole Champenoise in 1898. The 1904 Fédération Syndicale des Vignerons was formed to lobby the government to protect the name of Champagne (Leszczyńska 266) – successfully, as we have seen above. The financial benefits from appellations were certainly welcome, but short-lived. World War I treated Champagne harshly, with battle lines stuck through the area for years (Guy 187). The battle went on also in the lobbying front. In 1935, a new appellation regime was brought into law, which came to be the basis for all European systems, and the Comité National des appellations d'origine (CNAO) was founded (Colman 1922). Champagne’s protection became increasingly international, and continues to be so today under EU law and trade deals (European Commission). The post-war recovery of champagne relied on strategies used already in the “golden years” – marketing and lobbying. Advertising continued to embrace “luxury, celebration, transport (extending from air travel to the increasingly popular automobile), modernity, sports” (Guy 188). Such advertisement must have responded accurately to the mood of post-war, pre-depression Europe. Even in the prohibition US it was known that the “frivolous” French women might go as far as bathe in champagne, like the popular actress Mistinguett (Young 63). Curiously, in the 1930s Soviet Russia, “champagne” (not produced in Champagne) was declared a sign of good living, symbolising the standard of living that any Soviet worker had access to (at least in theory) (Gronow). Today, the reputation of champagne is fiercely defended in legal terms. This is not only in terms of protection against other sparkling wine making areas, but also in terms of exploitation of champagne’s reputation by actors in other commercial fields, and even against mass market products containing genuine champagne (Mahy and d’Ath; Schneider and Nam). At the same time, champagne has been widely “democratised” by mass production, enabled partly by increasing mechanisation and scientification of champagne production from the 1950s onwards (Leszczyńska 266). Yet champagne retains its association with prestige, luxury, and even royalty. This has required some serious adaptation and flexibility. In what follows, I look into three cultural phenomena that illuminate processes of such adaptation: Formula One (F1) champagne spraying, the 1990s sitcom Absolutely Fabulous, and the Cristal racism scandal in 2006. The first champagne bottle is said to have been presented to F1 grand prix winner in Champagne in 1950 (Wheels24). Such a gesture would have been fully in line with champagne’s association with cars, sport, and modernity. But what about the spraying? Surely that is not in line with the prestige of the wine? The first spraying is attributed to Jo Siffert in 1966 and Dan Gurney in 1967, the former described as accidental, the latter as a spontaneous gesture of celebration (Wheels24; Dobie). Moët had become the official supplier of F1 champagnes in 1966, and there are no signs that the new custom would have been problematic for them, as their sponsorship continued until 1999, after which Mumm sponsored the sport for 15 years. Today, the champagne to be popped and sprayed is Chanson, in special bottles “coated in the same carbon fibre that F1 cars are made of” (Wheels24). Such an iconic status has the spraying gained that it features in practically all TV broadcasts concerning F1, although non-alcoholic substitute is used in countries where sale of alcohol is banned (Barker et al., “Quantifying”; Barker et al., “Alcohol”). As disturbing as the champagne spraying might look for a wine snob, it is perfectly in line with champagne’s marketing history and entrepreneurial spirit shown since the nineteenth century. Nor is it unheard of to let champagne spray. The “art” of sabrage, opening champagne bottle with a sable, associated with glamour, spectacle, and myth – its origin is attributed to Napoleon and his officers – is perfectly acceptable even for the snob. Sparkling champagne was always bound up with joy and celebration, not a solemn drink, and the champagne bubble was able to accommodate middle classes as well as aristocrats. This brings us to our second example, the British sitcom Absolutely Fabulous. The show, first released in 1992, featured two women, “Eddy” (Jennifer Saunders) and “Patsy” (Joanna Lumley), who spent their time happily smoking, taking drugs, and drinking large quantities of “Bolly” (among other things). Bollinger champagne may have initially experienced “a bit of a shock” for being thus addressed, but soon came to see the benefits of fame (French). In 2005, they hired PR support to make better use of the brand’s “Ab Fab” recognisability, and to improve its prestige reputation in order to justify their higher price range (Cann). Saunders and Lumley were warmly welcomed by the Bollinger house when filming for their champagne tour Absolutely Champers (2017). It is befitting indeed that such controversial fame came from the UK, the first country to discover sparkling champagne outside France (Simon 48), and where the aspirational middle classes were keen to consume it already in the nineteenth century (Harding). More controversial still is the case of Cristal (made by Louis Roederer) and the US rap world. Enthusiastically embraced by the “bling-bling” world of (black) rappers, champagne seems to fit their ethos well. Cristal was long favoured as both a drink and a word in rap lyrics. But in 2006, the newly appointed managing director at the family owned Roederer, Frédéric Rouzaud, made comments considered racist by many (Woodland). Rouzard told in an interview with The Economist that the house observed the Cristal-rap association “with curiosity and serenity”. He reportedly continued: “but what can we do? We can’t forbid people from buying it. I’m sure Dom Pérignon or Krug would be delighted to have their business”. It was indeed those two brands that the rapper Jay-Z replaced Cristal with, when calling for a boycott on Cristal. It would be easy to dismiss Rouzard’s comments as snobbery, or indeed as racism, but they merit some more reflection. Cristal is the premium wine of a house that otherwise does not enjoy high recognisability. While champagne’s history involves embracing new sorts of clientele, and marketing flexibly to as many consumer groups as possible (Rokka), this was the first spectacular crossing of racial boundaries. It was always the case that different houses and their different champagnes were targeted at different clienteles, and it is apparent that Cristal was not targeted at black rap artists. Whereas Bollinger was able to turn into a victory the questionable fame brought by the white middle-class association of Absolutely Fabulous, the more prestigious Cristal considered the attention of the black rapper world more threatening and acted accordingly. They sought to defend their own brand bubble, not the larger champagne bubble. Cristal’s reputation seems to have suffered little – its 2008 vintage, launched in 2018, was the most traded wine of that year (Schultz). Jay-Z’s purchase of his own champagne brand (Armand de Brignac, nicknamed Ace of Spades) has been less successful reputation-wise (Greenburg). It is difficult to break the champagne bubble, and it may be equally difficult to break into it. Conclusion In this article, I have looked into the various dilemmas the “bubble-makers” of Champagne encountered when fabricating what is today known as “champagne”. There have been moments of threat to the bubble they formed, such as in the turn of nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and eras of incomparable success, such as from the 1860s to 1880s. The discussion has demonstrated the remarkable flexibility with which the makers and defenders of champagne have responded to challenges, and dealt with material, socio-cultural, economic, and other problems. It feels appropriate to end with a note on the current challenge the champagne industry faces: Covid-19. The pandemic hit champagne sales exceptionally hard, leaving around 100 million bottles unsold (Micallef). This was not very surprising, given the closure of champagne-selling venues, banning of public and private celebrations, and a general mood not particularly prone to (or even likely to frown upon) such light-hearted matters as glamour and champagne. Champagne has survived many dramatic drops in sales during the twentieth century, such as the Great Depression of the 1930s, and the post-financial crisis collapse in 2009. Yet they seem to be able to make astonishing recoveries. 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Ces travaux de recherche traitent du développement d'un modèle équivalent préexistant en y incluant une modélisation d'interfaces imparfaites. Le but est d'enrichir les possibilités de modélisation dans les modèles équivalents actuels qui font généralement l'hypothèse d'une continuité parfaite du champ de contrainte et du champ de déplacement. Les conditions de couplage aux interfaces du modèle équivalent multicouche sont donc modifiées. Elles sont modélisées à l'aide d'une raideur complexe. Une rigidité élevée correspond à un bon couplage, à l'inverse, une rigidité faible correspond à un mauvais couplage. Ceci est décrit à travers un seul paramètre, le paramètre d'interface qui est l'inverse de la rigidité d'interface. Ce paramètre est dépendant de chaque couche, mais il peut aussi être utilisé comme une valeur globale sur l'imperfection apparente de l'ensemble de la structure. La méthodologie de caractérisation d'une structure plane et en particulier d'une poutre est détaillée dans le troisième chapitre de ce manuscrit de thèse. Les éléments principaux de post-traitement employés sont présentés en détails, ils ont notamment permis l'extension de la méthode de caractérisation jusqu'à 100 kHz. La modélisation ainsi que de la méthodologie expérimentale sont finalement employées d'une manière complémentaire. L'objectif est de réaliser la caractérisation dynamique d'échantillons aux interfaces imparfaites. L'effet des interfaces imparfaites est visualisé en fonction de la fréquence, mais aussi en fonction de l'espace. Une approche complémentaire entre ces deux visualisations est finalement effectuée afin de procurer des résultats de caractérisation plus détaillés
This research deals with the development of a pre-existing equivalent model by including the modeling of imperfect interfaces. The aim is to improve the accuracy of the modeling in current equivalent models, which generally assume perfect continuity of the stress and displacement fields. The coupling conditions at the interfaces of the multilayer equivalent model are therefore modified. They are modeled using a complex stiffness. A high stiffness corresponds to good coupling; conversely, a low stiffness corresponds to poor coupling. This is described by a single parameter, the interface parameter, which is the inverse of the interface stiffness. This parameter is dependent on each layer, but can also be used as a global value for the apparent imperfection of the entire structure. The methodology for characterizing a planar structure, and in particular a beam, is detailed in the third chapter of this thesis manuscript. The main post-processing elements employed are presented in detail, and have enabled the characterization method to be extended up to 100 kHz. Finally, modeling and experimental methodology are employed in a complementary manner. The aim is to characterize the dynamics of samples with imperfect interfaces. The effect of imperfect interfaces is visualized not only as a function of frequency, but also as a function of space. A complementary approach between these two visualizations is finally carried out to provide more detailed characterization results

Cette thèse propose un formalisme général pour modéliser la propagation des ondes acoustiques dans une multicouche composée de toute combinaison de couches liquides, solides élastiques isotropes et poro-élastiques isotropes, la méthode ayant la flexibilité d'être développée pour inclure d'autres natures de couches. Dans un premier lieu, un algorithme stable est développé, basé sur l'approche récursive de la matrice de rigidité, pour modéliser la propagation d'une onde plane incidente sur la multicouche en fonction de son angle d'incidence et de sa fréquence. Cet algorithme fusionne de manière récursive les matrices de rigidité des couches individuelles de la structure en une matrice de rigidité totale et permet ensuite le calcul des coefficients de réflexion et de transmission, ainsi que les composantes de déplacement et de contrainte à l'intérieur de la multicouche pour chaque direction d'incidence des ondes planes. Deuxièmement, pour modéliser la propagation d'un faisceau délimité d'ondes incidentes, la technique du spectre angulaire est utilisée, basée sur la décomposition de ce faisceau en un spectre d'ondes planes se propageant dans des directions différentes. Par la suite, le faisceau d'onde réfléchi dans le milieu d'incidence et le faisceau d'onde transmis dans le milieu de transmission, ainsi que la distribution des champs (composantes de déplacement et de contrainte) à l'intérieur de la multicouche sont obtenus en superposant la contribution de toutes les ondes planes se propageant dans les différentes directions. Comme application numérique, une tri-couche solide-poreuse-solide immergée dans l'eau est simulée. La réflexion et la transmission qui en résultent, ainsi que les composantes de déplacement et de contrainte dans la multicouche, correspondants à l’onde plane incidente et au faisceau limité incident, révèlent la stabilité du procédé et la continuité des déplacements et des contraintes aux interfaces
This thesis proposes a general formalism to model the acoustic wave propagation in a multilayer consisting of any combination of fluid, isotropic elastic solid, and isotropic poroelastic layers, the method having the flexibility to be extended to include other layer-natures. At a first stage, a stable algorithm is developed, based on the recursive stiffness matrix approach, to model the propagation of a plane wave incident on the multilayer as a function of its incidence angle and frequency. This algorithm merges recursively the structureindividual layers stiffness matrices into one total stiffness matrix and allows then the calculation of the reflection and transmission coefficients, as well as the displacement and stress components inside the multilayer for every incident plane wave direction. Secondly, to model the propagation of a bounded incident wave beam, the angular spectrum technique is used which is based on the decomposition of this beam into a spectrum of plane waves traveling in different directions. The corresponding reflected wave beam in the incidence medium, and the transmitted wave beam in the transmission medium, as well as the fields distributions (displacement and stress components) inside the multilayer are obtained by summing the contribution of all the plane waves traveling in different directions. As a numerical application, a three-layered solid-porous-solid structure immersed in water is simulated. The resulting reflection and transmission as well as the displacement and stress components in the multilayer corresponding to both, the incident plane wave in different directions and the incident bounded beam reveal the stability of the method and the continuity of the displacements and stresses at the interfaces

L'étude s'inscrit dans le cadre de la prévision des niveaux vibratoires induits par les chocs pyrotechniques lors de la phase de séparation des étages du lanceur Ariane 5, et plus particulièrement de la prévision des niveaux vibratoires dans la case a équipements. On développe une approche simplifiée permettant de déterminer la réponse dynamique de la structure à partir du calcul de matrices de rigidité dynamique exactes. Cette approche est réservée a des structures de type guides d'ondes dans lesquelles la direction de propagation des ondes est connue. On s'intéresse également a la prise en compte de liaisons entre structures ; on montre qu'il est possible de déterminer la matrice de rigidité dynamique des liaisons a partir de la connaissance des coefficients de réflexion et de transmission des ondes et des relations force-déplacement dans les éléments relies a la liaison.