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Lounissi, Carine. "Thomas Paine in French: Translations, Transfers and Circulations in the Age of Revolutions (1776–1793)." Journal of Early American History 11, no. 2-3 (November 11, 2021): 134–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-11020012.
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Abstract This essay looks into the publishing history of three major works by Thomas Paine in French, Common Sense (1776), the Letter to the Abbe Raynal (1782) and Rights of Man (1791–92). Although it is often taken for granted that Paine’s writings circulated to a great extent in the Atlantic world, the translation of these writings in French has not been studied in depth. These translations appeared at three key moments of French, American and Atlantic history. The strategies used by the translators and those who commissioned these translations will be studied in an approach combining book history, the history of print culture, as well as political and diplomatic history. By relying on new archival material, especially manuscripts of translations and letters, I intend to offer a new insight into the translation and circulation of Paine’s writings in French and in France before and after he settled there in 1792.
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RAPPORT, M. "ROBESPIERRE AND THE UNIVERSAL RIGHTS OF MAN, 1789-1794." French History 10, no. 3 (September 1, 1996): 303–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/10.3.303.
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Turi, Gabriele. "La schiavitů e il predominio dell'Occidente." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 87 (October 2012): 155–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2012-087009.
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Robin Blackburn examines the slave system in the two Americas - United States, Brazil and Cuba - which he judges as an essential element of capitalist modernity, capable of contributing to, or even explaining the industrial revolution. Instead, its abolition, according to the author, was due not to economic causes, but to internal or international crises, the struggles for independence, the wars and revolts of the slaves, rather than the humanitarian propaganda of the antislave movement. Often the battle for emancipation - in particular the Haiti revolution that broke out in 1791 - did not yield any immediate gains for the former slaves, but left as its heritage the defense of the universal rights of man.
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Natiq qızı Bağırova, Zeynəb. "Women's rights as part of human rights." ANCIENT LAND 14, no. 8 (August 26, 2022): 52–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2706-6185/14/52-55.
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İnsan hüquqları dedikdə, dinindən, dilindən, irqindən, cinsindən və etnik mənsubiyyətindən asılı olmayaraq, dünyadakı bütün insanların sadəcə insan olduqları üçün istifadə etdikləri hüquq və azadlıqlar başa düşülür. İnsan hüquqlarının bir hissəsi olaraq qadın hüquqları uğrunda mübarizə 1789-cu il Fransa İnqilabından sonra başladı. Tarixdə ilk dəfə olaraq qadınlar 1791-ci ildə öz Qadın və Mülki Hüquqları Bəyannaməsini nəşr etdilər. Oktyabrın 24-də BMT Nizamnaməsinin qəbulu ilə 1945-ci ildə müasir insan hüquqları rəsmiləşdi. Xüsusən də Nizamnamənin preambulasında insan hüquqlarının müdafiəsinin Birləşmiş Millətlər Təşkilatının əsas məqsədlərindən biri olduğu bildirilir və eyni zamanda kişi və qadınların bərabərliyi məsələsinə toxunulur. Dünyanın bir çox yerində qadın hüquqlarının əhəmiyyət kəsb etmədiyi bir vaxtda qadın hüquqlarına bu cür yanaşma çox vacib hesab olunurdu. 1945-ci ildə Birləşmiş Millətlər Təşkilatının yaradılmasından sonra qadın bərabərliyini təmin edən daxili orqanın yaradılması əsas məsələlərdən biri oldu. Buna görə də 1946-cı ildə BMT-nin tərkibində İnsan Hüquqları Komissiyası və Qadının Statusu üzrə Komissiya yaradıldı. Daha sonra 1979-cu ildə o dövr üçün böyük əhəmiyyət kəsb edən və müstəsna olaraq qadın hüquqlarının müdafiəsi ilə bağlı olan Qadınlara qarşı ayrı-seçkiliyin bütün formalarının ləğv edilməsi haqqında Konvensiya (CEDAW) qəbul edildi. CEDAW Konvensiyasını digər beynəlxalq sənədlərdən fərqləndirən əsas xüsusiyyət ondan ibarət idi ki, digər sənədlərdə ümumilikdə bütün insanlara təminat verilən mülki, siyasi, iqtisadi, sosial və mədəni hüquqların hər biri qadınlar üçün nəzərdə tutulmuşdur. Bəyannamənin iştirakçısı olan dövlətlər qadınları bu cür zorakılıq hərəkətlərindən qorumağa və zorakılığa məruz qalmış qadınlara belə zorakılığın qarşısını almaq üçün lazımi şərait yaratmağa borcludurlar. Ailə münasibətləri də daxil olmaqla, zorakılığın bütün formalarından uzaq yaşamaq hər bir qadının və qızın əsas insan hüququdur. Açar sözlər: İnsan hüquqları, Qadın hüquqları, CEDAW bəyannaməsi, Gender bərabərliyi, BMT Zeynab Natig Baghirova Women's rights as part of human rights Abstract Human rights mean the rights and freedoms that all people in the world, regardless of religion, language, race, gender or ethnicity, enjoy simply because they are human. As part of human rights, the struggle for women's rights began after the French Revolution of 1789. For the first time in history, women published their own Declaration of Women's and Civil Rights in 1791. With the adoption of the UN Charter on October 24, 1945, modern human rights became official. In particular, the preamble to the Charter states that the protection of human rights is one of the main goals of the United Nations, and also addresses the issue of equality between men and women. In many parts of the world, this approach to women's rights was considered very important at a time when women's rights were not important. After the establishment of the United Nations in 1945, one of the key issues was the establishment of an internal body to ensure women's equality. Therefore, in 1946, the Commission on Human Rights and the Commission on the Status of Women were established within the UN. Then, in 1979, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) was adopted, which was of great importance for that period and dealt exclusively with the protection of women's rights. The main feature that distinguished the CEDAW Convention from other international documents was that in other documents, each of the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights guaranteed to all people in general was intended for women. The States Parties to the Declaration are obliged to protect women from such acts of violence and to provide the necessary conditions for women who have been subjected to such violence to avoid such violence. Living away from all forms of violence, including family relationships, is a fundamental human right of every woman and girl. Keywords: Human rights, Women rights, CEDAW convention, Gender equality, UN
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Lanza, Janine M. "“What Is the Law If Not the Expression of the Rights of Man and Reason?” The Champ de Mars Massacre and the Language of Law." Law and History Review 19, no. 2 (2001): 283–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/744131.
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On July 17, 1791, a crowd of Parisians gathered at the Champ de Mars, in the western part of the city, for the third time in as many days to make clear to the National Assembly their position on the question of the king's constitutional standing. They carried with them a petition that demanded, in unequivocal terms, the suspension of the king, pending his trial on charges of betraying the French nation and the Revolution. According to the testimony of several witnesses, the day began on a tumultuous note when two men were found hiding in some bushes. Members of the crowd attacked the two men and killed them. Condemned as spies by the crowd, they were defended as innocent bystanders by the National Assembly. As soon as the Assembly heard about the killings, they dispatched the National Guard, under the command of General Lafayette, to disperse the petitioners and restore order. When the troops arrived at the Champ de Mars, a number of those present threw stones at them. The tense troops reacted by firing on the crowd, and Bailly, the mayor of Paris, took the opportunity to declare martial law in an attempt to restore order in an increasingly volatile city.
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GREEN, JONATHAN. "FIAT IUSTITIA, PEREAT MUNDUS: IMMANUEL KANT, FRIEDRICH GENTZ, AND THE POSSIBILITY OF PRUDENTIAL ENLIGHTENMENT." Modern Intellectual History 14, no. 1 (April 10, 2015): 35–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244315000049.
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Since the early twentieth century, historians of political thought have read Immanuel Kant's interventions into debates over the French Revolution—his essay on “Theory and Practice” (1795), and his tract on Perpetual Peace (1793)—against Edmund Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790). Kant is said to have upheld the sovereignty of pure reason for political practice, over and against Burke's stubborn traditionalism. What this dichotomy ignores, however, is that Kant's first public comments on the Revolution were directed not against Burke's Reflections, but against a heavily edited German version of the text published in 1793 by Kant's former student, Friedrich Gentz (1764–1832). The central thrust of Gentz's translation was that while Kant's normative theory of politics was admirable, it needed to be complemented with a prudential grasp of statecraft in order to be made practicable. Without prudence, the rights of man would remain an empty ideal. In responding to Gentz, Kant entered into a debate over whether philosophical reason and political prudence are mutually compatible. His dogmatic refusal to endorse such an alliance, even in the face of the Terror, places his political thought in an unfavourable light.
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Abdelhameed, Adam Mohamed Ahmed, and Kamal Halili Hassan. "Modern Means of Evidence Collection and their Effects on the Accused Privacy: The US Law." Journal of Politics and Law 12, no. 1 (February 28, 2019): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n1p85.
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The objective of this article is to discuss modern means of evidence collection by the enforcement agencies and their effects on the accused privacy under the United States’ law. Focus of this article is on the modern means of evidence collection such as electronic surveillance, wiretapping and technology eavesdropping, among others. In the age of modern technology, the objective of revealing the truth and instituting justice has encouraged those with an interest in matters of criminal justice to use modern means beside or instead of the conventional means of evidence collection. Resorting to modern means is premised on the need for criminal proceedings to reflect the circumstances and level of progress of the society where it has been taken. The main problem here however is that there is a possibility of the law enforcement interest in prosecution to be favored and the accused rights to be underrated. We found that at the US federal level, the accused’s privacy right is one of the rights included in the Bill of Rights in 1791 (Fourth Amendment) and supported by many case-law. The article adopts a legal analysis approach which is an accepted form of a qualitative method in social science research.
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RICE, JOHN A. "MUSIC IN THE AGE OF COFFEE." Eighteenth Century Music 4, no. 2 (September 2007): 301–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478570607000978.
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On 7–8 October 1791, about two months before his death, Mozart wrote to his wife: ‘Right after you left I played two games of billiards with Herr Mozart (who wrote the opera for Schikaneder’s theatre); then I sold my nag for 14 ducats; then I had Joseph summon Primus and bring me black coffee, with which I smoked a wonderful pipe of tobacco; then I orchestrated almost all of Stadler’s rondo’. In orchestrating the finale of the Clarinet Concerto under the influence of caffeine and nicotine, Mozart was very much a man of his age.
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Carvalho, Daniel Gomes de. "Thomas Paine e a Revolução Francesa: entre o Liberalismo e a Democracia (1794-1795)." Revista de História, no. 180 (June 22, 2021): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2316-9141.rh.2021.167250.
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O propósito deste artigo é explorar a especificidade de um panfleto de Thomas Paine pouquíssimo estudado pelos historiadores, Dissertation on First Principles of Government (1795), no cenário das relações entre liberalismo e democracia na passagem do século XVIII ao século XIX. Trata-se de discutir a maneira como o revolucionário inglês – que foi ator, testemunho e intérprete da Era das Revoluções – elaborou uma formulação teórica que o afastou tanto do pensamento e das práticas jacobinas quanto das legislações e discursos dos deputados termidorianos durante o período da República Termidoriana (1794-1795) da Revolução Francesa. Para tanto, iremos recorrer também a outros textos e cartas do autor e discutir suas mudanças em relação aos panfletos anteriores, como Common Sense e Rights of Man. Com isso, pretende-se abrir novas perspectivas a respeito da obra de Paine e de seu lugar na história do pensamento político.
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Berkovitz, Jay R. "The French Revolution and the Jews: Assessing the Cultural Impact." AJS Review 20, no. 1 (April 1995): 25–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400006309.
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For the Jews of France, as for their fellow countrymen, the French Revolution came to constitute the myth of origin, the birthdate of a new existence. On September 27, 1791, two years after the storming of the Bastille and the Declaration of the Rights of Man, the French National Assembly voted to admit the Jews of Alsace-Lorraine to citizenship. Subsequent generations would recall this momentous event as a turning point of extraordinary magnitude, and would view themselves as compelling evidence of its transformative power. Their memories tended to be dominated by images of celebration and glory, comparing the Revolution to the Sinaitic revelation and referring to it in messianic-redemptive terms. Not surprisingly, the many setbacks and misfortunes suffered by the generation of 1789 were largely absent from these recollections, while only meager appreciation for the complexities introduced into Jewish cultural life can be detected in the half-century following the Revolution. Even more significant was the ascendant historical view, undoubtedly colored by a pervading sense of optimism among leaders of French Jewry, that credited the Revolution with having put an end to centuries of humiliation, legal discrimination, and exclusion from the mainstream of society.
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Spitz, Jean-Fabien. "Thomas Skidmore et le droit de transmettre et d’hériter." Daímon, no. 81 (June 20, 2020): 113–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/daimon.429151.
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Nacido en 1790 y fallecido en 1932 víctima de la pandemia de cólera, Thomas Skidmore es uno de los principales representantes del agrarismo en los Estados Unidos de la primera mitad del siglo XIX. Inspirado por las ideas desarrolladas por Thomas Paine en Agrarian Justice, en 1829 publicó el libro The rights of Man to property en el que desarrolla las consecuencias de la idea según la cual, siendo el mundo una propiedad común de todos los hombres, cada uno tiene un derecho imprescriptible a una parte igual de los recursos naturales. Entre estas consecuencias figura la tesis de que este derecho hace imposible todo derecho a testar, pues tal derecho haría de todo punto imposible que cada nuevo individuo incorporado tuviera acceso a la justa parte de propiedad a la que tendría derecho. Skidmore elabora así una teoría precisa acerca de las razones por las que el testador, tras su muerte, no puede tener derecho alguno sobre los bienes de los que fue propietario en vida. Born in 1790 and victim of the cholera pandemics in 1832, Thomas Skidmore is one of the main representatives of agrarianism in the United states during the first half of the XIXth century. Inspired by the principles Thomas Paine had put forth in Agrarian justice, Skidmore publishes in 1829 a book entitled The rights of man to property in which he states the consequences of the idea that, the world being the common property of all men, every individual has an imprescriptible right to an equal share of natural resources. Among those consequences is the claim that such a principle makes any right of bequest and inheritance absolutely impossible, since such a right would make it impossible that each new individual arriving in the world has an effective right of access to the just share of property he is entitled to. Skidmore builds in consequence a precise explanation of the reasons why the testator, after his death, can no longer have any right over the properties he owned during his lifetime.
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SCHETTINI, GLAUCO. "CONFESSIONAL MODERNITY: NICOLA SPEDALIERI, THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, C.1775–1800." Modern Intellectual History 17, no. 3 (February 11, 2019): 677–705. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244318000549.
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This article reconsiders the Catholic reaction to the French Revolution, focusing on Nicola Spedalieri's On the Rights of Man (1791) and on the debate that its publication sparked in Italy and beyond. The outbreak of the Revolution and the polarization of public opinion between the supporters of the new regime and its relentless opponents convinced Spedalieri, a well-reputed Catholic theologian, of the need to find a via media between these two extremes. Assuming the re-Christianization of the postrevolutionary world as his goal, Spedalieri argued that some aspects of revolutionary political culture were acceptable from a Catholic standpoint as long as the revolutionaries, in turn, agreed to abandon secularization and to uphold the traditional confessional organization of the state. It was not modernity itself, he claimed, that should be rejected, but secularization, for a different modernity from that conceived by the revolutionaries—a confessional modernity, combining revolutionary politics and confessional states—was possible. Far from gaining immediate acceptance, Spedalieri's ideas were harshly criticized during the 1790s and then set aside by the triumph of reactionary Catholicism during the Restoration. However, they resurfaced later in the nineteenth century and ultimately played a decisive role in the development of the church's attitudes toward modern culture, for they carved a path for Catholics to fight secularization from within and to reshape modernity accordingly.
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Curtis‐Wendlandt, Lisa. "No Right to Resist? Elise Reimarus's Freedom as a Kantian Response to the Problem of Violent Revolt." Hypatia 27, no. 4 (2012): 755–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2011.01213.x.
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One of the greatest woman intellectuals of eighteenth‐century Germany is Elise Reimarus, whose contribution to Enlightenment political theory is rarely acknowledged today. Unlike other social contract theorists, Reimarus rejects a people's right to violent resistance or revolution in her philosophical dialogue Freedom (1791). Exploring the arguments in Freedom, this paper observes a number of similarities in the political thought of Elise Reimarus and Immanuel Kant. Both, I suggest, reject violence as an illegitimate response to perceived political injustice in a way that opposes Locke's strong voluntarism and the absolutism of Hobbes. First, they emphasize the need to maintain the legal state as a precondition for the possibility of external right. Second, they share an optimistic view of the inherently “just” nature of the tripartite republican state. And finally, Reimarus and Kant both outline an alternative, nonviolent response to political injustice that consists in the freedom of public expression and a discourse on the moral enlightenment of man.
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Kjærgård, Jonas Ross. "De lykkelige skatteborgere." K&K - Kultur og Klasse 44, no. 121 (June 21, 2016): 83–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kok.v44i121.23722.
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The article offers a contextualized reading of Louis-Sébastien Mercier’s forbidden bestseller The Year 2440 (1771). It focuses on Mercier’s financial politics as these are presented both in the novel and in the author’s intervention in the public debate immediately prior to the outbreak of the French revolution. Based on a reading of the 1789 Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, the article argues that there is a link between happiness, rights and fiscality, which has rarely been examined. Intervening in this field of discourse, Mercier is co-responsible for the establishment of the unhappiness/happiness-dichotomy that characterizes much of the French late eighteenth century thought on happiness.
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Debenham, Margaret. "Joseph Merlin in London, 1760–1803: the Man behind the Mask. New Documentary Sources." Royal Musical Association Research Chronicle 45 (2014): 130–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14723808.2014.888175.
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Joseph Merlin (1735–1803), ‘Ingenious Mechanick’, musical-instrument maker and flamboyant showman, is perhaps best remembered for his Museum in Princes Street, London, with its scintillating displays of automata and extraordinary inventions. Two newly identified sets of Court documents, Nicholl v. Merlin, 1779 and Merlin v. Celsson, 1779–81, now provide insights into previously unknown aspects of his business dealings and personal life. The former concerns a dispute over a house that Merlin commissioned to be built in 1776, the latter a violation of his 1774 combined harpsichord-pianoforte patent rights. Material relating to Lavigne Verel, his musical instrument foreman from 1773 to 1781, is also reported. Amongst other novel findings, perhaps the most surprising is Merlin's marriage in 1783. Contemporary primary-source material consulted includes original manuscripts held at The National Archives, UK, the Scone Palace Archives, Parish Registers, Land Tax and Apprenticeship records and numerous contemporary newspaper advertisements and notices.
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Mazovita, Andriy. "Public participation as a key principle of the openness of the judiciary: genesis and globalization aspects." Visnik Nacional’nogo universitetu «Lvivska politehnika». Seria: Uridicni nauki 10, no. 38 (June 22, 2023): 262–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/law2023.38.262.
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Annotation. The article analyzes the historical-legal and recent globalization trends in the development of the principle of public participation as a factor of judicial openness. It was established that open governance guarantees transparency, accountability and openness of government, while simultaneously increasing opportunities for citizen participation. It has been proven that it is in demand in the exercise of judicial power. The genesis aspects of the formation of the judiciary were characterized by the fact that the parties to the process depended on the favor of the rulers for the right to participate in the courts: not all individuals were authorized to file lawsuits, testify, serve as a professional or public assessor, even the right to be a plaintiff. The author singled out historical aspects of the development of the openness of the judiciary: overcoming the selectivity of the participation of individuals in the process; development of the accessibility of the judicial process for all without discrimination on various grounds; spreading the openness of judicial information as a means of achieving the legal educational function of the government and a way of preventing crime; the direct connection between the development of the principle of openness and the development of political human rights. The existence of two concepts of the understanding of open justice is motivated: a quick and public trial, based on the norms of law, which are highlighted in the Bill of Rights of the United States of 1791, and the fairness and accessibility of the court, which is highlighted in the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms of 1950. The global trends of changes in public participation in the judiciary under the influence of the development of the information environment are indicated. The latter provides wider opportunities for access to the court. The openness of the court is not only the main demand of people for judicial work, but also a channel for demonstrating judicial justice. The following problems of the modern stage of legal support of the principle of court openness have been identified: the complexity of guaranteeing (a combination of legal and technical mechanisms) the information availability of the judiciary; providing the latest opportunities for judicial information analysis by overcoming the classic selective approach by using the data systematization method.
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GILLS, BARRY K. "The crisis of postwar East Asian capitalism: American power, democracy and the vicissitudes of globalization." Review of International Studies 26, no. 3 (July 2000): 381–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500003818.
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The debate over the East Asian crisis has thus far been led by economists who have focused on technical economic issues and policy goals at the expense of macro historical-structural questions. Foremost amongst the neglected questions is whether and under what conditions ‘Postwar East Asian Capitalism’ (PWEAC) will either continue to flourish or undergo a radical political transformation ‘after the crisis’. This question must be understood in the context of the changing geopolitical framework of the post-Cold War era. PWEAC is under great pressure for reform from both external and internal forces. Whether a ‘new political architecture’ for capitalism in East Asia is emerging is the central issue and one which will determine the future direction of Asia. The demise of authoritarian-oligarchic capitalism in Asia may have been accelerated by the economic crisis. The most enduring result of the Asian crisis is not the presumed derailing of the (re)ascent of Asia in the world economy but rather the weakening of the non-democratic state forms that have characterized East Asia's capitalism for decades. Popular demands for change represent a real challenge to both the domestic authoritarian-oligarchic power structure of PWEAC and its crucial geopolitical underpinning and external orientation.A people that has existed for centuries under a system of castes and classes can arrive at a democratic state of society only by passing through a long series of more or less critical transformations, accomplished by violent efforts, and after numerous vicissitudes, in the course of which property, opinions, and power are rapidly transferred from one to another...Alexis de TocquevilleDemocracy in America, Vol. II, 1840To reason with governments, as they have existed for ages, is to argue with brutes. It is only from the nations themselves that reforms can be expected.Thomas PaineThe Rights of Man, Preface to the French Edition, 1791
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Augustine, Acheoah Ofeh. "Second Amendment and the Gun-Control Controversies: A Flaw in Constitutional Framing and an Antinomy of American Conservatism." Addaiyan Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 1, no. 8 (November 10, 2019): 24–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.36099/ajahss.1.8.4.
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This article is a critical input to the national and international debate on Gun Control and the 2nd Amendment to the United States Constitution since 1791. Auspiciously, the paper interrogates the historical, ideological, and socio-cultural roots of the Gun Rights from Medieval Europe to modern America as well as its implications for homeland security in 21st Century American society. The whole legalistic, philosophical and socio-cultural rationale for and against the Gun Control Question in mainstream American politics elicits many questions: Why has it been legislatively infeasible to address the frailties inherent in the 2nd Amendment texts? Is the Second Amendment immutable amid post-1791 realities? Has morality lost its place in American politics? Was the rights prescribed under 2nd Amendment vested on the individuals as construed impliedly or on the people as expressly stipulated in the constitution? And why has America with the most sophisticated military and intelligence architecture in the world failed to demonstrate the capability to contain sectarian killings in the land? The paper submits that the Gun Control Debate lays bare, one of the internal cleavages within the American political and social system, a nation so admired not just by her military, economic and diplomatic clout but also by the valued she stresses and defend world over: freedom, justice, equality and global peace, ideals for which the United States supplanted pax-Britanica for Pax-Americana. The appalling antecedents of gun killings in America knows no rank with 11 presidential assassination attempts for which four American presidents died: Abraham Lincoln (1865), James Garfield (1881); William McKinley (1901) John F Kennedy (1963) with Theodore Roosevelt and Ronald Reagan seriously injured in the 1912 and 1981 assassination attempts. The quartet presidential assassins: John Wilkes Booth; Charles J. Guiteau; Leon Czolgosz and Lee Harvey Oswald were all some of the first high profile abusers of the 2nd Amendment and the gun rights it granted. The death of Dr. Martin Luther King, Malcolm X among many also resonates one of the foundational flaws of a nation globally reputed as the policeman of the earth. When will this trend ever end?.Millions have gone yet there seems to be hyper-partisanship about the Gun Control Question. This political cleavage represents a failure of the present generation of the political elites, the people and the American institutions to rise above and repeal the frailty of the 2nd Amendment, couched in one of the most nebulous languages in constitutional framings since the first ten Amendment to the world’s first-ever written constitution was ratified on 15 December 1791.The lessons from the government response to the Gun Question never placed America as a society developing societies should aspire to become, it is totally antithetical to the admirable values known about the greatest nation since the collapse of Nazism, Fascism and in the last decade of the 20th Century Communism for which in the submissions of Francis Fukuyama, Liberal Democracy became the Last Man metaphorically outlasting all other contending ideological contemporaries thus: “The End History”. The moral, spiritual, political leaders of America must converge on one front on the Gun Question, the Republicans must not hide under conservative garb and watch the blood of innocent generation of Americans been wasted by abusers of the Second Amendment. The appropriate measures to put a permanent lid on the mindless gun-related deaths must be carried out. The Democrats must forge a bipartisan consensus to arrest the moral drift in the land under the guise of the 2nd Amendment’s immutability clause: “shall not be infringed upon”. American political leaders must not under whatever guise send the wrong signal to the international community that will characterize the state as a policeman that cannot police his home, Charity begins at home, it is contradictory, antithetical and undermined every value upon which America prides herself under the rubric Pax-Americana. Historical antecedents show that the National Rifle Association is a shadow of itself, haven being skewed from its original goal to promote martial qualities and marksmanship to a lobbyist group without conscience for humanity. The American Institutions must live up to their mandate to tame the sinister and overbearing influence of the group. To the political leaders of the land the patriots of the 1775 Revolution fought for a land of the free it is your bounden duty to ensure their labor never be in vain: Lincoln was conscious of this during the heady days as was Andrew John who put their differences aside to restore national psyche, President Trump must not trade the blood of the children of America with his 2020 presidential re-election ambition as the NRA pro-Trump for 2020 billboards suggests. The Gun-Control debates further lays bare one of the antinomies of American Conservatism “being pro-life, anti-abortion and at the same time, pro-gun” as the abuses and defense of the 2nd Amendment represent one of the Ideological conspiracies against under the garb of Classical Liberalism propagated by contemporary votaries of American conservatism.
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Rorintulus, Olga A., Imelda Lolowang, Aprillya Alwien Suoth, Devilito Tatipang, Pritania Mokalu, Blessy Wilar, and Geral Pratasik. "WOMEN’S STRUGGLE TO ACHIEVE THEIR GENDER EQUALITY IN PRIDE AND PREJUDICE AND JURNAL PH.D MAMA: A COMPARATIVE STUDY." KLASIKAL : JOURNAL OF EDUCATION, LANGUAGE TEACHING AND SCIENCE 4, no. 2 (August 17, 2022): 197–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.52208/klasikal.v4i2.218.
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Women’s struggle to achieve their gender equality in Pride and Prejudice (1813) and Jurnal P.hD Mama (2019) were showed clearly. Interestingly, since in Regency Period until this time, women needed extra effort to achieve their gender equality or to struggle even for their rights in life. This study aimed to compare and reve al the women’s struggle to achieve their gender equality in Pride and Prejudice and Jurnal P.hD Mama. This article used qualitative method, and applied feminist literary approach. The data are collected from primary and secondary sources. The primary sources were the novel entitled Pride and Prejudice written by Jane Austen and Jurnal P.hD Mama written by Kanti Pertiwi et.al. The second sources were some related books and articles that are supporting this study. The result of this study was revealing women’s struggle that happened in the novels and the reasons behind it since Regency Period (1795-1837) and still suitable until this modern era. Indirectly, this study reveals the position of gender equality. It could be reality or dream. This study show how gender could influence human to achieve their rights. There was gap and no equal between man and woman. Gender equality had become a concept that is difficult to achieve. This study also has great significances to ELT, especially in education field. Teacher and student should have the right perspective about gender equality, so in the process of learning, gender could not become boundary to human in gain knowledge and social skill
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Stein, Robert. "The Abolition of Slavery in the North, West, and South of Saint Domingue." Americas 41, no. 3 (January 1985): 47–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007099.
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In the second half of 1793, slavery was abolished in the French colony of Saint Domingue or present-day Haiti. This was one of the most radical events of the French Revolution and one of the great moments in Caribbean history. Saint Domingue became the first land in the New World to outlaw slavery and to offer full rights to non-whites, yet there has been much confusion over how and when abolition occurred. Historians of the French Revolution have generally ignored abolition altogether, apparently as irrelevant to the “real” revolution, while Caribbeanists have frequently been guilty of publishing incorrect or at least incomplete versions. Even specialists in Haitian history have failed to distinguish between the various abolition proclamations which were issued between June 21 and October 31, 1793. It is the purpose of this paper to give a correct chronology to abolition and to show that it was due primarily to the efforts of one man, Léger Félicité Sonthonax, aided somewhat reluctantly by Etienne Polverel.
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Patlachuk, Vasyl. "Comparative analysis of quantitative indicators of Polish Constitutions." Legal Ukraine, no. 10 (November 27, 2020): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.37749/2308-9636-2020-10(214)-6.
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The process of development of Polish constitutionalism is considered in the work. The first legal act, which had the features of the Constitution were the Articles of King Henry of Valois. The reason for preparing this document was the need to conclude an agreement between the heir to the French throne and the Polish nobility, who wanted to preserve their rights and freedoms. The content of this document was influenced by the Great Charter of Freedoms «Magna Garta» of 1215, which reflected the mechanism of limiting state power through the establishment of material and procedural requirements for its implementation. In order to conduct a comparative analysis of the Constitutions adopted in Poland, the method of quantitative indicators proposed by O. L. Kopylenko and B. V. Kindyuk was used, which calculated the number of signs in different articles, chapters, sections, parts of regulations. According to this methodology, the Articles focused on the work of the Seimas – 17%, military issues – 6.7%, the judiciary – 5.6%. In jurisprudence, it is common to distinguish four main stages of the formation of constitutionalism: I generation – the end of the XVIII century. — the beginning of the XIX century; II generation — the period after the First World War; III generation — the stage after the end of the Second World War; Generation IV – the time after the collapse of the USSR. Based on this classification, the Polish Constitutions belong to the first generation: the Constitution of May 3, 1791; Constitution of the Duchy of Warsaw of 1807; Constitution of the Kingdom of Poland in 1815. The Constitutions of the first generation include: the Constitution of May 3, 1791; Constitution of 1807; Constitution of the Kingdom of Poland in 1815. The constitutions of the second generation were adopted in the period after the end of the First World War, they reflected the processes of democratization of social and democratic life of countries and enshrined a significant amount of socio-economic human rights. Based on this classification, this group includes: the Constitution of the Polish People’s Republic of 1919; Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1921; Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1935. The constitutions of the third generation were adopted in the period after the end of the Second World War, and their content reflected the doctrine of the liberal model. Formally, this group included the Constitution of the Polish People’s Republic of 1952, but it was adopted during the Soviet occupation and introduced the Stalinist model of constitutional relations in the country. Generations of the IV generation were adopted after the collapse of the Soviet empire and reflected a new stage of state formation. In Poland, such a constitutional act was the 1997 Constitution of the Republic of Poland, which was to ensure the transition from a socialist model to a market democratic state governed by the rule of law, the stabilization of national statehood and the proclamation of accession to the European Union. The next stage of the study is a comparative analysis of the quantitative indicators of the Polish Constitutions, which showed that the total number of signs during this historical period varied from the minimum in the Articles of Heinrich Valois — 14 640 zn. to the maximum — 89 524 zn. in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland in 1997. An important indicator of the structure of constitutional acts is the number of articles (articles), which varied in a fairly wide range from 12 in the Constitution of 1791 to 243 in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland in 1997. Key words: Polish constitutionalism, quantitative indicators, comparative analysis, Articles by Heinrich Valois, total number of characters.
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Alicic, Samir. "The concept of statutory law in the work of Bozidar Grujovic." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 159-160 (2016): 815–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1660815a.
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In Slovo, a speech that Bozidar Grujovic (Teodor Filipovic) prepared for the occasion of the foundation of the Governmental Council of Serbia (Praviteljstvujusci sovjet srpski) in 1805, there is a definition of the concept of ?statutory law? (zakon), according to which it has the following characteristics: it is the expression of the popular will; it applies equally to all citizens; it has rational and ethical characteristics because it requires good deeds and prevents the bad ones. Such a concept of statutory law significantly differs from the positivist conception, dominant in the contemporary Serbian law. In this article, the author analyzes the legal and political ideas of Bozidar Grujovic with the aim to show that his ideas derive from the Roman law, and that they are received, indirectly, by Rousseau and the ideologues of the French Revolution. Contrary to the dominant theory in today?s science, the author believes that the direct model for the ideas of Grujovic is not to be sought in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen of 1789, but in the Montagnard Constitution and the Declaration of the Rights of 1793.
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Beaton, Roderick. "Imagining a Hellenic Republic, 1797–1824: Rigas, Korais, Byron." Comparative Critical Studies 15, no. 2 (June 2018): 169–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ccs.2018.0287.
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The ‘New Constitution’ for a Hellenic Republic, published in Vienna by Rigas Velestinlis in 1797, was modelled closely on the French republican constitution of 1793, and envisaged what is now called a ‘civic nation’ based on inclusiveness and the ‘Rights of Man’. Rigas was arrested by the Austrian authorities, handed over to the Ottomans, and executed the following year. The turn from ‘civic’ to ‘ethnic’ nationalism among Greeks in the years leading up to the successful Revolution of 1821 is marked in the work of the influential classical scholar and national ideologue Adamantios Korais (Koraes, or Coray). Lord Byron, visiting Greek lands between 1809 and 1811, saw evidence for the enthusiasm with which Rigas was remembered and Korais was revered by the Greeks he met, and one of his early published works is a piece of revolutionary doggerel that at the time was attributed to Rigas. Byron's later determination to exchange the ‘words’ of the poet for the ‘things’ achieved by a statesman and man of action can be traced back to these early experiences in Greece – as well as to his ambivalent admiration for the more moderate among the leaders of the Revolution in France.
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Anisimov, M. I. "THE RUSSIAN DIPLOMACY IN PROTECTING THE RIGHTS OF THE ORTHODOX CHRISTIANS IN THE POLISH-LITHUANIAN COMMONWEALTH IN THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH PETROVNA (1741-1761)." Izvestiya of Samara Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences. History Sciences 4, no. 3 (2022): 74–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.37313/2658-4816-2022-4-3-74-87.
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From the first months of the reign of Elizabeth Petrovna the Russian royal court ordered diplomats in Dresden and Warsaw to make statements in defense of the rights of Orthodox Christians in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Their rights were violated by the forcible seizure of churches and the conversion of Orthodox Christians to Uniatism, as well as the oppression of Orthodox Christians by Catholic magnates, noblemen and priests. By the 1740s, of the four Orthodox dioceses in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, which the Polish authorities pledged to protect in 1686, only one remained, the Belarusian diocese. The royal court of Augustus III issued disposals on the basis of Russian complaints, but due to the republican structure of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the king did not have the right to order the Polish noblemen. The Polish Sejm, the main authority of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, could make decisions binding on all subjects, but its work in the 18th century was paralyzed by the internal conflicts of the magnates. An attempt to form a special commission to consider the complaints of Orthodox Christians according to the Polish laws was not successful. The Russian government could only convince every offender of the Orthodox Christians of the undesirability of such actions, but these measures also did not bring results. The only success of the Russian diplomacy was preventing the transition of the Orthodox Belarusian diocese to the Uniate Church since Dresden and Warsaw needed Russian protection from possible Prussian aggression in 1742 and 1756. In the same time, the Orthodox population of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was increasingly dissatisfied with both their own disenfranchised position and the futility of diplomatic methods of their protection on the part of the Russian royal court.
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Šmigelskytė-Stukienė, Ramunė. "Politinės ir geopolitinės Augustino Midletono refleksijos (1790–1792)." XVIII amžiaus studijos T. 6: Personalijos. Idėjos. Refleksijos, T. 6 (January 2, 2020): 269–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/23516968-006013.
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POLITICAL AND GEOPOLITICAL REFLECTIONS BY AUGUSTYN MIDDLETON (1790–1792) The article presents personality and activities of Augustyn Middleton, nobleman from Kaunas powiat, with the main focus on assessing this person in the light of political events in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the geopolitical situation. At the centre of this research is the period from the reinstatement of the diplomatic mission of the Commonwealth in The Hague on 14 April 1790 to the end of activities of the Four-Year Sejm. The article reveals that Augustyn Middleton, assigned by Stanislaw August to the diplomatic mission of the Commonwealth in the United Provinces of the Netherlands, was the agent of the King, who had to inform the King’s cabinet on activities of Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary Mihał Kleofas Ogiński and to promote the reforms by the Four-Year Sejm in the foreign press thus shaping a positive public opinion in Western Europe regarding changes in Poland and Lithuania. Due to benevolent circumstances A. Middleton was able to reach the rank of embassy resident, however the horizons of his diplomatic career were limited by available finances. Political views of A. Middleton reflected aims declared by the fraction of Stanislaw August’s court: to create a strong and prospering monarchy, hoping that the state will be able to regain its glorious past. A. Middleton promoted constitutional monarchy, inheritable throne, regulation of activities of the Sejm and the dietines (sejmiki), granting of political rights to townspeople, and economic development of the country. While supporting the idea of a centralized state, A. Middleton did not reflect on the rights of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania or the topic of a binary state. In assessing economic changes in Europe A. Middleton opposed the physiocrats, emphasizing that the most powerful form of capital comes not from agriculture but from banking. However, he was not afraid to admit that his knowledge of economics was not sufficient to explain the processes of financial capital. Ideas of religious tolerance, promoted by A. Middleton, his cosmopolite view of collaboration between states and nations, active interest in political and social transformations in Europe through anonymous polemical publications in foreign press on the topics of revolution allow for bringing the nobleman from Kaunas powiat A. Middleton into the circle of yet unknown people of the Enlightenment. Keywords: reforms of the Four-Year Sejm (1788–1792), diplomatic service, international relations, diplomatic mission of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Augustyn Middleton.
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Scotto, Pablo. "Soberanía popular y concepción fiduciaria de los representantes públicos en Maximilien Robespierre." Daímon, no. 81 (June 19, 2020): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/daimon.429931.
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En su discurso del 10 de mayo de 1793 sobre la Constitución, Robespierre combina una concepción fiduciaria de los representantes públicos con una defensa de las virtudes de la democracia, el único sistema político en el que los gobernantes, al ser parte del pueblo, tienen los mismos intereses que este. Es esta defensa de la soberanía popular, así como de la primacía del poder legislativo, lo que constituye la esencia de su “economía política popular”, una expresión que toma de Rousseau. Para Robespierre, solamente esta clase de economía es compatible con una República cuyo primer objetivo sea la garantía de los derechos naturales del hombre. In his 10th May 1793 speech on the Constitution, Robespierre combines a fiduciary conception of public representatives with a defence of the virtues of democracy, the only political system in which the rulers, being part of the people, have the same interests as the latter. It is this defence of popular sovereignty, as well as of the primacy of the legislative power, what constitutes the essence of his “popular political economy”, an expression he takes from Rousseau. For Robespierre, only this kind of economy is compatible with a Republic whose first objective is to guarantee the natural rights of man.
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Sharpe, Pamela. "The Women's Harvest: Straw-Plaiting and the Representation of Labouring Women's Employment, c. 1793–1885." Rural History 5, no. 2 (October 1994): 129–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793300000637.
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Increasing attention has recently been given by historians to the many informal ways in which women made economic contributions to rural labouring households in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Both Jane Humphries and Peter King have shown how important the exploitation of common rights, by gleaning for example, could be to the family economy. This is not to overlook the fact that certain types of women's and children's employment, such as lace-making and straw-plaiting were formally established in some rural communities. The research which has been carried out into straw-plaiting the hand twisting of straw for use in hat making – in certain agricultural counties of southern England, has shown that the plait work of wives and children could provide a substantial financial boost to the household income of poorly paid agricultural labourers. Indeed there were times when their combined earnings could far outstrip those of the man. Single plaiters were also reputed to be able to collect something of a dowry to put towards their marriages out of their plait earnings. Industries such as straw-plaiting, which employed mainly women and children are, not before time, beginning to be considered as sources of the gain in productivity potential of Britain in the Industrial Revolution era. It seems likely that the income earned in these industries will, at last, be included in measurements of labouring family budgets and standards of living.
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Tyrrell, Alex. "Samuel Smiles and the Woman Question in Early Victorian Britain." Journal of British Studies 39, no. 2 (April 2000): 185–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386216.
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When Samuel Smiles (1812–1904) looked back over his career from the vantage point of old age he saw himself as one who had labored for “the emancipation and intellectual improvement of women.” His self-description will surprise those who know him, either through his famous book, Self-Help (1859), where women make fleeting appearances as maternal influences on the achievements of great men, or through the attempts that have been made during the Thatcher years to offer him as an exemplar of a highly selective code of “Victorian Values.” Nonetheless, there is much to be said for Smiles's interpretation: not only was he a prolific author on the condition of women, but his writings on this subject from the late 1830s to the early 1850s were radical in tone and content.By directing attention to these writings, this article makes three points about early Victorian gender relations, radicalism, and Smiles's own career. First, it challenges the lingering notion that this was a time when patriarchal values stifled debate on gender issues. For some historians who write about the women's movement, the early Victorian era has the status of something like a dark age in the history of the agitation for women's rights; this period is overshadowed on the one side by the great debates initiated by Mary Wollstonecraft's Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792) and on the other by the new feminist movements that developed after the 1850s. Barbara Caine, for example, has written recently that the exclusion of women from the public sphere was “absolute” in the mid-century years; few women had the financial resources necessary to set up a major journal even if they had been bold enough to do so, and the sort of man who wrote sympathetically about women was concerned primarily with his own needs.
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Hihlach, B. M. "The liquidation of the Uniate Church in the East Podillya in 1794-1796." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 34 (June 14, 2005): 104–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2005.34.1585.
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The study of the problem of religious relations is of particular interest, since upon the annexation to Russia, during the years 1794-1796, and in some places until 1798, the almost complete elimination of the Uniate Church in Right-Bank Ukraine took place. This issue has been covered extensively in pre-revolutionary historiography, including at the local level. Thus, the history of the existence and liquidation of the Uniate Church in Podillya became the leading topic of research of the "Podolsky Diocesan Historical and Statistical Committee". Another printed organ, where the church-historical information about Podolsk parishes, collected by priests, became Podilskie Eparchial Gazettes. The main idea behind the content of these studies was that Podillya was considered as originally Russian possession, and Orthodoxy was the only possible denomination of the land.
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Guryanova, Maria V. "The shirt dress as a sign of exclusion of women from the socio-political sphere in the late XVIII - early XIX centuries." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Kul'turologiya i iskusstvovedenie, no. 45 (2022): 18–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/22220836/45/2.
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Fashion as an ephemeral and feminine sphere arose at the end of the 18th century as a kind of consequence of the gender division of the social roles of men and women. Until the French Revolution, both men and women were distinguished by the desire for luxurious bright fabrics, an abundance of decorations and trimmings, which were the main means of representing their social status. The French revolution embodied the destruction of the ves-timentary system of the Old regime and, as consequence, negated the importance of visual representation of the individual's identity, putting forward instead a bourgeois ideal with its value of private life and inalienable talents and abilities of the individual that do not have vestimentary channels of expression. In this regard, the shirt dress, which arose in the 1780s under the influence of the ideas of Antiquity and the utilitarian tendencies in costume, which came from England, having received its greatest impact in the neoclassical modes of the style of Empire. By emphasizing and exposing bodily outlines, this kind of dress embodied the collapse of the vestimentary system of the old regime, revealing the basis of fashion changes - a private body. Neoclassical fashion with dresses revealing body shapes can be considered the starting point of bourgeois fashion, by such a way manifesting the female body as the main object of transformation in fashion. The reduction of a woman to her corporality and to the private sphere, expressed in such dresses, can also be considered as a consequence of her exclusion from the political sphere as it declared in the Constitution of 1791, which deprived women of any political rights and, as a consequence, of the possibility of a similar with men vestimentary representation of their social identity. Thus, the aim of this article is to examine the historical and cultural context of the exclusion of women from the political sphere, a sign of which was the shirt dress that not only embodied the identification of women with a private sphere, but also, showing more than ever the outlines of the body in a public sphere, expressed the manifestation of the female body as the main object of transformation and manipulation in the bourgeois fashion.
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Dawes, James. "Rights of Man." American Book Review 36, no. 4 (2015): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/abr.2015.0069.
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Ferradou, Mathieu. "Between Scylla and Charybdis?" French Historical Studies 44, no. 3 (August 1, 2021): 429–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-9004965.
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Abstract In 1792 foreigners flocked to France to participate in the new republican regime, redefining the nation as the conduct of popular sovereignty. A number of American, British, and Irish foreigners formed a club in Paris, the Society of the Friends of the Rights of Man (Société des Amis des Droits de l'Homme), among whom Irish republicans were a key component. Eager to “revolutionize” Britain and Ireland, they contributed to the rise in tensions and, ultimately, to the outbreak of war between France and Britain. The author argues that these Irish, because of their colonial experience, were a crucial factor in the redefinition of and opposition between British imperial and French republican models of nation and citizenship. Their defense of a cosmopolitan citizenship ideal was violently rejected in Britain and was severely tested by the “Terror” in France. En 1792, de nombreux étrangers vinrent en France pour participer à l’élaboration du nouveau régime républicain, redéfinissant la nation comme le vecteur de la souveraineté populaire. Plusieurs Américains, Anglais, Irlandais et Ecossais formèrent un club à Paris, la Société des amis des droits de l'homme (SADH), parmi lesquels les Irlandais furent une composante clé. Désireux de « révolutionner » la Grande-Bretagne et l'Irlande, ils contribuèrent à la montée des tensions et à l’éclatement du conflit entre la France et la Grande-Bretagne. Cet article cherche à démontrer que ces Irlandais, du fait de leur expérience coloniale, jouèrent un rôle central dans la redéfinition et l'opposition entre le modèle impérial britannique et le modèle français républicain de la nation et de la citoyenneté. Leur défense d'un idéal cosmopolite de citoyenneté suscita un violent rejet en Grande-Bretagne et fut mise à rude épreuve pendant la « Terreur » en France.
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Isiksel, Turkuler. "The Rights of Man and the Rights of the Man-Made: Corporations and Human Rights." Human Rights Quarterly 38, no. 2 (2016): 294–349. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hrq.2016.0031.
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Zaharijevic, Adriana. "From the rights of man to the human rights: Man - nation - humanity." Filozofija i drustvo 19, no. 1 (2008): 111–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid0801111z.
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The insistence on the fact that human rights and the rights of man (codified in The Universal Declaration of Human Rights and Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, respectively) are not one and the same, which could be deduced from the notion of man common to both terms, is the key thesis of this text. By developing this motive, I try to determine the following: that the notion of man, by definition inclusive and abstractly non-discriminative term, is in fact established on tacit exclusions in the time of its inception (Enlightenment revolutinary era), and it was only upon these exclusions that the term man could have signified "the free and equal". Although the parallel or simultaneous evolution and implementation of the rights of man and national rights might seem contradictory, I seek to demonstrate that this paradox is only ostensible, arguing that the notion of man is itself limited and exclusionary, and is therefore compatible with the exclusivity which is the conditio sine qua non of nation. The consequences of nationalism - World Wars, primarily - proved that the conception of liberty and equality, based on the conception of fraternity of men (white European males), and of partial democracy pretending to be universal, cannot be maintained any further. Codification of universal human rights represents a reaction to this internal discrepancy inasmuch as it is a reaction to the destructiveness of all kinds of nationalisms. The notion of life, developed in this text, corresponds to the fundamental requirement for the right to life (as the first and the most basic of all human rights), which no longer belongs to "man", but to everyone.
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Ticu, Ioan. "Short Incursion in the History of Domestic Violence." Logos Universality Mentality Education Novelty: Law 8, no. 1 (December 10, 2020): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumenlaw/8.1/34.
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The article provides a brief description of the stages of activism development aiming to stop violence against women, starting from 1791 when the phenomenon begins to be recognized as being very dangerous as it flagrantly violates the fundamental human rights. There were made brief referrals to the development stages of soft and hard law governing the activism to stop violence against women of all kinds and to respect their rights.
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Zuckert, Michael P., Michael J. Lacey, and Knud Haakonssen. "A Culture of Rights: The Bill of Rights in Philosophy, Politics and Law, 1791-1991." Journal of the Early Republic 13, no. 2 (1993): 262. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3124096.
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Billias, George A., Michael J. Lacey, and Knud Haakonssen. "A Culture of Rights: The Bill of Rights in Philosophy, Politics, and Law, 1791-1991." William and Mary Quarterly 50, no. 1 (January 1993): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2947247.
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Miettinen, OS, and C. E. Rossiter. "Man-made mineral fibers and lung cancer. Epidemiologic evidence regarding the causal hypothesis." Scandinavian Journal of Work, Environment & Health 16, no. 4 (August 1990): 221–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5271/sjweh.1791.
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Powell, H. Jefferson, Michael J. Lacey, and Knud Haakonssen. "A Culture of Rights: The Bill of Rights in Philosophy, Politics, and Law-- 1791 and 1991." Journal of American History 79, no. 4 (March 1993): 1592. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080248.
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Kanakova, Anna. "Man Equals Digital Personality vs. Man Has Digital Personality." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University. Series: Humanities and Social Sciences 2024, no. 1 (March 14, 2024): 126–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2542-1840-2024-8-1-126-135.
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The Internet is an important part of modern life; however, most virtual processes are beyond the scope of legal control. The state as a legislator regulates relations that originate in the real world. As a result, the law often fails to take into account the specifics of virtual environment. The poor legal regulation comes from the fact that the legislator cannot determine whether digital rights and freedoms are new categories or a continuation of the existing legal provisions. In this article, the author attempts to identify the correct approach by answering the obvious question: Is there a digital life and a separate digital personality, or is the digital space a continuation of the constitutional right to life exercised by a real-life legal subject? The research relied on standard methods of cognition and specific scientific methods, e.g., comparative and formal logical analyses. While analyzing the concept of the constitutional right to life, the author defines the categories of digital image and digital personality in order to develop a variant of legal regulation of digital rights and freedoms. The validity of digital personality depends on the approach the legislator chooses to regulate digital rights and freedoms. If the legislator sees digital rights and freedoms as a continuation of the rights and freedoms that exist in reality, a digital personality is impossible: it is a digital image of a real person in virtual space. If the legislator evaluates rights and freedoms as a new category, a digital personality is a valid concept, but only in the context of artificial intelligence.
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Mahoney, John F. "Mathematical Roots: Benjamin Banneker and the Method of Single Position." Mathematics Teaching in the Middle School 9, no. 7 (March 2004): 368–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5951/mtms.9.7.0368.
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BENJAMIN BANNEKER was a farmer, scholar, mathematical wizard, and a selftaught astronomer and surveyor. An African American, he was born a free man in Maryland in 1731. At the age of twenty-two, using only a pocket watch as a guide, he built a wooden striking clock that kept accurate time and continued to strike until it burned in a fire shortly after his death. He wrote an almanac and ephemeris from 1791 through 1802—some were published and widely distributed in Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia. In 1791, Banneker received an appointment to assist in surveying the lines of the Federal Territory—a tenmile square now known as the District of Columbia. Banneker died in 1806 on his Maryland farm (Benjamin Banneker Association 2003).
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Kennedy, Randall L., and Norman I. Silber. "The Government's Civil Rights Man." Journal of Blacks in Higher Education, no. 44 (2004): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4133757.
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Cornides, Jakob. "Human Rights Pitted Against Man." International Journal of Human Rights 12, no. 1 (February 2008): 107–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642980701725293.
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Yolmo, Deeke, J. Madana, Sunil K. Saxena, and S. Gopalakrishnan. "Longstanding malformation of right sided pinna in an elderly man." Congenital Anomalies 50, no. 1 (March 2010): 68–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-4520.2009.00262.x.
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Ferrari, Silvio. "Rights of Man, Rights of God: An Unavoidable Tension?" Religion & Human Rights 15, no. 3 (January 12, 2021): 241–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18710328-bja10014.
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Abstract The conflicts between rights of God and rights of man are on the rise. On the one hand, there are some rights that are qualified as human rights in the most important international conventions and in many national constitutions. As such, they are to be respected always and everywhere. On the other hand, there are rights that are directly or indirectly attributed to the will of God. Their respect is regarded as a religious obligation to be upheld even when it implies the violation of human rights. These are the terms of the conflict and the fact that they sink their roots in non-negotiable beliefs—rights related to the very nature of man versus rights dependent on the will of God—makes this conflict particularly serious and complex. This article discusses the structural and historical causes of this conflict and proposes a few strategies to reduce the tensions between these two sets of rights.
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Curti-Contessoto, Beatriz, Isabelle de Oliveira, and Lidia Almeida Barros. "Changes in the concept designated by the term mariage civil throughout the history of French law 1791–2013." Terminology 27, no. 1 (July 5, 2021): 140–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/term.00061.cur.
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Abstract In 1791, the term mariage civil first appeared in French law in order to designate a civil and secular union recognised only by the State. After the introduction of this term into the French legal domain, there were legislative changes regarding the rules of civil marriages over the following years. The present paper examines the semantic evolution of the term mariage civil in French law, relating this evolution to socio-cultural and historical aspects of France between 1791 (when civil marriage was instituted in this country) and 2013 (when the most recent legislative change in the area occurred). Based on this investigation, it is possible to affirm the transformations in the French society and legislative changes have modified the concept designated by the term mariage civil, especially concerning the notion of family and the achievement of rights by women and homosexuals.
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Uviller, H. Richard, and William G. Merkel. "Scottish Factors and the Origins of the Second Amendment: Some Reflections on David Thomas Konig's Rediscovery of the Caledonian Background to the American Right to Arms." Law and History Review 22, no. 1 (2004): 169–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4141669.
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David Konig has written an important article that makes a welcome contribution to the rapidly evolving field of Second Amendment scholarship. In the essay that forms the focal piece of this forum, Konig argues that two rival, hotly contested interpretations of the Second Amendment fail to recapture the original meaning of the constitutional right to keep and bear arms. To Konig, neither the individual rights nor the states' rights model of the Second Amendment accurately reflects the conceptual universe shared by the drafters and ratifiers of the Bill of Rights. Neither model (and particularly not the individual rights model), Konig maintains, would have made sense to the persons who left behind a now familiar and much-discussed documentary record related to the call for amendments to the Constitution in 1788, the drafting of the Bill of Rights in 1789, and its ratification in 1791.
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Dalgarno, Melvin T. "Reid and the Rights of Man." Man and Nature 4 (1985): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1011837ar.
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Greig, Alan. "Sex and the Rights of Man." IDS Bulletin 37, no. 5 (October 2006): 84–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1759-5436.2006.tb00307.x.
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Bronstein, Jamie L. "The Rights of Man to Property." Reviews in American History 27, no. 4 (1999): 548–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.1999.0070.
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