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Journal articles on the topic 'Right wing politics'
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1
Ansell, Aaron. "Right-Wing Politics in Brazil." Anthropology News 58, no. 4 (July 2017): e370-e373. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/an.519.
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Ost, David. "REN PILL Politics in Poland." Current History 121, no. 833 (March 1, 2022): 108–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2022.121.833.108.
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Poland’s ruling Law and Justice Party has drawn international attention with its hard-line right-wing rhetoric and policies on a range of issues, from immigration to LGBT rights to attempts to gain control over formerly independent institutions such as the judiciary and the media. Some critical voices in Poland and elsewhere have drawn comparisons with fascism. The party denounces such parallels, pointing out that Poland suffered Nazi occupation, even though it venerates Polish politicians of the World War II era who espoused positions such as eliminationist anti-Semitism. To avoid such impasses created by raising fascism in analyses of contemporary politics, this essay proposes using Poland as a case study for a new category of analysis: Right-wing Exclusionary Nationalist Popular Illiberalism, encompassing both classic fascism and today’s right-wing populism.
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Guisan, Catherine. "Right-Wing Populism and the European Parliament’s Agonistic Politics." Populism 5, no. 1 (February 15, 2022): 48–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25888072-bja10032.
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Abstract How is it that the European Parliament (EP), the only directly elected institution of the European Union (EU), has both empowered right-wing populist politicians in the UK and France, and helped challenge the right-wing populist governments of Hungary and Poland? Part of the response lies in institutional rules shaping the EP’s elections and its authority, which this article discusses critically. The paradoxical impact of the EP on European right-wing populism leads to another question: Should the EP privilege the rights of right-wing populist and anti-system actors; or, to the contrary, should it “protect democracy against democracy”? This article draws from political theorist Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic politics to assess comparatively the measures the EP majority has taken to limit the influence of right-wing populists within the chamber and beyond in EU member states. It critiques the exclusionary cordon sanitaire within, and conditionality and the “judicialization of conflicts” without, which the EP discusses passionately also.
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Vadhanavisala, Onvara. "Radical Right-Wing Politics and Migrants and Refugees in Hungary." European Journal of Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejss-2020.v3i1-89.
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Radical right-wing politics and ultra-nationalism have always been important issue across Europe's political spectrum. However, the recent flourishing of right-wing and populist parties in Europe in the past couple years were provoked by the European migrants and refugee crisis. The European institutions fail to solve the crisis. We witnessed various terrorist attacks occurred in major cities in Europe such as Paris, Berlin, and Italy etc. This had led not only the European people but all over the world to grow more suspicious of the EU institutions and their capabilities to manage the incident. As a consequence, the radical right-wing nationalist and right-wing political parties in Europe have taken this opportunity to claim and run their campaigns on a strong anti-refugees and immigrants. As a result, right-wing politicians and parties tend to gain more popularity among voters and achieved electoral success in many European countries such as Marine Le Pen in France, Andrej Babiš in Czech Republic, the Freedom Party (FPÖ) in Austria, Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party in Hungary and elsewhere in Europe. These right-wing nationalists and political parties represent themselves as a defender of European Christian values, the protector of Europe, the savior of Christianity. They are working in every way to prevent the land of Europe from Muslims. This kind of rhetoric is spreading across Europe and developed as an anti-refugee/immigrant campaign which can be seen in both online and offline media especially in the case of Hungary. It has signified as a backlash against the political establishment and a wave of discontent. Furthermore, the rise of right-wing politics has created concerns over human rights, national identity, refugee and migrant issues.
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Vadhanavisala, Onvara. "Radical Right-Wing Politics and Migrants and Refugees in Hungary." European Journal of Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejss.v3i1.p100-108.
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Radical right-wing politics and ultra-nationalism have always been important issue across Europe's political spectrum. However, the recent flourishing of right-wing and populist parties in Europe in the past couple years were provoked by the European migrants and refugee crisis. The European institutions fail to solve the crisis. We witnessed various terrorist attacks occurred in major cities in Europe such as Paris, Berlin, and Italy etc. This had led not only the European people but all over the world to grow more suspicious of the EU institutions and their capabilities to manage the incident. As a consequence, the radical right-wing nationalist and right-wing political parties in Europe have taken this opportunity to claim and run their campaigns on a strong anti-refugees and immigrants. As a result, right-wing politicians and parties tend to gain more popularity among voters and achieved electoral success in many European countries such as Marine Le Pen in France, Andrej Babiš in Czech Republic, the Freedom Party (FPÖ) in Austria, Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party in Hungary and elsewhere in Europe. These right-wing nationalists and political parties represent themselves as a defender of European Christian values, the protector of Europe, the savior of Christianity. They are working in every way to prevent the land of Europe from Muslims. This kind of rhetoric is spreading across Europe and developed as an anti-refugee/immigrant campaign which can be seen in both online and offline media especially in the case of Hungary. It has signified as a backlash against the political establishment and a wave of discontent. Furthermore, the rise of right-wing politics has created concerns over human rights, national identity, refugee and migrant issues.
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Ajanovic, Edma, Stefanie Mayer, and Birgit Sauer. "Constructing ‘the people’." Democracy and Discriminatory Strategies in Parliamentary Discourse 17, no. 5 (September 13, 2018): 636–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.18013.may.
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Abstract This article analyses right-wing populist constructions of ‘the people’ emerging at the intersections of ethnicized ‘othering’ and gendered differences within groups. We argue that these constructions are in stark contrast to the liberal notion of citizenship, which we understand to be the basis for the demos. Right-wing populism constructs its politics of belonging beyond rights, i.e. ‘the people’ is defined as a community through identity with the political leader, rather than as a political entity marked by different interests and endowed with rights, which could be represented politically. We argue that it is important to not only analyse practices of ‘othering’ and exclusion, but also the appeal to the ‘we’-group in order to understand right-wing populist success. Empirically our Critical Frame Analysis focuses on the Austrian context and on the FPÖ, which has been a forerunner in the ‘modernization’ of right-wing extremism and the development of right-wing populism in Europe.
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Kim, Misook, and Kei Yamashita. "The Relationship between State Power and Religion in Japan: Focusing on the Interrelationship between Nihonkaigi and Shinto." Korean Society of Culture and Convergence 44, no. 5 (May 31, 2022): 897–918. http://dx.doi.org/10.33645/cnc.2022.5.44.5.897.
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This study aims to examine the relationship between religion and politics. Specifically, the relationship between state power and Shinto was analyzed, focusing on Japanese politics and the Japanese political organization Nihonkaigi. Through this, the ideological background of Japan’s right-wing forces was analyzed. Nihonkaigi is a political organization where right-wing political figures from Japan, created by “the Group to Protect Japan” and “the National Congress to Protect Japan,” are gathered. This organization significantly influences modern Japanese politics based on right-wing forces. The ideological backgrounds of these right-wing forces include “setting the Japanese emperor as the base of power” and “traditional the unity of state and religion ideas”. It means that efforts to abolish the State Shinto in December 1945 and prevent the recurrence of militarism failed. Nihonkaigi is giving material, human, and ideological support to right-wing politicians. They seek a “return to before the 2nd World War” by glorifying nationalism with discourse such as “Strong Japan equals Making a New Japan”. This example explains the unique aspect of Japan’s unity of state and religion.
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Downing, Lisa. "The body politic: Gender, the right wing and ‘identity category violations’." French Cultural Studies 29, no. 4 (October 28, 2018): 367–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957155818791075.
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The post-Brexit, post-Trump climate in the EU has seen a series of challenges from the right wing of politics to the liberal consensus of recent years (e.g. the rise of Gert Wilders in the Netherlands and the increased support for Alternativ für Deutschland in the 2017 German election). This article examines the gendering and embodiment of the new far right in France and the UK. It offers a comparative focus on two recent political challengers from the right who are female: Marine Le Pen (born 1968), the leader of the Front national in France since 2011, and Anne Marie Waters (born 1977), the Islam-critical candidate who was runner-up for the UK Independence Party (UKIP) leadership in the UK in 2017, and who has since started her own political party, For Britain. The article focuses on media coverage of, and self-representation by, these two figures. It argues that the discourse of the ‘right’ and ‘left’ wings has, historically, been gendered on the basis of assumptions that women are naturally more inclined towards consensus-building, collectivity and compassion (and therefore left-wing politics), by dint of their biological function as child-bearers and traditional gender role as care-givers. Right-leaning women have been treated as anomalies, by both feminist political analysts and the mainstream media. Feminist concerns over the very existence of right-wing women is suggested by books such as second-wave feminist Andrea Dworkin’s Right-Wing Women (1983), the more recent edited collection by Paola Bacchetta and Margaret Power, also called Right-Wing Women (2013) and, in the French context, Claudie Lesselier and Fiametta Venner’s L’Extrême Droite et les femmes (1997). Le Pen and Waters appear as doubly aberrant, doubly exceptional figures – firstly as (far-)right-wing women and secondly as (far-)right-wing female leaders. The article considers the stakes of our categorical understandings of (gendered and political) identity more broadly. Specifically, by introducing the original critical concept of ‘identity category violation’, it analyses the ways in which the recent trend for identity politics on the left in the West, often under the banner of ‘intersectionality’, leads to over-simplified understandings of how categories of gendered, sexual, class and race-based identities are assumed to determine political affiliation.
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Glaser, Tina, Jens H. Hellmann, Naemi Pilz, and Gerd Bohner. "Left and Right in Space and Politics." Social Cognition 41, no. 1 (February 2023): 41–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/soco.2023.41.1.41.
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The terms left and right can refer to spatial or political orientations. We hypothesized that a match (vs. mismatch) of spatial position and political orientation would lead to more positive political judgments. In three experiments, German participants (total N = 517) evaluated statements from the political left-wing and right-wing spectrums as well as German political parties presented either on the left or on the right side of their screens. When statements were presented on the left, politically left statements as well as left-wing parties were evaluated more favorably than when these statements were presented on the right. Conversely, politically right statements and right-wing parties were evaluated more favorably when the statements were presented on the right versus left side of the screen. Cultural conservatism, need for cognitive closure, and openness to experience were assessed but did not mediate these effects. We discuss theoretical and practical implications of the results.
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Gemie, Sharif. "Octave Mirbeau and the Changing Nature of Right-Wing Political Culture: France, 1870–1914." International Review of Social History 43, no. 1 (April 1998): 111–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859098000042.
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Octave Mirbeau was a committed supporter of right-wing politics in the 1870s, and a committed opponent of the right wing during the Dreyfus Affair. This paper examines the reasons for his political change of heart, and discusses his changing analyses of right-wing political culture. Mirbeau's ideas are compared with those of some of his contemporaries, such as Blum, Peguy and Sorel.
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Crofts, Stephen. "Hansonism, Right-Wing Populism and the Media." Queensland Review 5, no. 2 (December 1998): 7–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s132181660000101x.
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AbstractThis essay aims to explicate the conditions enabling Hansonism. Politically, it argues that the party's exploitation of cynicism about mainstream politics and deepening economic and social divisions have been enabled by the Howard government's zealous pursuit of neo-liberal politics, its dismantling of Labor's welfare safety net, its wedge politics, its cynical reneging on election promises, and its attacks on the fourth estate, not to mention his endorsement of Hanson's freedom of speech'. In terms of the media, the essay argues that Hansonism's protest vote is based on a ‘plague o’ both your houses'. The allied populist prejudices of several radio talkback hosts have drawn their strength from television's virtual displacement of political debate in its posture as voice of the people, its actual address to viewers as domestic, atomised consumers and the increasing populism of vernacular genres such as lifestyle programs and sitcoms. Examples include the most popular Australian film of the Howard-Hanson era, The Castle.We live in the most polyglot and hybrid moment of human history […] Apostles of purity are the most dangerous people in the world. (Salman Rushdie 1994)People who can accept their own contradictions do not kill people. (Ariel Dorfman 1998)The media are […] so much more effective in disseminating information simultaneously to large groups of people that they not only supplement the political and educational systems but in some respects supplant them, because of their enormous power. (Anthony Wedgewood Benn 1972)
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Kincaid, John D. "The Rational Basis of Irrational Politics." Politics & Society 44, no. 4 (October 29, 2016): 525–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329216674003.
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Right-wing social movements in the United States have been underexplored in the sociological literature. This article examines how right-wing social movements have been able to capture a foothold in the Texas state Republican Party, and maintain political support even as their policies and politics have grown increasingly partisan and increasingly extreme. Through in-depth analysis of the state Republican Party’s internal battles over the past twenty years, coupled with a fixed-effects regression analysis of statewide election results 1994–2012, the article uses the context of statewide battles over equalization of education finance to explain how right-wing movements in Texas have maintained durable support for radical, right-wing candidates and policies. The article demonstrates the role played by material and symbolic “threats” in maintaining and increasing support for the Republican Party, even among previously moderate populations.
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Rensmann, Lars. "Radical Right-Wing Populists in Parliament." German Politics and Society 36, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 41–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2018.360303.
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Founded just five years ago, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) represents the biggest opposition party in the German parliament. This article addresses three questions in European comparative perspective: What is the nature of the AfD as a relevant political party in the Bundestag? What explains its rise and popularity? What is the party’s behavior and impact in parliament, and on German politics in general? Examining platforms, the article first identifies programmatic and ideological shifts that have turned the AfD from a single issue anti-Euro party into the first radical right-wing (populist) party in parliament since the Nazi era. Second, voter analyses suggest that the AfD’s political radicalization has not undermined but increased its appeal. Third, the robust electoral support for radical positions makes it likely that the party seeks to further deepen political conflicts. Behavior in parliament shows that the party follows its European counterparts’ polarizing strategic orientations, reinforcing the Europeanization of a nativist sociocultural “counter-revolution.”
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Mitts, Tamar. "Terrorism and the Rise of Right-Wing Content in Israeli Books." International Organization 73, no. 1 (September 24, 2018): 203–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818318000383.
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AbstractIn the past few years the Western world has witnessed a rise in the popularity of right-wing political discourse promoting nationalistic and exclusionary world views. While in many countries such rhetoric has surfaced in mainstream politics only recently, in Israel, right-wing ideology has been popular for almost two decades. Explanations for this phenomenon focus on Israeli citizens’ attitudinal change in the face of exposure to terrorism but largely do not account for why such ideas remain popular over the long term, even after violence subsides. In this study I examine whether the long-lasting prominence of right-wing nationalistic politics in Israel is linked to the perpetuation of right-wing ideology in popular media. Analyzing the content of more than 70,000 published books, I find that content related to the political right has increased in Israeli books after periods of terrorism, a change that has become more pronounced over the years.
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Lawrence, Eric, John Sides, and Henry Farrell. "Self-Segregation or Deliberation? Blog Readership, Participation, and Polarization in American Politics." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 1 (March 2010): 141–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709992714.
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Political scientists and political theorists debate the relationship between participation and deliberation among citizens with different political viewpoints. Blogs provide an important testing ground for their claims. We examine deliberation, polarization, and political participation among blog readers. We find that blog readers gravitate toward blogs that accord with their political beliefs. Few read blogs on both the left and right of the ideological spectrum. Furthermore, those who read left-wing blogs and those who read right-wing blogs are ideologically far apart. Blog readers are more polarized than either non-blog-readers or consumers of various television news programs, and roughly as polarized as US senators. Blog readers also participate more in politics than non-blog readers. Readers of blogs of different ideological dispositions do not participate less than those who read only blogs of one ideological disposition. Instead, readers of both left- and right-wing blogs and readers of exclusively leftwing blogs participate at similar levels, and both participate more than readers of exclusively right-wing blogs. This may reflect social movement-building efforts by left-wing bloggers.
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Kannangara, Nisar, and Jesurathnam Devarapalli. "Democracy and the Politics of Dress, Color and, Symbols: An Anthropological Study of Kerala Politics." Oriental Anthropologist: A Bi-annual International Journal of the Science of Man 19, no. 2 (August 28, 2019): 257–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0972558x19862396.
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Dhoti colors have apparent political meaning in contemporary Kerala. Communists have started wearing red dhoti in private and public life recently, to counter the rampant visibility of saffron dhoti, which signifies Hindu religious identity in a shared meaning that exist in villages across north Kerala, and the same dhoti has also turned as the symbol of right-wing Hindu political parties, the political rival of the Communist party in the state. Earlier, the saffron dhoti was very popular among Hindus in Kerala, without any political differences—liberal Hindus, right-wing political Hindus, secular Hindus, and communist Hindus used to wear the saffron dhoti in public life, and to an extent, the saffron dhoti had become a crucial part of the religious piety of Hindu men and a religious symbol of mobility among Hindus. Through understanding the process of making meaning and other apparatus for political mobilization, this article argues that the ideological differences between right-wing Hindu nationalist organizations and Communist party does not exist at microlevel village politics, where there is a crucial similarity between political parties in mobilizing people and other activities of politics in a social democratic system.
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BURMISTROVA, EKATERINA. "GENDER ISSUES IN THE ANTI-IMMIGRANT AGENDA OF EUROPEAN RADICAL RIGHT." History and modern perspectives 2, no. 4 (December 28, 2020): 72–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2020-2-4-72-80.
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An attempt to show the role of women's rights in the anti-immigrant agenda of European radical right has been undertaken in the article. The author addresses to representative trends of modern right-wing radicals in Europe. The concept of «Eurabia» and the theory of Great Replacement are used as the theoretical substantiation of the anti-migrant views of right-wing radicals. The main message of these theories is related to the fact that the decline in the birth rate in Europe, combined with the increase in migrant flows, will lead to the replacement of European politics and lifestyle with Islamic values. Radical right emphasize that the European way of life and values are fundamentally incompatible with the Muslim way of life. Moreover, within the framework of the policy of modernizing their image, right-wing radicals complement the concept of «traditional European values», which they have always defended, with «liberal» values of women's emancipation. Thus, right-wing radicals are forming the image of European enemy - a patriarchal Muslim migrant. To recreate this portrait and to identify the main features of the rhetoric of right-wing radicals regarding the threat of a migrant invasion of female emancipation, the author addresses party programs, political posters, interviews with party leaders, media materials and right-wing radical news portals. Special attention is paid to the debate about the right to wear the veil - the main pressure point for the European right, for whom veil is a kind of «banner» of Islam. The foregoing allows concluding that, on the one hand, the use of the women's rights expands the range of arguments of right-wing radicals against European migration policy, and on the other hand, it allows radical right to establish themselves as defenders of women's rights associated with human rights as the main European value.
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Ahmad, Aijaz. "Right-Wing Politics, and the Cultures of Cruelty." Social Scientist 26, no. 9/10 (September 1998): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3517939.
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Schijvenaars, Petronella. "Right-Wing Populism in Europe: Politics and Discourse." Politics, Culture and Socialization 6, no. 1-2 (January 9, 2017): 191–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/pcs.v6i1-2.13.
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Jefferson, Steven. "Right-Wing Populism in Europe: Politics and Discourse." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 22, no. 2 (April 3, 2014): 240–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2014.923665.
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Short, Nicola. "On the Subject of Far-Right-Wing Politics." Critical Sociology 43, no. 4-5 (November 2, 2016): 763–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920516673209.
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This paper explores how to consider the far right in historical-material and psychoanalytic perspective in the current conjuncture. Since the early post-Second World War interventions in this register, both the social relations of capitalism and psychoanalytic theory have evolved, while the problematic of the far-right had been somewhat marginalized as an object of research. This discussion revisits these broad concerns with attention to developments in the characterization of contemporary character structures and social relations. It examines two psychoanalytic approaches – drawn from Kohut and Lacan – that have been mobilized to examine the dominant character structures of late capitalism to consider their complementarity (and differences) with respect to certain psychological functions – defenses, affect and identification – that may offer insight into the far-right in the contemporary moment.
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Belhaj, Abdessamad. "Right-wing populism in Europe: politics and discourse." Social Identities 21, no. 6 (October 21, 2015): 646–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504630.2015.1104006.
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Ortu, Claudia. "Right-wing populism in Europe: politics and discourse." Critical Discourse Studies 12, no. 1 (July 17, 2014): 114–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17405904.2014.938853.
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Beilharz, Peter, and Andrew Moore. "The Right Road? A History of Right-wing Politics in Australia." Labour History, no. 70 (1996): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516423.
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Owen, David. "A Global Crisis of Liberal Democracy?: On Autocratic Democracy, Populism and Post-Truth Politics." Journal of Social and Political Philosophy 1, no. 1 (February 2022): 30–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jspp.2022.0005.
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This article proposes that autocratic democracy represents the natural political form of right-wing populism. It argues that while the emergence of autocratic democracy as a genuine political alternative to liberal democracy may be currently located primarily in states where liberal democratic norms were not well-consolidated, there are reasons to hold that structural features of contemporary politics in consolidated democracies relating to the decline of mass parties and the globalisation trilemma create the space for the right-wing mobilisation of populism. It is further claimed that the dilemmas of the EU in conjunction with the politics of immigration and multiculturalism provide resources for the right-wing mobilisation of populist discontents such that we should not be sanguine about the ability of liberal democracy to be resilient in the face of continuing populist pressures.
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Freelon, Deen, Alice Marwick, and Daniel Kreiss. "False equivalencies: Online activism from left to right." Science 369, no. 6508 (September 3, 2020): 1197–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.abb2428.
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Digital media are critical for contemporary activism—even low-effort “clicktivism” is politically consequential and contributes to offline participation. We argue that in the United States and throughout the industrialized West, left- and right-wing activists use digital and legacy media differently to achieve political goals. Although left-wing actors operate primarily through “hashtag activism” and offline protest, right-wing activists manipulate legacy media, migrate to alternative platforms, and work strategically with partisan media to spread their messages. Although scholarship suggests that the right has embraced strategic disinformation and conspiracy theories more than the left, more research is needed to reveal the magnitude and character of left-wing disinformation. Such ideological asymmetries between left- and right-wing activism hold critical implications for democratic practice, social media governance, and the interdisciplinary study of digital politics.
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Waites, Matthew. "“Homosexuality and the New Right: The Legacy of the 1980s for New Delineations of Homophobia”." Sociological Research Online 5, no. 1 (May 2000): 130–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.432.
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This article addresses the relationship between the New Right and the politics of homosexuality in the United Kingdom. It begins by outlining recent political conflicts surrounding attempts to equalise the ‘gay age of consent’ and to repeal Section 28 of the Local Government Act (1988). The article then examines the New Right's relationship to homosexuality in the 1980s, and the history of socio-political analyses of this relationship. It is argued that pro-gay left theorists have tended to homogenize the New Right of the 1980s, with negative consequences for the analysis of more recent right-wing transformations. The article suggests that contemporary right-wing campaigns against equalisation of the age of consent and abolition of Section 28 need to be understood as the product of a complex right-wing alliance between old-style Conservatism and new right-wing generations. The sexual values of William Hague and Michael Portillo are very different from those of Margaret Thatcher or Norman Tebbit. More mediated forms of homophobia have surfaced in recent campaigns, particularly in the defence of Section 28. New analytical tools are needed to map ‘new delineations of homophobia’ emerging in the political language of the right, operating within a new terrain of sexual politics. The conclusion suggests ways in which such a perspective could inform future sociological and political research agendas.
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de Carvalho, Salo, David R. Goyes, and Valeria Vegh Weis. "Politics and Indigenous Victimization: The Case of Brazil." British Journal of Criminology 61, no. 1 (August 24, 2020): 251–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azaa060.
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Abstract There is a dearth of criminological scholarship on how the political persuasions of governments affect Indigenous people as it relates to human rights and environmental consequences, whether positive or negative, for Indigenous peoples. To address this gap, we develop a comparative instrumental case study of the policies concerning Indigenous peoples implemented during two political periods in Brazil: the administrations of presidents Silva (2003–2010) and Rousseff (2011–2016) and the administrations of Temer (2016–2018) and Bolsonaro (2019–). We explore the consequences for Indigenous peoples of these leftist and the right-wing governments. We argue that governments of both political leanings victimize Indigenous populations, with leftist governments using structural violence and right-wing governments engaging additionally in symbolic and direct violence.
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Lee, Kibeom, Michael C. Ashton, Yannick Griep, and Michael Edmonds. "Personality, Religion, and Politics: An Investigation in 33 Countries." European Journal of Personality 32, no. 2 (March 2018): 100–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/per.2142.
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The relations of HEXACO personality factors and religiosity with political orientation were examined in responses collected online from participants in 33 countries ( N = 141 492). Endorsement of a right–wing political orientation was negatively associated with Honesty–Humility and Openness to Experience and positively associated with religiosity. The strength of these associations varied widely across countries, such that the religiosity–politics correlations were stronger in more religious countries, whereas the personality–politics correlations were stronger in more developed countries. We also investigated the utility of the narrower traits (i.e. facets) that define the HEXACO factors. The Altruism facet (interstitially located between the Honesty–Humility, Agreeableness, and Emotionality axes) was negatively associated with right–wing political orientation, but religiosity was found to suppress this relationship, especially in religious countries. In addition to Altruism, the Greed Avoidance and Modesty facets of the Honesty–Humility factor and the Unconventionality and Aesthetic Appreciation facets of the Openness to Experience factor were also negatively associated with right–wing political orientation. We discuss the utility of examining facet–level personality traits, along with religiosity, in research on the individual difference correlates of political orientation. Copyright © 2018 European Association of Personality Psychology
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Di Lonardo, Livio. "The Partisan Politics of Counterterrorism: Reputations, Policy Transparency, and Electoral Outcomes." Political Science Research and Methods 7, no. 2 (July 10, 2017): 253–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2017.19.
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The prevention of terrorist attacks is an important concern for many governments. In democracies, officials also fear the electoral consequences of successful attacks. As a result, counterterrorism policy-making and electoral concerns are tightly intertwined. To understand the implications of this link, I develop a game-theoretic model and show that left-wing incumbents respond to terror threats more aggressively than their right-wing counterparts in order to convince voters that they can be trusted in fighting terrorism. Terrorist attacks improve right-wing incumbents’ reputation, while they worsen the reputation of left-wing incumbents. When the terrorist threat is high, voters ignore right-wing incumbents’ reputation, reelecting them independently of their performance. Finally, I consider the strategic consequences of maintaining counterterrorism policies hidden from the public eye.
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Häusermann, Silja, Achim Kemmerling, and David Rueda. "How Labor Market Inequality Transforms Mass Politics." Political Science Research and Methods 8, no. 2 (November 12, 2019): 344–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2018.64.
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AbstractWhy do left parties lose vote shares in times of economic crisis and hardship? Why do right-wing governments implement seemingly left-wing policies, such as labor market activation? Why is representation becoming more and more unequal? And why do workers vote for right-wing populist parties? Several political science theories propose meaningful and important answers to these key questions for comparative politics, focusing on identity politics, programmatic convergence of parties or exogenous constraints. However, there is an additional and distinct approach to all of the questions above, which emphasizes socio-structural transformations in the labor market: most of the processes above can be understood with reference to increasing labor market inequality and its political implications. The relevance and explanatory power of labor market inequality for mass politics have not been fully acknowledged in comparative political science and this is the reason for this symposium. Labor market inequality affects political preferences and behavior, electoral politics, representation, and government strategies. The main purpose of our symposium is to make broader comparative politics research aware of the crucial structural changes that labor markets have undergone in the advanced capitalist democracies of the OECD, and of the tremendous implications these changes have had for politics.
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Kreis, Ramona. "The “Tweet Politics” of President Trump." Right-Wing Populism in Europe & USA 16, no. 4 (June 12, 2017): 607–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.17032.kre.
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Abstract This study explores how U.S. President Donald Trump employs Twitter as a strategic instrument of power politics to disseminate his right-wing populist discourse. Applying the discourse-historical approach to critical discourse analysis, this article analyzes the meaning and function of Trump’s discursive strategies on Twitter. The data consists of over 200 tweets collected from his personal account between his inauguration on January 20, 2017 and his first address to Congress on February 28, 2017. The findings show how Trump uses an informal, direct, and provoking communication style to construct and reinforce the concept of a homogeneous people and a homeland threatened by the dangerous other. Moreover, Trump employs positive self-presentation and negative other-presentation to further his agenda via social media. This study demonstrates how his top-down use of Twitter may lead to the normalization of right-wing populist discourses, and thus aims to contribute to the understanding of right-wing populist discourse online.
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Mrozowicki, Adam, Vera Trappmann, Alexandra Seehaus, and Justyna Kajta. "Who Is a Right-Wing Supporter? On the Biographical Experiences of Young Right-Wing Voters in Poland and Germany." Qualitative Sociology Review 15, no. 4 (November 8, 2019): 212–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-8077.15.4.10.
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This article explores the selected cases of the biographies of right-wing supporters from a larger sample of narrative interviews with young (18-35 years old) people in Poland and Germany. In the existing literature, we can find the socio-economic explanations of the sources of the right-wing turn (related to economic deprivation, precarisation, social exclusion, labor market competition with immigrants and others), as well as cultural explanations connected with new identity politics, symbolic exclusion and divide between society and political elites, the disembedding from previously solid communities, and the fear of new risks related to the inflow of cultural Others. Despite notable exceptions, it is rather uncommon to discuss in this context the actual biographical experiences of right-wing and far-right supporters. In the article, we take a closer look at four biographical cases of people declaring their political support for far right parties. The analysis of the cases leads to the distinction of socio-economic and socio-political pathways to right-wing populist support.
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McClosky, Herbert, and Dennis Chong. "Similarities and Differences Between Left-Wing and Right-Wing Radicals." British Journal of Political Science 15, no. 3 (July 1985): 329–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004221.
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Although some scholars have argued that authoritarianism is characteristic only of the right and not of the left, persuasive reasons exist for doubting this claim. Intuitive observation of left-wing and right-wing regimes as well as radical political movements of the left and right reveals striking parallels in their styles of political engagement, their reliance upon force, their disdain for democratic ideals and practices and their violations of civil liberties. In addition, systematic inquiry into the similarities and differences between far-left and far-right radicals in the United States has been hampered by various methodological difficulties. One can list, among these, such problems as the obvious inappropriateness of the F scale (owing to its strong right-wing content) as a measure for identifying left-wing authoritarians; the difficulty of obtaining adequate samples of true believers of the extreme left and right; the self-image of the American left as a persecuted minority which, for reasons of self-interest, spuriously inflates the degree of support expressed by its members for individual rights and liberties; and the exposure of both extreme camps to the liberal democratic values dominating American political culture, which unmistakably colours their political rhetoric.We have reason to think that a similar study conducted in some – perhaps many – European countries would reveal even greater similarities between the far left and far right than we have turned up in the United States. Unlike the United States, which has enjoyed a strong liberal democratic tradition that has served to weaken and soften the intensity of its radical movements, a number of European countries, less wedded to liberal democratic principles, have developed a more vigorous, less diluted tradition of radical politics. These nations have long had to contend with powerful extremist movements actively and significantly engaged in the political struggles of their respective nations. The radical movements of Europe have been more extreme and zealous – more unequivocally revolutionary and reactionary – than the radical movements of the United States. The sustained confrontation of these extremist movements, in our view, is likely to have intensified the authoritarian propensities of each.In the present article, through a series of surveys in which we have tried to idenify, as best we can, supporters of the far left and far right, we have systematically compared the two camps on a variety of political and psychological characteristics. We find, in keeping with the conventional view, that the far left and the far right stand at opposite end of the familiar left–right continuum on many issues of public policy, political philosophy and personal belief. They hold sharply contrasting views on questions of law and order, foreign policy, social welfare, economic equality, racial equality, women's rights, sexual freedom, patriotism, social conventions, religion, family values and orientations towards business, labour and private enterprise.Nevertheless, while the two camps embrace different programmatic beliefs, both are deeply estranged from certain features of American society and highly critical of what they perceive as the spiritual and moral degeneration of American institutions. Both view American society as dominated by conspiratorial forces that are working to defeat their respective ideological aims.The degree of their alienation is intensified by the zealous and unyielding manner in which they hold their beliefs. Both camps possess an inflexible psychological and political style characterized by the tendency to view social and political affairs in crude, unambiguous and stereotypical terms. They see political life as a conflict between ‘us’ and ‘them’, a struggle between good and evil played out on a battleground where compromise amounts to capitulation and the goal is total victory.The far left and the far right also resemble each other in the way they pursue their political goals. Both are disposed to censor their opponents, to deal harshly with enemies, to sacrifice the well-being even of the innocent in order to serve a ‘higher purpose’, and to use cruel tactics if necessary to ‘persuade’ society of the wisdom of their objectives. Both tend to support (or oppose) civil liberties in a highly partisan and self-serving fashion, supporting freedom for themselves and for the groups and causes they favour while seeking to withhold it from enemies and advocates of causes they dislike.In sum, when the views of the far left and far right are evaluated against the standard left–right ideological dimension, they can appropriately be classifled at opposite ends of the political spectrum. But when the two camps are evaluated on questions of political and psychological style, the treatment of political opponents, and the tactics that they are willing to employ to achieve their ends, the display many parallels that can rightly be labelled authoritarian.
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Prentoulis, Marina, Óscar García Agustín, Ana Santamarina Guerrero, David Featherstone, and Lazaros Karaliotas. "Reflections on the spaces of populist politics in Europe." Soundings 80, no. 80 (May 1, 2022): 123–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/soun.80.09.2022.
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A discussion of the record of left- and right-wing populist parties in Europe in response to the austerity policies that followed on from the financial crisis of 2007-8, focusing both on the populist right and on the trajectories of Syriza and Podemos. Questions discussed include: the issue of definition - whether populism is more than a mobilising strategy/understanding it as a hybrid political practice; what happens to left populist parties when they come into government; what the difference is between left social democracy and populism; the different geographies of populism - how it operates at the local, national and transnational levels; right-wing populism in Spain, including the Partido Popular as well as Vox, particularly in Madrid; authoritarian populism; populism and nationalism, especially in relation to hostility to migration; right-wing populism in Greece.
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Patton, Cindy. "`On Me, Not in Me'." Theory, Culture & Society 15, no. 3-4 (August 1998): 355–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276498015003017.
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Throughout the 1980s, the American right wing attempted to control the field of social politics and social policy through a rhetoric of `family'. In response, the left, including much of the lesbian and gay movement, abandoned an early, theorized antipathy to family, attempting to recapture the political field with ideas like `alternative families' and `families we chose'. These moves do not sufficiently account for the hidden glue that binds bodies to politics, national or anti-national. The glue, or, as Benedict Anderson calls it, `political love' is no longer an affect to be rejected but a `feeling' to be embraced. Examining the case of sexual abstinence in early right-wing AIDS discourse and in current websites, this article suggests that micro-politics of love are inextricable from macro-politics of nationalism.
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Martynov, A. "The Populist Party in the Countries of the European Union: the Ideological Profile and Activities at the Beginning of XXI Century." Problems of World History, no. 4 (June 8, 2017): 100–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-4-7.
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The article highlights the political renaissance of European right-wing populist skeptics in most countries of the European Union. These political parties to the global economic crisis in 2008, when the process of European integration was on the rise, remained on the margins of politics. The crisis of the liberal model of globalization, the influx of refugees from crisis areas of conflict in the Middle East and North Africa, increased social contradictions reanimated populist right-wing ideology. This socio-political response to this reality has pushed the popularity of far-right nationalist political forces in most Central European countries. In terms of ideology classification of these political forces are represented as populists “left” orientation (the French “National Front”) and “right” populists (the party “Alternative for Germany”). This fact confirms the erosion of traditional ideological markers in politics and the crisis of determining its strategy and tactics.
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Lemke, Christiane. "Right-Wing Populism and International Issues." German Politics and Society 38, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 90–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2020.380204.
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Most studies analyze right-wing populism in the framework of the nation state, while its impact on foreign policy is understudied. This article focuses on the German Alternative for Germany (AfD) to highlight its foreign policy stance. How is the AfD deliberately operating not only nationally but also on the European level? What are their aims and goals? How has the surge in right-wing populism impacted international issues and what does the rise of the right mean for Germany’s role in Europe and in world politics? In the first part of the paper, I contextualize the rise and significance of right-wing populism in Germany within the framework of social and political theory. Second, I address the AfD’s position to European affairs more specifically, including its stance in the European Parliament elections in 2019. Third, I highlight key topoi of the AfD’ s position regarding the eu, the United States and nato by drawing on critical discourse analysis. The analysis shows that the AfD is aiming to redefine Germany's foreign policy consensus based on the special responsibility paradigm that has characterized Germany's foreign policy after World War II. The party is not only nationalistic in outlook but moreover aiming to revise key paradigms of Germany's foreign and European policies.
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Kurylo, Bohdana. "Counter-populist performances of (in)security: Feminist resistance in the face of right-wing populism in Poland." Review of International Studies 48, no. 2 (December 2, 2021): 262–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210521000620.
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AbstractIR scholarship has recently seen a burgeoning interest in the right-wing populist politics of security, showing that it tends to align with the international ultraconservative mobilisation against ‘gender ideology’. In contrast, this article investigates how local feminist actors can resist right-wing populist constructions of (in)security by introducing counter-populist discourses and aesthetics of security. I analyse the case of Poland, which presents two competing populist performances of (in)security: the Independence March organised by right-wing groups on Poland's Independence Day and the Women's Strike protests against the near-total ban on abortion. The article draws on Judith Butler's theory of the performative politics of public assembly, which elucidates how the political subject of ‘the people’ can emerge as bodies come together to make security demands through both verbal and non-verbal acts. I argue that the feminist movement used the vehicle of populist performance to subvert the exclusionary constructions of (in)security by right-wing populists. In the process, it introduced a different conception of security in the struggle for a ‘livable life’. The study expands the understanding of the relationship between populism, security and feminism in IR by exploring how the populist politics of security is differently enacted by everyday agents in local contexts.
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Rieber, Alfred J., and Hans Rogger. "Jewish Policies and Right-Wing Politics in Imperial Russia." American Historical Review 92, no. 4 (October 1987): 1006. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1864065.
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Naimark, Norman M., and Hans Rogger. "Jewish Policies and Right-Wing Politics in Imperial Russia." Russian Review 46, no. 3 (July 1987): 331. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/130570.
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Davis, Clarence B. "Politics Against Democracy: Right-Wing Extremism in West Germany." History: Reviews of New Books 21, no. 1 (July 1992): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1992.9950710.
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Betz, Hans-Georg. "Politics of Resentment: Right-Wing Radicalism in West Germany." Comparative Politics 23, no. 1 (October 1990): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/422304.
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Bolin, Niklas. "Book review: Nordic Nationalism and Right-Wing Populist Politics." Party Politics 25, no. 6 (September 16, 2019): 864–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068819876774.
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Beck, Martin. "On the Making of the German ‘Refugee Crisis’: Securitizing Muslim Immigrants in 2015 and Beyond." Journal of Refugee Studies 34, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 1307–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/feab011.
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Abstract This paper contributes to solving the following research puzzle: When the influx of refugees from Syria and elsewhere to Germany significantly increased, German society and politics seemed to be rather robust in the face of xenophobic and right-wing populist movements; however, only 2years later, the Alternative fűr Deutschland made it into the Bundestag, and in late 2018 Chancellor Angela Merkel could solve a governmental crisis triggered by the 'refugee crisis' only by announcing her stepwise withdrawal from political offices. The making of the 'refugee crisis' was facilitated by a securitization policy. On three crucial cases of domestic politics — security, socio-economics, and socio-cultural politics — it is shown that right-wing populism proved to be capable of dominating the political agenda as it came up with argumentation figures that were — though not hegemonic — also prominent among leading politicians on the whole political spectrum in Germany from the right to the left.
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Doerr, Nicole. "How right-wing versus cosmopolitan political actors mobilize and translate images of immigrants in transnational contexts." Visual Communication 16, no. 3 (June 26, 2017): 315–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470357217702850.
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This article examines visual posters and symbols constructed and circulated transnationally by various political actors to mobilize contentious politics on the issues of immigration and citizenship. Following right-wing mobilizations focusing on the Syrian refugee crisis, immigration has become one of the most contentious political issues in Western Europe. Right-wing populist political parties have used provocative visual posters depicting immigrants or refugees as ‘criminal foreigners’ or a ‘threat to the nation’, in some countries and contexts conflating the image of the immigrant with that of the Islamist terrorist. This article explores the transnational dynamics of visual mobilization by comparing the translation of right-wing nationalist with left-wing, cosmopolitan visual campaigns on the issue of immigration in Western Europe. The author first traces the crosscultural translation and sharing of an anti-immigrant poster created by the Swiss People’s Party (SVP), a right-wing political party, inspiring different extremist as well as populist right-wing parties and grassroots activists in several other European countries. She then explores how left-libertarian social movements try to break racist stereotypes of immigrants. While right-wing political activists create a shared stereotypical image of immigrants as foes of an imaginary ethnonationalist citizenship, left-wing counter-images construct a more complex and nuanced imagery of citizenship and cultural diversity in Europe. The findings show the challenges of progressive activists’ attempts to translate cosmopolitan images of citizenship across different national and linguistic contexts in contrast to the right wing’s rapid and effective instrumentalizing and translating of denigrating images of minorities in different contexts.
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Formisano, Ron. "Interpreting Right-Wing or Reactionary Neo-Populism: A Critique." Journal of Policy History 17, no. 2 (April 2005): 241–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2005.0010.
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During the 1980s and 1990s in countries across the globe, new populist protest movements and radical political organizations emerged to challenge traditional parties, ruling elites, and professional politicians, and even long-standing social norms. The revolts against politics-as-usual have arisen from many kinds of social groupings and from diverse points on the political spectrum. Through the 1980s, in Western and Eastern Europe, Latin America, Africa, Asia, and North America, populist discontent erupted intermittently. But the end of the Cold War, particularly in Europe, unleashed a torrent of popular movements and political parties opposed to what the discontented perceived as the corruption and deceitfulness of the political classes and their corporate patrons. Some protest movements promoted more democracy, pluralism, and economic opportunity; some expressed intolerance, bigotry, and xenophobic nationalism.
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Ghodsee, Kristen. "Left Wing, Right Wing, Everything: Xenophobia, Neo-totalitarianism, and Populist Politics in Bulgaria." Problems of Post-Communism 55, no. 3 (May 2008): 26–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/ppc1075-8216550303.
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Trenwith, Lynne A. "REVIEW: Noted: Right-wing rhetoric makes the unpalatable normal." Pacific Journalism Review 23, no. 1 (July 21, 2017): 279. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v23i1.317.
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The Politics of Fear. What right wing populist discourses mean, by Ruth Wodak. London: Sage, 2015. 256 pages. ISBN 978-1- 4462-470-0-6AS WE observe political events unfolding in the United States, the Brexit vote in the UK, the discourse around Korea, the French elections and the rhetoric of European nations, Wodak’s book provides a timely insight into the discourse of right wing populism and why it is successful. In each of the eight chapters, Wodak provides campaign materials, images, online data, television interviews and news stories.
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Bangstad, Sindre, Bjørn Enge Bertelsen, and Heiko Henkel. "The politics of affect." Focaal 2019, no. 83 (March 1, 2019): 98–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2019.830110.
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This article is based on the transcript of a roundtable on the rise of the far-right and right-wing populism held at the AAA Annual Meeting in 2017. The contributors explore this rise in the context of the role of affect in politics, rising socio-economic inequalities, racism and neoliberalism, and with reference to their own ethnographic research on these phenomena in Germany, Poland, Italy, France, the UK and Hungary.