Relevant bibliographies by topics / Right wing politics

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Right wing politics'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 9 June 2025

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Journal articles on the topic "Right wing politics"

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Ansell, Aaron. "Right-Wing Politics in Brazil." Anthropology News 58, no. 4 (July 2017): e370-e373. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/an.519.

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Kutun, Melehat. "Understanding right-wing populists’ anti-abortion politics in Turkey: The symbolic violence of the state." Intersections 10, no. 2 (October 16, 2024): 114–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17356/ieejsp.v10i2.1016.

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This study investigates how symbolic violence is shaping anti-abortion stances associated with legitimising right-wing populist policies. The prominent questions are as follows: What are the institutional and politico-administrative mechanisms that are impacting anti-abortion politics in terms of material and symbolic violence? How and to what extent does anti-abortion politics influence the interplay between symbolic and material state violence? The study argues that reproduction-centred policies and material and symbolic violence have intensified through anti-abortion politics in the discursive context of the social reproduction crisis in Turkey. It explores the institutional actions and the legitimation mechanisms of anti-abortion policies in relation to the penetration of right-wing populist politics after the authoritarian turn of 2010. This qualitative case study uses critical discourse analysis. It interprets the public speeches of representatives of the government and documentary data concerning the ruling party’s programmes, development plans and relevant legislation. The research provides a gendered perspective on the anti-abortion policies that anchor right-wing populism in terms of the crisis of social reproduction. It also contributes to critical state theory and pre-existing feminist scholarship on right-wing populism.
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Ost, David. "REN PILL Politics in Poland." Current History 121, no. 833 (March 1, 2022): 108–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2022.121.833.108.

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Poland’s ruling Law and Justice Party has drawn international attention with its hard-line right-wing rhetoric and policies on a range of issues, from immigration to LGBT rights to attempts to gain control over formerly independent institutions such as the judiciary and the media. Some critical voices in Poland and elsewhere have drawn comparisons with fascism. The party denounces such parallels, pointing out that Poland suffered Nazi occupation, even though it venerates Polish politicians of the World War II era who espoused positions such as eliminationist anti-Semitism. To avoid such impasses created by raising fascism in analyses of contemporary politics, this essay proposes using Poland as a case study for a new category of analysis: Right-wing Exclusionary Nationalist Popular Illiberalism, encompassing both classic fascism and today’s right-wing populism.
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Guisan, Catherine. "Right-Wing Populism and the European Parliament’s Agonistic Politics." Populism 5, no. 1 (February 15, 2022): 48–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25888072-bja10032.

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Abstract How is it that the European Parliament (EP), the only directly elected institution of the European Union (EU), has both empowered right-wing populist politicians in the UK and France, and helped challenge the right-wing populist governments of Hungary and Poland? Part of the response lies in institutional rules shaping the EP’s elections and its authority, which this article discusses critically. The paradoxical impact of the EP on European right-wing populism leads to another question: Should the EP privilege the rights of right-wing populist and anti-system actors; or, to the contrary, should it “protect democracy against democracy”? This article draws from political theorist Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic politics to assess comparatively the measures the EP majority has taken to limit the influence of right-wing populists within the chamber and beyond in EU member states. It critiques the exclusionary cordon sanitaire within, and conditionality and the “judicialization of conflicts” without, which the EP discusses passionately also.
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Glaser, Tina, Jens H. Hellmann, Naemi Pilz, and Gerd Bohner. "Left and Right in Space and Politics." Social Cognition 41, no. 1 (February 2023): 41–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/soco.2023.41.1.41.

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The terms left and right can refer to spatial or political orientations. We hypothesized that a match (vs. mismatch) of spatial position and political orientation would lead to more positive political judgments. In three experiments, German participants (total N = 517) evaluated statements from the political left-wing and right-wing spectrums as well as German political parties presented either on the left or on the right side of their screens. When statements were presented on the left, politically left statements as well as left-wing parties were evaluated more favorably than when these statements were presented on the right. Conversely, politically right statements and right-wing parties were evaluated more favorably when the statements were presented on the right versus left side of the screen. Cultural conservatism, need for cognitive closure, and openness to experience were assessed but did not mediate these effects. We discuss theoretical and practical implications of the results.
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Xiong, Xin. "The Rise of Far-right Politics in Europe: Examples from Italy, Hungary and France." Highlights in Business, Economics and Management 7 (April 5, 2023): 240–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/hbem.v7i.6954.

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Over the years, far-right politics has plateaued in terms of support in different parts of the world. The increasing acceptance of right-wing political agendas, such as in the US, Brazil, and New Zealand, has opened a conduit for the growth of far-right politics, especially in the European scene. The transformation of these politics to fighting an unfair system has gained resonance among the electorate, thus increasing its popularity. This essay studied the rise of far-right politics in Europe, exploring the recent wins of far-right parties in Italy, the case of Hungary’s decade-long right-wing political agenda and France’s recent election. The study relied on news articles, online data, and relevant literature to explain the topic. The findings suggested that economic inequity, the decline of democracy, immigration, multiculturalism, and opposition to the European Union were the primary factors leading to the rise of far-right politics in Europe. It was also evident that a far-right future would lead to the disintegration of liberal democracy, isolation due to nationalist policies, and cultural intolerance. Based on the findings, it was concluded that economic inequity was the driving factor, and far-right political parties were gaining momentum by proposing radical solutions to address this problem.
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Vadhanavisala, Onvara. "Radical Right-Wing Politics and Migrants and Refugees in Hungary." European Journal of Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejss-2020.v3i1-89.

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Radical right-wing politics and ultra-nationalism have always been important issue across Europe's political spectrum. However, the recent flourishing of right-wing and populist parties in Europe in the past couple years were provoked by the European migrants and refugee crisis. The European institutions fail to solve the crisis. We witnessed various terrorist attacks occurred in major cities in Europe such as Paris, Berlin, and Italy etc. This had led not only the European people but all over the world to grow more suspicious of the EU institutions and their capabilities to manage the incident. As a consequence, the radical right-wing nationalist and right-wing political parties in Europe have taken this opportunity to claim and run their campaigns on a strong anti-refugees and immigrants. As a result, right-wing politicians and parties tend to gain more popularity among voters and achieved electoral success in many European countries such as Marine Le Pen in France, Andrej Babiš in Czech Republic, the Freedom Party (FPÖ) in Austria, Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party in Hungary and elsewhere in Europe. These right-wing nationalists and political parties represent themselves as a defender of European Christian values, the protector of Europe, the savior of Christianity. They are working in every way to prevent the land of Europe from Muslims. This kind of rhetoric is spreading across Europe and developed as an anti-refugee/immigrant campaign which can be seen in both online and offline media especially in the case of Hungary. It has signified as a backlash against the political establishment and a wave of discontent. Furthermore, the rise of right-wing politics has created concerns over human rights, national identity, refugee and migrant issues.
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Vadhanavisala, Onvara. "Radical Right-Wing Politics and Migrants and Refugees in Hungary." European Journal of Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejss.v3i1.p100-108.

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Radical right-wing politics and ultra-nationalism have always been important issue across Europe's political spectrum. However, the recent flourishing of right-wing and populist parties in Europe in the past couple years were provoked by the European migrants and refugee crisis. The European institutions fail to solve the crisis. We witnessed various terrorist attacks occurred in major cities in Europe such as Paris, Berlin, and Italy etc. This had led not only the European people but all over the world to grow more suspicious of the EU institutions and their capabilities to manage the incident. As a consequence, the radical right-wing nationalist and right-wing political parties in Europe have taken this opportunity to claim and run their campaigns on a strong anti-refugees and immigrants. As a result, right-wing politicians and parties tend to gain more popularity among voters and achieved electoral success in many European countries such as Marine Le Pen in France, Andrej Babiš in Czech Republic, the Freedom Party (FPÖ) in Austria, Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party in Hungary and elsewhere in Europe. These right-wing nationalists and political parties represent themselves as a defender of European Christian values, the protector of Europe, the savior of Christianity. They are working in every way to prevent the land of Europe from Muslims. This kind of rhetoric is spreading across Europe and developed as an anti-refugee/immigrant campaign which can be seen in both online and offline media especially in the case of Hungary. It has signified as a backlash against the political establishment and a wave of discontent. Furthermore, the rise of right-wing politics has created concerns over human rights, national identity, refugee and migrant issues.
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Kincaid, John D. "The Rational Basis of Irrational Politics." Politics & Society 44, no. 4 (October 29, 2016): 525–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329216674003.

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Right-wing social movements in the United States have been underexplored in the sociological literature. This article examines how right-wing social movements have been able to capture a foothold in the Texas state Republican Party, and maintain political support even as their policies and politics have grown increasingly partisan and increasingly extreme. Through in-depth analysis of the state Republican Party’s internal battles over the past twenty years, coupled with a fixed-effects regression analysis of statewide election results 1994–2012, the article uses the context of statewide battles over equalization of education finance to explain how right-wing movements in Texas have maintained durable support for radical, right-wing candidates and policies. The article demonstrates the role played by material and symbolic “threats” in maintaining and increasing support for the Republican Party, even among previously moderate populations.
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Kim, Misook, and Kei Yamashita. "The Relationship between State Power and Religion in Japan: Focusing on the Interrelationship between Nihonkaigi and Shinto." Korean Society of Culture and Convergence 44, no. 5 (May 31, 2022): 897–918. http://dx.doi.org/10.33645/cnc.2022.5.44.5.897.

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This study aims to examine the relationship between religion and politics. Specifically, the relationship between state power and Shinto was analyzed, focusing on Japanese politics and the Japanese political organization Nihonkaigi. Through this, the ideological background of Japan’s right-wing forces was analyzed. Nihonkaigi is a political organization where right-wing political figures from Japan, created by “the Group to Protect Japan” and “the National Congress to Protect Japan,” are gathered. This organization significantly influences modern Japanese politics based on right-wing forces. The ideological backgrounds of these right-wing forces include “setting the Japanese emperor as the base of power” and “traditional the unity of state and religion ideas”. It means that efforts to abolish the State Shinto in December 1945 and prevent the recurrence of militarism failed. Nihonkaigi is giving material, human, and ideological support to right-wing politicians. They seek a “return to before the 2nd World War” by glorifying nationalism with discourse such as “Strong Japan equals Making a New Japan”. This example explains the unique aspect of Japan’s unity of state and religion.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Right wing politics"

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Brand, Matthew. "Right-wing refugees and British politics, 1830-1871." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2016. https://ueaeprints.uea.ac.uk/58495/.

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This thesis investigates the role of right-wing refugees in British politics during the middle years of the nineteenth century, considering the relationships which these refugees established with British politicians, and the difficulties which their multifarious activities created for the makers of British foreign policy. Whereas the contribution of left-wing refugees to British politics and diplomacy during the Victorian era has been considered at length by numerous historians, the relationships which their right-wing counterparts formed with British politicians and the diplomatic concerns which they created have found little attention. This thesis seeks to redress this imbalance by analysing an overlooked but nevertheless important series of networks and controversies in which these exiles became involved during the tumultuous middle years of the nineteenth century. The study first considers the largely diplomatic implications of the presence of the former Charles X of France and his court in Britain during 1830-32, before turning to the difficulties and opportunities which both the Carlist and Miguelite pretenders and their refugee supporters presented for British governments and politicians alike throughout the 1830s and 1840s. The next three chapters consider the apogee of refugee influence over British politics during the years 1848-50, when the victims of the European revolutions of 1848 intrigued with allies in both Britain and continental Europe alike. The final two chapters then chart the rise of the refugee Orléans branch of the French royal family into highly-regarded political actors, whilst considering the diplomatic implications of their presence in Britain. This study suggests that whereas left-wing refugees boasted a modest political legacy and provoked several international controversies, those of the right not only enflamed diplomatic dispute but often actively intervened in British high politics. It therefore posits that refugees played a far wider and more important role in nineteenth-century Britain than previously noted.
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Mitchell, Paul Terence. "Philippe de Villiers : politics, parties, ideology." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287136.

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Zander, Patrick Glenn. "Right modern." Diss., Atlanta, Ga. : Georgia Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/28270.

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Thesis (M. S.)--History, Technology and Society, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2009.<br>Committee Chair: Jonathan Schneer; Committee Member: Dr. John Krige; Committee Member: Dr. John Tone; Committee Member: Dr. Gus Giebelhaus; Outside Reader: Dr. David Edgerton.
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Hayes, Mark. "The ideological dimensions of radical right wing politics in Britain : a critical appraisal." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.316363.

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Henderson, Peter Charles, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College, and School of Humanities. "A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950." THESIS_CAESS_HUM_Henderson_P.xml, 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/504.

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This thesis is a narrative history of the major groups and individuals on the Australian extreme right since 1950. It assesses their genesis, growth, successes and failures as well as their origins in regard to Australia’s domestic situation and international influences. Various arguments are put forward: groups that emerged in the post World War 2 period are different than preceding groups; the Social Credit movement is in decline; the ideas of neo-Nazi and fascist groups, while powerful, are generally no longer viable; anti-immigration and racial nationalist groups were an attempt to forge an indigenous movement; the role of individual activists are an important element in extreme right political activity; the Confederate Action Party was destroyed by internecine fighting; the Citizens Electoral Council is representative of a movement with the potential to promote dissent in society and may become one of the more important groups of the extreme right; Pauline Hanson’s movement eventually proved damaging to the extreme right. It is concluded that the extreme right has exerted a significant negative influence over Australian society, influencing both national and international trends<br>Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
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Olsen, Jonathan. "Nature and nationalism : right-wing ecology and the politics of identity in contemporary Germany /." New York, NY : St. Martin's Press, 1999. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/hol053/99017474.html.

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Schwanebeck, Wieland. "How the Right-Wing Blockbuster Disposes of the ‘Non-Working’ Working Class." Universität Leipzig, 2018. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A21122.

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Tipaldou, Sofia. "Russia’s nationalist-patriotic opposition: the shifting politics of right-wing contention in post-communist transition." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/308508.

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Mi tesis doctoral trata los factores que influyen la aparición de organizaciones de extrema derecha contemporáneos en Rusia y subraya el papel clave de liderazgo en dichas organizaciones. Las preguntas de investigación son: ¿Hasta que punto ha cambiado el movimiento de derecha radical ruso a lo largo del tiempo? ¿Qué factores son responsables de la transformación interna (la aparición y la evolución) del movimiento de derecha radical en Rusia? Las variables dependientes centrales de mi estudio son el surgimiento y el cambio de los modelos organizativos de la derecha radical rusa y tienen que ver con el por qué, el cuándo y el cómo emergen nuevas estructuras movilizadoras y como cambian su forma, sus estrategias, discursos, y modelos. El objeto de mi estudio es el movimiento nacionalpatriota ruso, lo cual llamaré "oposición nacionalista-patriota" y definiré como: el amplio espectro de organizaciones nacionalistas extra-parlamentarias (partidos, movimientos y milieus), así como sus aliados dentro de la Duma. Utilicé una serie de métodos de recolección de datos que incluyen la observación participante, entrevistas semiestructuradas (entrevistas a informantes claves), el uso de documentos generados por los movimientos bajo investigación, artículos de prensa e investigación de archivos. Mi estudio utiliza un enfoque interdisciplinario que combina diferentes disciplinas (ciencia política, sociología, economía) y diferentes métodos, y su objetivo es forjar un puente entre la documentación existente de ciencia política y de sociología sobre el fenómeno de la derecha radical. Queriendo entender el surgimiento y evolución de los movimientos, mi tesis aborda el desafío analítico de identificar las circunstancias que incluyen procesos estructurales y culturales y los combina con un enfoque basado en la actividad humana. Se basa en el esfuerzo continuo de fusionar las teorías de nacionalismo y de los movimientos sociales con el fin de contribuir a la construcción de una teoría más sólida sobre la protesta de los movimientos de la derecha radical. Mi argumento es que las organizaciones rusas de derecha radical contemporáneas cambian su forma, la estrategia, el discurso y el modelo a través de un proceso de adaptación basado en nuevas divisiones socioeconómicas (en la línea de estado-nación/ confederación sin la dominancia de una nación, cívica ciudadanía basada en derechos cívicos/ en sangre, y organizaciones políticas parlamentarias/ extra- parlamentarias), en la respuesta del gobierno hacia estas divisiones (en particular a través de la política de migración), y en las oportunidades que el régimen u otros factores externos (por ejemplo la tecnología) se abre o se cierra a ellos. Las oportunidades están determinadas por el contexto estructural que incluye elementos culturales, sociales y políticos. La movilización y los resultados del movimiento nacionalista-patriota pueden alimentar de nuevo en ambas estructuras de movimiento y estructuras de contexto. Durante este proceso, el papel del liderazgo es crucial, para capitalizar las oportunidades existentes, para construir una atracción al mensaje público de que es capaz de atraer el apoyo del público, y para transformar sus formas y estructuras organizativas de una manera que les permita sobrevivir y lograr sus objetivos. La realización de las entrevistas con líderes de los movimientos nacionalistas patriotas muestra que su actividad es fundamental para la creación y supervivencia de los movimientos. Mi estudio elabora una serie de movimientos conceptuales, incluyendo la introducción de una definición más amplia de la derecha radical que toma en cuenta las complejas relaciones que existen dentro y entre las organizaciones que la componen y su interacción con las organizaciones de oposición; la introducción del término estructuras de oportunidades tecnológicas; y la evolución del partido La Otra Rusia (anterior Partido Nacional-Bolchevique) del frente nacional-patriota. La investigación presente contribuye a la obtención de una visión más clara de los patrones y la dinámica de la derecha radical en contextos de transición, especialmente en los no-democráticos. El caso de estudio de Rusia se integra en el debate de las ciencias sociales enfocado en la aparición y el desarrollo de los movimientos de extrema derecha y pretende aportar herramientas para entender mejor casos similares que atraviesan un cambio sistémico rápido. Cuenta con implicaciones más amplias sobre el papel de las organizaciones nacionalistas en la transición democrática; el entendimiento de los movimientos similares en otros entornos de transición, como en Ucrania, o en contextos occidentales con características similares, por ejemplo los entornos de crisis económica del sur de Europa; y la mejor comprensión de presiones en la política interna que puedan afectar la toma de decisiones gubernamentales en una serie de cuestiones, como podría ser en la política exterior.<br>My PhD dissertation deals with the factors that influence the emergence of contemporary far right organizations in Russia and underlines the key role of leadership in those organizations. The research questions addressed in my research are: To what extent does the Russian radical right movement vary over time? What accounts for the internal transformation (the emergence and further evolution) of radical right organizations in Russia? The central outcome variable of my study are the emergence and organizational change of the Russian radical right movement that has to do with the why,when, and how mobilizing structures arise and how they change their form, strategy, discourse, and model. The population of my study is the broader radical right movement in Russia, which I will call “nationalist-patriotic opposition” and define as: the wide spectrum of extraparliamentarian nationalist organizations (parties, movements, and milieus), as well as their allies within the Duma. I used a number of data-gathering methods that include participant observation, semi-structured interviewing (key informant interviews), the use of indigenously generated documents by social movement organizations, newspaper articles, and archival research. My study uses an interdisciplinary approach that combines different disciplines (political science, sociology, and area studies) and different methods based on extensive fieldwork (key-informant semi-structured interviewing, participant observation, and archival research) and aims to forge a bridge between political science and sociology literature on this topic. It addresses the analytical challenge of identifying circumstances that include both structural and cultural processes and combine them with an agent-based approach in order to understand movement emergence and development. It is based on the ongoing effort of merging nationalism and social movement theories in order to contribute to the construction of a more solid theory of radical right protest. My argument is that Russia's contemporary radical right organizations have changed their form, strategy, discourse, and model through an adaptation process under the influence of new socioeconomic cleavages (along the lines of nation-state/ nationless confederacy, civic/ blood citizenship, and parliamentarian/ extraparliamentarian political organizations), the government's response towards these cleavages (particularly through migration policy), and opportunities the regime or other external factors (e.g. technology) opens or closes to them. Opportunities are shaped by the structural context which includes cultural, social, and political elements. The mobilization and outcomes of the nationalist-patriotic movement may feed back into both movement structures and context structures. During this process, the role of leadership is crucial, for capitalizing on the existing opportunities, for constructing a message attractive to the public, and for transforming their organizational forms and structures in a way that will enable them to survive and to accomplish their goals. Evidence from interviews with leaders of nationalist-patriotic movements shows that their agency is fundamental for the movements' creation and survival. My study makes a series of conceptual contributions, including the introduction of a broader definition of the radical right that accounts for the complex relations that exist within and among the organizations that comprise it and their interaction with opposing organizations; the introduction of the term “technological opportunity structures”; and the disentanglement of the existent form of the National- Bolshevik Party- The Other Russia- from the nationalist-patriotic front. The present research contributes to obtaining more insight into the patterns and dynamics of right-wing radicalism in transitional settings, especially non-democratic ones. The case study of Russia seeks to contribute to the debate in social science on the emergence and development of radical right wing movements about a broader category of similar cases that undergo rapid systemic change. It has further implications for our understanding of the role of nationalist organizations in democratic transition; on the understanding of similar movements in other transitional settings, e.g.. Ukraine, or in Western non-transitional settings with similar characteristics, e.g. Southern European economic crisis environments; and for the better understanding of pressures in domestic policy that may impact governmental decision-making in a series of issues, e.g. foreign policy.
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Bleher, Saskia. "Right-wing populism in the European Union and the rise of Germany's Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) and Hungary's Jobbik." Master's thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/31600.

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The purpose of this thesis is it to investigate the socio-political conditions that gave rise to right-wing populism (RWP) in Germany and Hungary. It ascertains reasons for increasing right-wing populist attitudes in these two countries by tracing the emergence of the German Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) and the Hungarian Movement for a better Hungary (Jobbik). The choice to compare these parties was influenced by considerations relating to their roles as main opposition parties in their respective countries’ parliaments as well as the fact that they were catapulted to political prominence as right-wing populist parties in the aftermath of the refugee crisis of 2015. Examining the causes for the increase of RWP across Europe is indispensable for purposes of understanding the everchanging political landscape of the European Union (EU) and the continued threat RWP poses to liberal democratic values in that region. Furthermore, it is necessary to comprehend the undercurrents besetting the two societies’ social fabrics and political nomenclatures as well as their roles in precipitating rightwing populist movements that have gone on dominate their respective polities. To unearth the circumstances behind the rise of RWP as a political phenomenon, the Most Different Systems Design will be utilized to identify factors which account for the success of the AfD and Jobbik in their respective countries. To carry out this task both the Cultural Backlash Thesis (CBT) and the Economic Insecurity Perspective (EIP) are employed as theoretical nodal points to ascertain each of the two countries’ unique set of socio-political and socioeconomic circumstances that propelled right-wing parties to political prominence. This thesis argues that both the CBT and EIP have been at the centre of why right-wing populism has been on the rise in the EU in recent times. Accounting for the exponential rise of Jobbik and the AfD is the exploitation of growing nationalist sentiments by both parties fuelled by fear of the loss of traditional norms and values since the refugee crisis. By focusing on traditional values and their countries’ cultural identities, the two right-wing populist parties inadvertently exclude minority groups on a continued basis. Furthermore, this study claims that while cultural discontents account for the rise of both parties, economic grievances are only applicable in Jobbik’s case alone. This is due to the fact that Germany suffers from less economic difficulties as EU’s strongest economy, whereas Hungary’s own has been performing below par, which has been aggravated by high levels of corruption in the public sector. Hence, Jobbik’s rise has been aided by economic and cultural frustrations as a result of the so-called foreign infiltration whereas the AfD’s is attributed to growing cultural and nationalist grievances gaining a foothold in Germany.
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Foster, Bruce Wayne. "New Right, old Canada, an analysis of the political thought and activities of selected contemporary right-wing organizations." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ56543.pdf.

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Books on the topic "Right wing politics"

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Streek, Barry. Right-wing attacks . Cape Town, South Africa: Barry Streek, 1989.

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Chip, Berlet, ed. Eyes right!: Challenging the right wing backlash. Boston, Mass: South End Press, 1995.

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Möser, Cornelia, Jennifer Ramme, and Judit Takács, eds. Paradoxical Right-Wing Sexual Politics in Europe. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81341-3.

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Migliori, Chiara M. Religious Rhetoric in US Right-Wing Politics. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-96550-1.

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Bergmann, Eirikur. Nordic Nationalism and Right-Wing Populist Politics. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-56703-1.

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Hoffman, Bruce. Right-wing terrorism in West Germany. Santa Monica, CA: Rand, 1986.

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Hoffman, Bruce. Right-wing terrorism in West Germany. Santa Monica, CA: Rand, 1986.

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Andrew, Moore. The right road?: A history of right-wing politics in Australia. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1995.

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Braunthal, Gerard. Right-wing extremism in contemporary Germany. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

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Schultze, Rainer-Olaf, Roland Sturm, and Dagmar Eberle, eds. Conservative Parties and Right-Wing Politics in North America. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-663-09508-8.

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Book chapters on the topic "Right wing politics"

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Betz, Hans-Georg. "Resentment as Politics." In Radical Right-Wing Populism in Western Europe, 37–67. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23547-6_2.

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Graff, Agnieszka, and Elżbieta Korolczuk. "Gender, anti-gender and right-wing populism." In Anti-Gender Politics in the Populist Moment, 15–37. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003133520-2.

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Quirk, Sophie. "‘Where Are All the Right-Wing Comedians?’." In The Politics of British Stand-up Comedy, 11–43. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-01105-5_2.

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Newton, K., and T. J. Karran. "Right-Wing Arguments: Local Government as a Parasite." In The Politics of Local Expenditure, 20–35. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17849-0_2.

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Haegel, Florence. "Right-wing Parties in France and in Europe." In Politics in France and Europe, 217–33. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230101890_14.

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Haynes, Jeffrey. "Right-wing populism and religion in comparative perspective." In Routledge Handbook of Religion and Politics, 167–81. 3rd ed. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003247265-14.

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Sandrin, Paula. "The Rise of Right-Wing Populism in Europe: A Psychoanalytical Contribution." In Financial Crisis Management and Democracy, 227–39. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54895-7_14.

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AbstractThis chapter aims to provide a psychoanalytically informed interpretation of the rise of right-wing populism in Europe. It argues that explanations for the growing support for right-wing populist political parties and groups in European countries which stress the role of economic, migratory, and political factors can be deepened by a reading which takes into account the role of affects in politics.
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Martini, Alice, and Raquel da Silva. "Introduction—CTS and Right-wing terrorism and counterterrorism: Volume II, The Politics of Countering Political Violence." In CTS and Right-Wing Terrorism and Counterterrorism, 1–12. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003387701-1.

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Leyva, Rodolfo. "The Insidious Ways News Content Can Inflect People's Politics." In Right-Wing Media’s Neurocognitive and Societal Effects, 35–65. New York: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003243656-3.

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Barát, Erzsébet. "Paradoxes of the Right-Wing Sexual/Gender Politics in Hungary: Right-Wing Populism and the Ban of Gender Studies." In Paradoxical Right-Wing Sexual Politics in Europe, 173–99. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81341-3_7.

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Conference papers on the topic "Right wing politics"

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Chapelan, Alexis. "Opposition to political correctness as metadiscourse. Mapping the topos of the “free speech crisis” in Western right-wing discourse." In Universitas Europaea: Towards a Knowledge Based Society Through Europeanisation and Globalisation, 13–25. Free International University of Moldova, 2025. https://doi.org/10.54481/uekbs2024.v1.04.

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The concept of “Political correctness” (abbreviated PC) has become in the last two decades a salient features in contemporary (meta)discourses on the evolution of Western culture and language. Even though the term has now thoroughly infused our cultural and political lexicon, it remains a floating signifier which is hard to define and which conceptual borders are in constant flux. Acting as a symbolic glue, opposition to political correctness emerged as a general framework for engaging critically with some of the fundamental issues of post-materialist modernity: multiculturalism, racial inequality, sexual citizenship or education. The debate about PC is located within – and possibly at the very heart of – the shift to “cultural politics”, the politics of recognition, of identity and difference. It is important to grasp both PC and its critique as part and parcel of the much broader societal tectonic shift enacted by post-materialism. Using a Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA), the paper investigates the historical background of the emergence of the anti-PC discourse, as a backlash against the mainstreaming on US campuses of gender- and race-critical theories rooted in French (post)structuralism. It then focuses on a contemporary example of such discourse, analyzing a series of YouTube videos by the conservative Canadian academic and subsequent bestselling author Jordan Peterson. The case study highlights the manner in which anti-PC discourse capitalizes on liberal themes such as freedom of speech to articulate an anti-modern and anti-establishment critique.
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Oliveira, Lucas Santos de, and Pedro Olmo Stancioli Vaz de Melo. "Large-Scale And Long-Term Characterization Of Political Communications On Social Media." In Simpósio Brasileiro de Sistemas Multimídia e Web. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/webmedia_estendido.2022.225803.

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Social media play an important role in shaping political discourse, creating a public sphere that enables discussions, debates, and deliberations. Aware of this importance, politicians use social media for self-promotion and as a means of influencing people and votes. As an example of this assertion, in 2018, Brazilians democratically elected for president the far-right candidate Jair Bolsonaro. One of the most surprising feats of this outcome is that his party, PSL, had almost no television time. His victory was only possible because of his supporters’ engagement and activism on social media platforms, such as Twitter, Facebook, and WhatsApp. In this context, politicians need to decide how to communicate with their voters to build their reputations. While some politicians only share professional communications about their political agenda and activities, others prefer a more non-political and informal approach, sharing communications about the most varied subjects, such as religion, sports, and their families. Others, however, misuse platforms by spreading political messages that violate policies and circumvent electoral laws. Aware of these problems, I propose the LOCPOC a methodology to characterize the communication of Brazilian politicians over years in terms of the amount of political and non-political messages they post. The methodology is robust to concept drifts over time, requiring few new labeled messages each year. From the classified messages, I was able to characterize the communication of politicians over time and identified new findings: (i) Brazilian congresspeople changed their communication behavior over time; (ii) concept drifts occurred during important events in Brazilian politics; (iii) the explosive rise of the right seen just before the 2018 elections; (iv) a broader and more evenly distributed right-wing participation than the left-wing, and, finally, (v) the increase of public engagement over time.
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Kurtoğlu, Ramazan. "Financial-Economic Crisis and Hollywood’s Social Transformation Operations by Horror Movies." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01055.

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The fastest change and transition in the human history is neoliberal capitalism’s 30 year global free market politics project which affects every part of the world with 1978 Washington Consensus. According to John Gray who is a well known academician and an intellectual of the new right-wing, neoliberalism is an apocalyptic secular religion which is based on pagan and Christian values and its ultimate goal is post-apocalyptic heaven in the real world. The best marketing expert of this heaven is, Hollywood based American cinema industry in crisis as well as in regular times. In this study, the effects of the horror movies to the subconscious under economical crises period will be analyzed.
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DĂNESCU, Florin, Victor-Ioan DĂNESCU, and Sorina SÎRBU. "Power to the people: the impact of populist rhetoric on financial inclusion." In Strategica, 163–79. Faculty of Management - SNSPA, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.25019/str/2023.013.

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The complexity of economies and economics blurs the impact of political decisions on welfare. Political decision-making behavior has become a strong driver for economies, relying ever-larger on the so-called “political willpower” to the detriment of economic rationality. As days go by, economic independence has been more and more weakened by political freedom. The growth of populism as the common rhetoric makes populism an instrument used increasingly by left-wing and right-wing politicians alike; furthermore, it is increasingly unclear whether populism is rejected or embraced. This study highlights the linkage between politics (represented by populism) and the economy (represented here by its financial component). Overwhelmingly, financial markets depend on the creation of perceptions and the level of trust between demand and supply. But, creating perceptions differs from reality; the drop in confidence between elites and the people is the main instrument used in populist rhetoric. The Global Party Survey, a survey with global coverage incorporating innovative methods for quantifying populism, allows us to contemplate the linkage between populism and banking - represented in our study by a demand component, i.e., financial inclusion obtained from the GlobalFindex2021. Processing is based on multilinear regressions with control variables such as the region fixed effects and the indicators of cultural differences. This gives us relevant and significant conclusions about the negative impact of populism on financial inclusion. Populism is not about people’s power or welfare but rather about an increasing lack of trust generated by promises impossible to keep. These promises do not lead to enhanced financial inclusion but rather to its slowing down, stoppage, or reduction by means of financial self-exclusion.
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Kapanadze, Lali. "INEQUALITY AND RIGHT-WING POPULISM." In Proceedings of the XXIII International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25112020/7244.

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According to Cambridge dictionary, in 2017 the most popular word was Populism. What is Populism? – Is it achievement of our era, or its roots comes from our remote past? According to scientific research, populism existed in ancient Roman period as an ideological political movement known as the Populist Party. It expressed the interests of ordinary people. Today populism is a natural phenomenon of Democratic political regimes. Populist perception is a special democratic component of political culture, that is realized by the population who are involved in political movements. The amplitude of its usage is so diverse that it’s difficult to find an exact scientific definition. Today populism is a main political phenomenon and is mainly used during pre-election periods, political debates and with the purpose of convincing or manipulating consciousness of society. In addition, political leaders often use aggressive national-populist rhetoric.
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Beniuc, Liliana. "The rise of the right in the European Parliament following the 2024 elections." In Consolidarea rezilienței sociale prin valorificarea capitalului uman în contextul aderării Republicii Moldova și Ucrainei la Uniunea Europeană, 295–98. Moldova State University, 2024. https://doi.org/10.59295/crs2024.29.

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The article "The Rise of the Right in the European Parliament Following the 2024 Elections" investigates the growing influence of right-wing, particularly Eurosceptic, parties as a result of the 2024 elections. The study focuses on right-wing and Eurosceptic parties within the European Union in the context of new political realities. The aim of the research is to analyse how these political forces will shape the future political directions of the European Union. Among the research objectives is the identification of the factors that led to the rise of the right. The research methods employed include comparative analysis of electoral results and the study of political trends in member states. The expected outcomes of the research include insights into the perspectives of right-wing positions in the European Parliament and an evaluation of their influence on key EU policies.
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Zivotic, Ilija, and Darko Obradovic. "SPREAD OF THE RUSSIAN PROPAGANDA ON WESTERN BALKANS – CASE STUDY IN SERBIA." In SECURITY HORIZONS. Faculty of Security- Skopje, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.20544/icp.3.7.22.p15.

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Russian aggression on Ukraine increased spread of disinformation worldwide. Western Balkans and Serbia are also a long-term subject for Russian active measures. Those active measures have several priorities which are only intensifying in crises periods. Russian strategic task for Western Balkan is to prevent full western integrations. So far, Russia has succeeded to blockade Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro very successfully through their proxies on the field. Like during corona crisis, same patterns are deployed before and after beginning of the aggression on Ukraine. This work aims to identify, explain and counter main anti-western narratives in context of the Russian aggression. No doubts Russia is losing its international capacity but capacity for cover activities is still untouched on Western Balkans. In this scientific work authors will make a brief case study on Serbia and try to provide better understanding why Russian disinformation is so successful in Serbia. What are the main triggers? What can be done to prevent such subversive activities? Also, authors will trace and analyze the main advisories’ narratives from their deployment to their effects. Russian active measures have the potential to trigger inner and international conflicts in the Western Balkan region. They have already successfully divided the society. Meanwhile Serbia had a parliamentary election with results which are in direct connection with the war in Ukraine. Right wing parties achieved their record success in the last 10 years. Our article will try to find what can be done in a way to prevent Russian active measures. What is the role of media, state institutions and civil societies? This challenge will unfortunately be a security challenge in the future years, full western integration will not be a “silver bullet” for Russian activities. Russia is a global challenger that will exploit every possibility to endanger West. Non-integrated territories will be more vulnerable to became anti-western launch pad in the region. Keywords: active measures, security, politics, economy, disinformation, international relations, strategy
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Zelenda Kupcova, Adela. "REFLECTION OF FREEDOM FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF RIGHT-WING EXTREMISM ACTIVISTS." In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b21/s4.044.

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Deodhar, Bhakti. "Networks of the ‘Repugnant Other’: Understanding Right-wing Political Mobilization in Germany." In 4th International Conference on Social Science, Humanities and Education. Acavent, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/4th.icshe.2020.12.43.

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Hofmann, Klaus, and Tanja Wissik. "“Hier in diesem Hause sitzen keine Idioten!” - Emotion and Concreteness in Austrian Parliamentary Discourse." In CLARIN Annual Conference 2023. Linköping University Electronic Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/ecp210014.

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This study examines Austrian parliamentary discourse styles by combining utterances from the Corpus of Austrian Parliamentary Records (ParlAT; Wissik &amp; Pirker, 2018) with a large dataset of affective norms for German (Köper &amp; Schulte im Walde, 2016). The results suggest that parliamentary discourse styles differ significantly depending on gender, party affiliation and utterance type (regular speech vs. unauthorized utterances). The findings are discussed within the context of gendered language usage and the literature on political speech in general. In particular, we find evidence for a characteristically male right-wing populist mode of parliamentary discourse marked by negative and concrete language use and a penchant for heckling. It is also shown that discourse styles can vary over time, specifically when the parties in power change from one period to the next (e.g. a center-left/center-right coalition government following a center-right/right one).
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Reports on the topic "Right wing politics"

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Auers, Daunis. The Russia-Ukraine War and Right-Wing Populism in Latvia. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0023.

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Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has profoundly impacted Latvia’s politics, economy and society. It also moved Latvia’s political centre to the right and mainstreamed many of the core policy positions of the dominant Radical Right National Alliance (NA), such as squeezing the Russian language from the public sphere, dismantling the publicly-funded Russian-language school system, and demolishing Soviet-era monuments. This policy shift has been made possible by the NA’s gradual political mainstreaming over the last decade (it has been in a governing coalition since 2011) and long-standing opposition to Putin’s regime, as well as existing contacts and support for Ukrainian nationalist groups. As a result, there is a public perception that the NA was “right” about Russia. As the NA has mainstreamed and abandoned its populist rhetoric, new populist parties have emerged in Latvia. Parliamentary elections in October 2022 saw new “Latvian” (the Latvia First Party, LPV) and “Russian” (Stability! or S!) populist parties elected to parliament. The LPV largely refused to engage with the war, focusing on domestic economic issues, while S! has capitalized on the “we are for peace” niche left open by other parties’ denunciation of Russia’s invasion.
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Oblak Črnič, Tanja, and Katja Koren Ošljak. Digital Strategies of Political Parties in the 2024 European Elections: The Case of Slovenia. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), October 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0083.

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This report offers a systematic analysis of Slovenian political parties in online campaigning during the 2024 EP elections. It draws on a dataset of political parties and their online representations, selected from official party websites and dominant social media platforms, such as Facebook, Instagram and TikTok, in May 2024. The results show that Slovenian parties’ communication during the 2024 EP campaign was quite self-referential, accompanied by images of the candidates, indicating a high degree of personalization of politics. Moreover, the results show the “non-European orientation” of the campaign, as domestic issues dominated the parties’ social media profiles and websites. Furthermore, the content analysis of the parties’ websites revealed five issues where some cross-party differences in attitudes were observed: 1) agreement in party attitudes towards the environment; 2) on Ukraine and Palestine, parties on the right took different positions; 3) the centre-left coalition supported the government’s domestic policy the most; 4) right-wing actors tended to frame migration and minority rights in a restrictive way; actors with a left-wing orientation took a more humanitarian approach; and 5) left-wing actors were most tolerant vis-à-vis gender and reproductive rights. The results, therefore, imply a clear distinction between Slovenian parties of the left and right during the 2024 EP campaign.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Raja M. Ali Saleem. Military and Populism: A Global Tour with a Special Emphasis on the Case of Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0010.

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Although populism has become a focus of research in the last decade, there hasn’t been much academic work on how militaries around the world have reacted/acted to the rise of populist leaders. There is some timeworn research on the relationship of militaries in Latin America with various left-wing populist governments and leaders from the 1930s to 1970s. Given that populism was largely understood in the context of left-wing politics, with the rise of right-wing populism, the literature on the military and populism needs to be advanced by studying the relationship between right-wing populism and the military. This article aims to address this gap by looking at the right-wing populism case study of Pakistan, where the military has actively participated in the rise of a religious populist leader. To situate the case study within the larger literature of the military and populism, the dynamics and history of military associations with populism and populist leaders are revisited in the article’s first part.
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Ozturk, Ibrahim. Before the last exit: Chance for Lula to save democracy and market in Brazil. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), February 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0021.

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After the Cold War, not only the economic discontent created by capitalism and globalization went to the extreme, leaving the environment at the mercy of multinational corporations, but also the perception that the sovereignty, autonomy and independence of nations, and with them, the right to self-determination was increased to a limited extent. In particular, as the global crises of 2008-2009 hit people’s lives hard, the sense of "being left behind" prepared the ground for the demand and supply of populist politics. However, populist governments not only failed to achieve any progress on the main problems complained about, rather the contrary, but primarily right-wing authoritarian-populist governments also worsened the situation by threatening multilateralism, democracy, human rights and the free market economy worldwide. Besides, the Covid-19 pandemic since 2020 posed quite mixed results for the future of populism. While the populists gained strength in the opposition, the right-wing populists in government began to lose power. Therefore, in such an environment, in Brazil, the rise of Lula’s left-wing (and to some extent populist) government to power after defeating a right-wing authoritarian government has potential implications for the future of democracy, human rights, the market economy, and multilateralism. If the Lula government takes a reformist, transformative, and progressive path, it can become a positive role model for other countries under populism threat. However, this article questions the possibility of that under local and global constraints.
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Wolf, Maximilian, and Imke Schütz. Report on Panel #2 / Mapping European Populism: The Peculiarities and Commonalities of the Populist Politics in Southern Europe. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0003.

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This report is based on the second panel of ECPS’s monthly panel series called “Mapping European Populism” which was held online in Brussels on March 31, 2022. The panel brought together top-notch populism scholars from four south European countries, namely Greece, Italy, Spain and Portugal, which have many similarities and varieties in terms of right- and left-wing populist parties, groups and movements. As a by-product of this fruitful panel the report consists of brief summaries of the speeches delivered by the speakers.
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Bulent, Kenes. Jobbik: A Turanist Trojan Horse in Europe? European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), August 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/op0002.

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Defined as Turanist, Eurasianist, pro-Russian, pro-Iranian, anti-immigrant but pro-Islam, racist, antisemitic, anti-Roma, Hungarist, and radically populist, Jobbik do not exist in a vacuum. The rise of Jobbik from deep nationalist, antisemitic, and anti-Roma currents in Hungarian politics dates back to the late 1980s and early 1990s. Despite its extensive efforts at “image refurbishment” in recent years, Jobbik remains a populist, revisionist, racist, radical right-wing party that threatens to destabilize Hungary, the neighboring region, and the EU.
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Biscaia, Afonso, and Susana Salgado. The Ukraine-Russia war and the Far Right in Portugal: Minimal impacts on the rising populist Chega party. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0026.

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The effects of the Russia-Ukraine war on Portuguese politics have been negligible, leading to only minor changes in political positions or the relative popularity of the parties. Chega was the first right-wing populist political party to achieve a parliamentary breakthrough in Portugal, emerging as the third-largest political force after elections in January 2022. It shares rhetorical features and positions with European counterparts but distinguishes itself by its flexibility. Unencumbered by association with the Russian regime, Chega has been free to take the more popular position among voters, supporting Ukraine. Furthermore, one of its foremost adversaries, the Portuguese Communist Party, took an ambiguous position regarding the invasion of Ukraine, making Chega’s decision about positioning clearer. Nevertheless, Chega has used the war instrumentally in service of its established priorities—namely, nationalism, opposition to immigration, and militarism. Moreover, after temporarily setting aside welfare chauvinism, the party reverted to this staple as the war continued. We shed light on the rhetoric and positioning of Chega and its leader, André Ventura, by analysing 47 parliamentary commentaries by Chega MPs in 2021 and 2022 and 28 tweets mentioning Ukraine, Russia, nationals from both countries, or the war posted by Ventura during the same period.
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Bolin, Niklas. A Speed Bump in the Road or the Start of an Uphill Journey? The Sweden Democrats and the 2024 European Parliament Election Setback. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), October 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0085.

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Leading up to the 2024 European Parliament election, much attention was given to the anticipated gains of populist parties across Europe. While some populist parties made significant advances, the overall outcome was more moderate than expected. Sweden deviated from this general trend, witnessing gains for left-wing parties and a surprising setback for the populist radical right. The 2024 elections marked a historic decline for the Sweden Democrats, the first instance since their formation in 1988 that they regressed in comparison to previous national and European Parliament elections. This decline is particularly notable following their strong performance in the 2022 national elections, where they became Sweden’s second-largest party. This article examines these developments, drawing on existing research, media reports and exit polls, with a focus on the Sweden Democrats’ campaign strategies, election results and voter behaviour. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of these election outcomes for both Swedish domestic politics and the broader European political landscape. Keywords: radical right; populism; Sweden Democrats; European Union; elections, voting behaviour
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Bottura, Beatrice, Paris O’Keeffe-Johnston, Pinelopi Gkampeta, Ludmila Malai, Matt Lynch, Joon Park, and Leon Gräf. Anticipating the Trump Effect: Strengthening the EU Pact on Migration and Asylum Amid Populist Pressures. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), October 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pop0001.

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This policy paper explores the potential impact of the 2024 U.S. presidential election on EU politics, particularly the EU Pact on Migration and Asylum. Through horizon scanning, it highlights that a Trump victory could boost Euroscepticism and restrictive migration policies in the EU, especially among Trump’s European allies. Conversely, a Trump loss may lead to events akin to the 2021 Capitol attack, undermining trust in electoral processes in both the U.S. and EU. The paper suggests introducing regular in-depth country reviews (ICRs) to create tailored migration strategies, fostering greater cooperation with right-wing populist parties by balancing national sovereignty with EU policy goals.
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Meret, Susi. Denmark’s Populism at the Crossroads: Insights into the 2024 European Parliament Election Results. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), October 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0067.

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The populist moment that defined Danish politics from 2001 to 2019 has recently transitioned into what can be described as mainstream populism. Two concurrent developments drive this shift: first, the Social Democrats’ strategy to reclaim (white) working-class support by adopting populist right-wing stances on immigration and integration, and second, the existential crisis confronting the Liberals (Venstre, V) and the Conservative party (Det Konservative Folkeparti, KF), whose electoral support reached historic lows. The 2024 European Parliament elections differed significantly from those of 2019, marked by the emergence of new political entities and pressing global issues such as the Russia–Ukraine and Israel–Hamas conflicts, along with the existential threat of climate change and the lingering effects of the post-pandemic time. Traditional populists are exploiting these issues to regain support, advocating for greater national sovereignty and cohesion in the face of perceived global threats. This paper examines the evolving dynamics of Danish politics, focusing on how the intersection of domestic and international changes is reshaping EU-related positions and the role of populism. Keywords: populism, European Parliament elections, Danish People’s Party, Denmark Democrats, Socialist People’s Party
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