Relevant bibliographies by topics / Right-wing extremists – Europe, Western

Academic literature on the topic 'Right-wing extremists – Europe, Western'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Right-wing extremists – Europe, Western"

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Falter, Jürgen W., and Siegfried Schumann. "Affinity towards right‐wing extremism in Western Europe." West European Politics 11, no. 2 (April 1988): 96–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402388808424684.

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Kim, Eunyoung, and Duckhyung Jang. "Refugee crisis and violent right-wing extremism in Western Europe." Gachon Law Review 12, no. 4 (December 31, 2019): 265–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.15335/glr.2019.12.4.009.

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Knigge, Pia. "The ecological correlates of right-wing extremism in Western Europe." European Journal of Political Research 34, no. 2 (October 1998): 249–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.00407.

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Copsey, Nigel. "‘Fascism… but with an open mind.’ Reflections on the Contemporary Far Right in (Western) Europe." Fascism 2, no. 1 (2013): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00201008.

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The political science community would have us believe that since the 1980s something entirely detached from historical or neo-fascism has emerged in (Western) Europe - a populist radicalization of mainstream concerns - a novel form of ‘radical right-wing populism.’ Yet the concept of ‘radical right-wing populism’ is deeply problematic because it suggests that (Western) Europe’s contemporary far right has become essentially different from forms of right-wing extremism that preceded it, and from forms of right-wing extremism that continue to exist alongside it. Such an approach, as this First Lecture on Fascism argues, fails to appreciate the critical role that neo-fascism has played, and still plays, in adapting Europe’s contemporary far right to the norms and realities of multi-ethnic, liberal-democratic society. Political scientists should fixate less on novelty and the quest for neat typologies, and instead engage far more seriously with (neo) fascism studies.
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BETZ, HANS-GEORG. "Contemporary Right-Wing Radicalism in Europe." Contemporary European History 8, no. 2 (July 1999): 299–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777399002076.

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Herbert Kitschelt in collaboration with Anthony J. McGann, The Radical Right in Western Europe. A Comparative Analysis (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995), 323 pp., $49.50, ISBN 0-472-10663-5.Peter Merkl and Leonard Weinberg (eds.), The Revival of Right Wing Extremism in the 90s (London: Frank Cass, 1997), 304 pp., £18.50/$24.50, ISBN 0-714-64207-X.Urs Altermatt and Hanspeter Kriesi, L'Extrême droite en Suisse. Organisations et radicalisation au cours des années quatre-vingt et quatre-vingt-dix (Fribourg: Les Éditions Universitaires, 1995), 293 pp. (pb.), SFr. 42.00, ISBN 2-827-10727-9.Mike Cronin (ed.), The Failure of British Fascism. The Far Right and the Fight for Political Recognition (London: Macmillan, 1996), 182 pp. (hb.), £35.00, ISBN 0-333-58438-4.Gerhard Feldbauer, Von Mussolini bis Fini. Die Extreme Rechte in Italien (Berlin: Elefanten Press, 1996), 224 pp. (pb.), DM 29.40, ISBN 3-885-20575-0.Helmut Reinalter, Franko Petri and Rüdiger Kaufmann (eds.), Das Weltbild des Rechtsextremismus. Entsolidarisierung und Bedrohng der Demokratie. Gesellschaftliche Bedingungen, Strukturen und Wirkungen rechtsextremen Denkens (Innsbruck/Vienna: Studienverlag, 1998), 576 pp., DM 82.00, ISBN 3-706-51258-0.Tore Bjørgo, Racist and Right-Wing Violence in Scandinavia: Patterns, Perpetrators, and Responses (Oslo: Tano-Aschehoug, 1997), 386 pp., Kr 298.00, ISBN 8-251-83665-4.Jeffrey Kaplan and Tore Bjørgo (eds.), Nation and Race: The Development of a Euro-American Racist Subculture (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998), 273 pp. (pb.), £19.00, ISBN 1-555-53331-0.
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Caiani, Manuela, and Claudius Wagemann. "The Rise and the Fall of the Extreme Right in Europe: Towards an Explanation?" Modern Italy 12, no. 3 (November 2007): 377–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701633882.

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In the last two decades, the extreme right has experienced a dramatic rise in electoral support in many West European democracies, achieving more parliamentary and even governmental power. Despite extensive interest in this phenomenon and a myriad of academic publications about it, both in sociology and political science, little consensus has been reached about the reasons for the observed growth of right-wing extremism. Three books; The Extreme Right in Western Europe by Elisabeth Carter, Extreme Right Parties in Western Europe by Piero Ignazi and Radical Right by Pippa Norris, try to overcome this lack of consensus through up-to-date analyses of the current situation of extreme right-wing parties in Western Europe and (in Norris’ case) even beyond. All three authors try to go beyond the existing analyses which mainly concentrate on socio-demographic characteristics of extreme right voters. However, they focus on partly different research questions and, consequently, are based on slightly different research designs.
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Doerr, Nicole. "How right-wing versus cosmopolitan political actors mobilize and translate images of immigrants in transnational contexts." Visual Communication 16, no. 3 (June 26, 2017): 315–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470357217702850.

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This article examines visual posters and symbols constructed and circulated transnationally by various political actors to mobilize contentious politics on the issues of immigration and citizenship. Following right-wing mobilizations focusing on the Syrian refugee crisis, immigration has become one of the most contentious political issues in Western Europe. Right-wing populist political parties have used provocative visual posters depicting immigrants or refugees as ‘criminal foreigners’ or a ‘threat to the nation’, in some countries and contexts conflating the image of the immigrant with that of the Islamist terrorist. This article explores the transnational dynamics of visual mobilization by comparing the translation of right-wing nationalist with left-wing, cosmopolitan visual campaigns on the issue of immigration in Western Europe. The author first traces the crosscultural translation and sharing of an anti-immigrant poster created by the Swiss People’s Party (SVP), a right-wing political party, inspiring different extremist as well as populist right-wing parties and grassroots activists in several other European countries. She then explores how left-libertarian social movements try to break racist stereotypes of immigrants. While right-wing political activists create a shared stereotypical image of immigrants as foes of an imaginary ethnonationalist citizenship, left-wing counter-images construct a more complex and nuanced imagery of citizenship and cultural diversity in Europe. The findings show the challenges of progressive activists’ attempts to translate cosmopolitan images of citizenship across different national and linguistic contexts in contrast to the right wing’s rapid and effective instrumentalizing and translating of denigrating images of minorities in different contexts.
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Acha Ugarte, Beatriz. "The Far Right in Western Europe: “From the Margins to the Mainstream” And Back?" Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto, no. 59 (October 31, 2018): 75–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/ced-59-2018pp75-97.

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This paper analyses the rise of the Far Right in Western Europe and the widespread political, social and scholarly concern due to the extremist parties’ recent electoral performances. It holds that, already since the late 1980s, we are witnessing a new (third) “wave” of right-wing extremism in several European countries —with some of these parties having already undergone electoral and political consolidation— and joins other contributions that approach the issue of their “mainstreaming” process. It presents some data on the Far Right’s electoral and political evolution, which seem to confirm that some mainstreaming did take place in the decades between the 1980s and the 2000s. However, more recently the immigration issue and the “refugees’ crisis” seem to have prompted the radicalisation of many (if not all) of these parties, and even of some parties which were not thought to be extremist. The paper reflects on this process of alleged radicalisation of the Far Right. The conclusion speculates on its future evolution and highlights future avenues for research.Received: 23 February 2018 Accepted: 8 May 2018 Published online: 31 October 2018
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Zhang, Chenchen. "Right-wing populism with Chinese characteristics? Identity, otherness and global imaginaries in debating world politics online." European Journal of International Relations 26, no. 1 (May 20, 2019): 88–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066119850253.

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The past few years have seen an emerging discourse on Chinese social media that combines the claims, vocabulary and style of right-wing populisms in Europe and North America with previous forms of nationalism and racism in Chinese cyberspace. In other words, it provokes a similar hostility towards immigrants, Muslims, feminism, the so-called ‘liberal elites’ and progressive values in general. This article examines how, in debating global political events such as the European refugee crisis and the American presidential election, well-educated and well-informed Chinese Internet users appropriate the rhetoric of ‘Western-style’ right-wing populism to paradoxically criticise Western hegemony and discursively construct China’s ethno-racial and political identities. Through qualitative analysis of 1038 postings retrieved from a popular social media website, this research shows that by criticising Western ‘liberal elites’, the discourse constructs China’s ethno-racial identity against the ‘inferior’ non-Western other, exemplified by non-white immigrants and Muslims, with racial nationalism on the one hand; and formulates China’s political identity against the ‘declining’ Western other with realist authoritarianism on the other. The popular narratives of global order protest against Western hegemony while reinforcing a state-centric and hierarchical imaginary of global racial and civilisational order. We conclude by suggesting that the discourse embodies the logics of anti-Western Eurocentrism and anti-hegemonic hegemonies. This article: (1) provides critical insights into the changing ways in which self–other relations are imagined in Chinese popular geopolitical discourse; (2) sheds light on the global circulation of extremist discourses facilitated by the Internet; and (3) contributes to the ongoing debate on right-wing populism and the ‘crisis’ of the liberal world order.
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Celso, Anthony. "The Synergy between White Supremacist and Jihadist Violence in the Targeting of Religious Institutions." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 7, no. 7 (August 1, 2020): 580–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.77.8637.

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The 2019 Easter Islamic State (IS) attacks on Sri Lankan churches is seen by the government as retribution for a white nationalist attack on Christchurch New Zealand mosques. This article analyses the synergy between white nationalist and jihadi violence. It examines the growth of the Western extremist right as a response to economic globalization and the cultural-religious transformation of European and North American society. In part right-wing terrorism is a response to past jihadi attacks in the West and radicalized minority sub-communities within Europe’s large Muslim Diaspora population. Much like the left-right terrorist violence that convulsed Europe in the 1970’s we may be facing a destabilizing future of revenge attacks by jihadists and their far-right antagonists that target religious institutions and celebrations. This process results in a synergistic level of violence in which Jews are at the greatest risk for attacks.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Right-wing extremists – Europe, Western"

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Lubbers, Marcel. "Exclusionistic electorates : extreme right-wing voting in Western Europe /." [Netherlands] : ICS, Interuniversity center for social science theory and methodology, 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb388640618.

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Arikan, E. Burak. "The extreme right-wing parties in Eastern and Western Europe : a comparison of the common ideological agenda." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.294441.

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MICHEL, Elie. "Welfare politics and the radical right : the relevance of welfare politics for the radical right’s success in Western Europe." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/46384.

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Defence date: 15 May 2017
Examining Board: Professor Stefano Bartolini, EUI; Professor Martial Foucault, Sciences Po Paris; Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Jens Rydgren, Stockholm University
This thesis looks at the success of radical right parties in Western Europe through the perspective of welfare politics, by examining parties and voters in a comparative and mixed method perspective. I argue that purely socio-cultural or socio-economic accounts of the radical right success face several theoretical and empirical shortcomings. Focusing on the conflict dimension of welfare politics - who gets what, when and how in terms of social benefits – constitutes a novel approach to explain these parties’ and voters’ political preferences. Relying on different theories of the political sociology of the welfare state, I put forward the protection and exclusion hypotheses, which have implications at the party and at the voter levels. On the demand side, the precarization sub-hypothesis expects that economically insecure voters are likely to support radical right parties who offer them an alternative to mainstream parties. The scapegoating sub-hypothesis expect that voters who feel that core normative beliefs of the moral economy of the welfare state are being violated by individuals or outgroups should support the radical right because it fosters an exclusive conception of welfare politics. On the supply side, the programmatic shift sub-hypothesis expects that radical right parties turn their back on their initial ‘winning formula’ (which entailed retrenchment of welfare institutions) in order to adopt protective welfare preferences that match their constituents’ economic insecurity. The exclusive solidarity sub-hypothesis expects that radical right parties frame their welfare preference in terms of group inclusion and exclusion. I find that economic insecurity and welfare specific attitudes (welfare populism, welfare chauvinism, welfare limitation and egalitarianism) underlie voters’ support for radical right parties. Conversely, some – but not all – West European radical right parties have adapted their welfare preferences towards protective welfare policies in order to match their constituents’ concerns. However, all radical right parties put forward an exclusive conception of solidarity. These findings contribute to a finer-grained understanding of the electoral of radical right parties in Western Europe, and also open a broader research agenda for the better inclusion of welfare politics in electoral studies.
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VOSS, Kristian. "Nature and nation in harmony : the ecological component of far right ideology." Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/32125.

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Defence date: 26 May 2014
Examining Board: Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI (Supervisor) Professor Stefano Bartolini, EUI Professor Roger Eatwell, Bath Professor Piero Ignazi, Bologna.
The protection of nature constitutes a core component of the ideology of contemporary far right political parties in Western Europe. Through a cross-national comparative study utilizing mixed methods, this research finds that the far right promotes policies aimed at protecting nature based on the connection of organic nationalism and political ecology, challenging perceptions in academia and society that the protection of nature is a leftwing issue or the domain of left-wing parties, and that far right positions regarding ecological issues are incompatible, oppositional, hostile, indifferent, and/or incoherent. Organic nationalist connections with the protection of nature, present at least from Romanticism to National Socialism, provide a theoretical framework to explain the position of contemporary far right parties, including the integration of elements of a critique of Judeo-Christian and Enlightenment ideas and subsequent modern developments perceived as breaking the cherished harmony between man and nature. Influenced by elements of this ecological worldview of organic nationalists of anti-anthropocentrism, organicism, and the sanctity and supremacy of nature, contemporary far right parties promote many ecological goals. A quantitative analysis of manifesto, media, and expert survey data and qualitative analysis of party documents indicate that nature protection for the far right is salient, fundamental, and comprehensive, particularly permeating a number of policy areas, including agriculture, animals, conservation, economics, energy, fish, immigration, individualism, international relations, science and technology, spatial planning, traditional culture, transportation, and waste management, and many associated sub-issues. Furthermore, a case study on Austria reveals that nature protection also remains an important priority for far right activity in a legislature. Overall, far right parties located further right on the political spectrum, or more organic nationalist, are more supportive of the protection of nature and adhere to a more ecological perspective.
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Zaslove, Andrej. "The politics of radical right populism : Post-Fordism, the crisis of the welfare state, and the Lega Nord /." 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ99263.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2003. Graduate Programme in Political Science.
Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 418-433). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ99263
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BERNTZEN, Lars Erik. "The anti-Islamic movement : far right and liberal?" Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/51864.

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Defence date: 23 February 2018
Examining Board: Professor Donatella della Porta, Scuola Normale Superiore (Supervisor); Professor Jens Rydgren, Stockholm University; Associate Professor Susi Meret, Aalborg University; Professor Olivier Roy, European University Institute
This thesis is about the anti-Islamic turn and expansion of the far right in Europe and beyond between 2001 and 2017. The anti-Islamic far right has undergone four waves of expansion in this period, driven by terror attacks and other moral shocks. Their leaders and ideologues have varied backgrounds ranging from far-left to far-right before joining the anti-Islamic cause. The anti-Islamic expansion of the far right builds on an ideological duality. Whereas their hostility toward Muslims and defense of traditions continues the legacy the older far right, the simultaneous inclusion of modern gender norms and other liberal positions are historically at odds with the far right. Their online, organizational networks mirror the strategic ambiguity present in their ideology. They connect with Christian conservative and pro-Israeli groups as well as LGBT, women’s rights and animal right groups. Many of their members express views in line with this duality. Based on these findings, this thesis indicates that anti-Islamic initiatives in Europe and beyond comprise a transnational movement and subculture characterized by a semi-liberal equilibrium. The anti-Islamic turn and expansion is thus also a liberal turn and expansion. Rather than being interchangeable and inconsequential, the anti-Islamic expansion of the far right demonstrates who the enemy is matters. The semi-liberal equilibrium is challenged by three factors: (1) the expansion of their network into Eastern Europe with the inclusion of traditional extreme right groups; (2) the presence of extreme activists harboring anti-democratic, racist and anti-Semitic views; and (3) the belief that Western civilization is facing impending doom at the hands of Islam and those who practice it. The equilibrium is therefore fragile.
Chapter 5.4 'Anti-Islamic collective action framing' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'The collective nature of lone wolf terrorism : Anders Behring Breivik and the anti-Islamic social movement' (2014) in the journal 'Terrorism and political violence'
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PARDOS-PRADO, Sergi. "Beyond Radical Right: Attitudes towards immigration and voting behaviour in Europe." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14713.

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Defense date: 27/09/2010
Examining Board: Mark Franklin (EUI) (Supervisor), Peter Mair (EUI), José Ramón Montero (University of Madrid), Stephen Fisher (Trinity College, Oxford)
Received the Special Mention of the Juan J. Linz prize for 2009-2010 by the Political and Constitutional Studies Centre in Spain.
The issue of immigration has thus far been conceptualised almost exclusively as a catalyst for radical forms of behaviour. Scholars of political behaviour have focused on the exceptional character of the radical voter, the pivotal role played by radical right parties in explaining the strategies of mainstream parties, and the prevalence of negative attitudes. The aim of this study is to transcend the analysis of a minority of the political spectrum, present only in a limited number of political systems, and instead to comparatively observe the impact of attitudes towards immigration on mainstream electoral competition in Europe on the basis of individual, party and system levels of variation. The thesis has three main findings. First, the issue of immigration has strong potential to affect mainstream voting in contemporary European political systems. Contrary to what is usually implied by the literature on the radical right, attitudes towards immigration have a stronger tendency to generate centripetal rather than centrifugal electoral dynamics. Second, the immigration issue can reshape the morphology of established party systems through two distinct mechanisms of electoral change. The first mechanism is through the mobilisation of existing party supporters, which takes place through voters' calculations of electoral utility in a refined attitudinal continuum, taking into account voters' own positions and those of the parties. Thus, from a spatial voting perspective, the immigration issue can only mobilise parties' core supporters, but cannot easily generate vote transfers between parties. The second mechanism operates in reverse, through acquiring non-identified voters through valence mechanisms of voting. Changes in established electoral boundaries can only take place through voters who are not currently attached to a party, and who are able to link their concern about immigration to parties' competence in dealing with the issue. Finally, the third main finding of the thesis is that not all attitudinal constructs have a behavioural effect. Coherent perceptions constrained by previous left-right individual political predispositions are more likely to have an influence. These perceptions tend to focus on immigrant's adaptability to and compatibility with the host country. By contrast, perceptions framed in terms of superiority or inferiority of immigration vis-à-vis the host society are less likely to be translated into electoral outcomes.
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Books on the topic "Right-wing extremists – Europe, Western"

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Political conflict in western Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012.

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Epstein, Simon. Extreme right electoral upsurges in Western Europe: The 1984-1995 wave as compared with the previous ones. [Jerusalem]: The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, The Vidal Sassoon International Center for the Study of Antisemitism, 1996.

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Ellinas, Antonis A. The media and the far right in western Europe: Playing the nationalist card. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010.

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Bornschier, Simon. Cleavage politics and the populist right: The new cultural conflict in Western Europe. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2010.

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Bornschier, Simon. Cleavage politics and the populist right: The new cultural conflict in Western Europe. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2010.

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Ellinas, Antonis A. The media and the far right in western Europe: Playing the nationalist card. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010.

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Extreme right parties in Western Europe. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003.

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1940-, Schain Martin, Zolberg Aristide R, and Hossay Patrick 1964-, eds. Shadows over Europe: The development and impact of the extreme right in Western Europe. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002.

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Ganser, Daniele. NATO's secret armies: Operation Glado and terrorism in Western Europe. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxfordshire: Frank Cass, 2005.

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Володимирович, Шеховцов Антон. Russia and the Western Far Right: Tango Noir. Basingstoke: Routledge, 2017.

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Book chapters on the topic "Right-wing extremists – Europe, Western"

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Husbands, Christopher T. "Support for right-wing extremism in western Europe." In Reflections on the Extreme Right in Western Europe, 1990–2008, 245–65. 1 Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Fascism and the far right: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429060076-10.

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Betz, Hans-Georg. "The Two Faces of Radical Right-Wing Populism." In Radical Right-Wing Populism in Western Europe, 107–39. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23547-6_4.

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Betz, Hans-Georg. "Radical Right-Wing Populism and the Challenge of Global Change." In Radical Right-Wing Populism in Western Europe, 1–35. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23547-6_1.

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Betz, Hans-Georg. "Resentment as Politics." In Radical Right-Wing Populism in Western Europe, 37–67. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23547-6_2.

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Betz, Hans-Georg. "Immigration and Xenophobia." In Radical Right-Wing Populism in Western Europe, 69–106. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23547-6_3.

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Betz, Hans-Georg. "The Social Bases of Political Resentment." In Radical Right-Wing Populism in Western Europe, 141–68. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23547-6_5.

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Betz, Hans-Georg. "Political Conflict in the Age of Social Fragmentation." In Radical Right-Wing Populism in Western Europe, 169–89. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23547-6_6.

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Williams, Michelle Hale. "The Impact of Radical Right Parties Across Western Europe." In The Impact of Radical Right-Wing Parties in West European Democracies, 53–77. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403983466_4.

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Husbands, Christopher T. "The state’s response to far-right extremism." In Reflections on the Extreme Right in Western Europe, 1990–2008, 109–40. 1 Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Fascism and the far right: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429060076-4.

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McKeever, Anna. "Introduction." In Immigration Policy and Right-Wing Populism in Western Europe, 1–13. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-41761-1_1.

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Reports on the topic "Right-wing extremists – Europe, Western"

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Lažetić, Marina. Migration, Extremism, & Dangerous Blame Games: Developments & Dynamics in Serbia. RESOLVE Network, November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/wb2021.1.

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The rapid arrival of hundreds of thousands of migrants into the European Union (EU) from the Middle East, South Asia, and Africa beginning in 2015 coincided with an increase in support for anti-immigrant rhetoric and the far-right in many European countries. A substantial number of these migrants came to the EU through what became known as the “Balkan Route” a major transit land route cutting through the Western Balkans. In 2016, however, the Route officially “closed,” leaving many of those people attempting to reach Europe effectively stranded within the Balkans. In 2020, for example, approximately 7,000 migrants and refugees were present within the borders of Serbia at any given time. This presence of migrants within the Balkans did not go unnoticed and, in some cases, even spurred increased activity within and mobilization among far-right actors opposed to their presence in the region. Exploring this phenomenon, this report focuses on dynamics surrounding migration and responses to it from the far-right in Serbia, one of the countries on the Balkan Route.
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HEFNER, Robert. IHSAN ETHICS AND POLITICAL REVITALIZATION Appreciating Muqtedar Khan’s Islam and Good Governance. IIIT, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/01.001.20.

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Ours is an age of pervasive political turbulence, and the scale of the challenge requires new thinking on politics as well as public ethics for our world. In Western countries, the specter of Islamophobia, alt-right populism, along with racialized violence has shaken public confidence in long-secure assumptions rooted in democracy, diversity, and citizenship. The tragic denouement of so many of the Arab uprisings together with the ascendance of apocalyptic extremists like Daesh and Boko Haram have caused an even greater sense of alarm in large parts of the Muslim-majority world. It is against this backdrop that M.A. Muqtedar Khan has written a book of breathtaking range and ethical beauty. The author explores the history and sociology of the Muslim world, both classic and contemporary. He does so, however, not merely to chronicle the phases of its development, but to explore just why the message of compassion, mercy, and ethical beauty so prominent in the Quran and Sunna of the Prophet came over time to be displaced by a narrow legalism that emphasized jurisprudence, punishment, and social control. In the modern era, Western Orientalists and Islamists alike have pushed the juridification and interpretive reification of Islamic ethical traditions even further. Each group has asserted that the essence of Islam lies in jurisprudence (fiqh), and both have tended to imagine this legal heritage on the model of Western positive law, according to which law is authorized, codified, and enforced by a leviathan state. “Reification of Shariah and equating of Islam and Shariah has a rather emaciating effect on Islam,” Khan rightly argues. It leads its proponents to overlook “the depth and heights of Islamic faith, mysticism, philosophy or even emotions such as divine love (Muhabba)” (13). As the sociologist of Islamic law, Sami Zubaida, has similarly observed, in all these developments one sees evidence, not of a traditionalist reassertion of Muslim values, but a “triumph of Western models” of religion and state (Zubaida 2003:135). To counteract these impoverishing trends, Khan presents a far-reaching analysis that “seeks to move away from the now failed vision of Islamic states without demanding radical secularization” (2). He does so by positioning himself squarely within the ethical and mystical legacy of the Qur’an and traditions of the Prophet. As the book’s title makes clear, the key to this effort of religious recovery is “the cosmology of Ihsan and the worldview of Al-Tasawwuf, the science of Islamic mysticism” (1-2). For Islamist activists whose models of Islam have more to do with contemporary identity politics than a deep reading of Islamic traditions, Khan’s foregrounding of Ihsan may seem unfamiliar or baffling. But one of the many achievements of this book is the skill with which it plumbs the depth of scripture, classical commentaries, and tasawwuf practices to recover and confirm the ethic that lies at their heart. “The Quran promises that God is with those who do beautiful things,” the author reminds us (Khan 2019:1). The concept of Ihsan appears 191 times in 175 verses in the Quran (110). The concept is given its richest elaboration, Khan explains, in the famous hadith of the Angel Gabriel. This tradition recounts that when Gabriel appeared before the Prophet he asked, “What is Ihsan?” Both Gabriel’s question and the Prophet’s response make clear that Ihsan is an ideal at the center of the Qur’an and Sunna of the Prophet, and that it enjoins “perfection, goodness, to better, to do beautiful things and to do righteous deeds” (3). It is this cosmological ethic that Khan argues must be restored and implemented “to develop a political philosophy … that emphasizes love over law” (2). In its expansive exploration of Islamic ethics and civilization, Khan’s Islam and Good Governance will remind some readers of the late Shahab Ahmed’s remarkable book, What is Islam? The Importance of Being Islamic (Ahmed 2016). Both are works of impressive range and spiritual depth. But whereas Ahmed stood in the humanities wing of Islamic studies, Khan is an intellectual polymath who moves easily across the Islamic sciences, social theory, and comparative politics. He brings the full weight of his effort to conclusion with policy recommendations for how “to combine Sufism with political theory” (6), and to do so in a way that recommends specific “Islamic principles that encourage good governance, and politics in pursuit of goodness” (8).
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