Dissertations / Theses: 'Right and left (Political science) – Netherlands'

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Karlsson, Anton. "The Left-Right Scale : An analysis of its connection to preferences on economic issues." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-165611.

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This thesis deals with the nature of the Left-Right scale. Theories and ideas about the Left-Right scale have been tested by a mixture of quantitative and qualitative methods. The research questions are, in short, firstly if voters’ preferences on political issues, where economic issues are tested in this specific thesis, can consistently explain voters’ Left-Right self-placement, secondly if this level of explanation can vary depending on changes in national political discourse, and finally if a high level of correlation between issue and Left-Right self-placement facilitates the matching process of parties and voters of similar ideological conviction. A regression is run on data from the World Values Survey and the European Values Study, data which consists of survey questions about attitudes towards economic preferences and self-placement on the Left-Right scale. The selection is restricted to old democracies, as there is some discrepancy between new and old democracies with regards to the capacity of the electorate to relate to the Left-Right scale. The independent variable in this regression is attitudes toward different economic issues, while the dependent variable is self-placement on the Left-Right scale. The first question is answered by the regression, which is if preferences regarding issues can explain self-placement on the Left-Right scale. The answer that is given is that there is indeed a consistent relationship between preferences on economic issues and self-placement on the Left-Right scale, over time. Albeit it is higher for some countries, like Scandinavia, and lower for other countries, like Japan and Ireland. The two remaining questions are answered by case studies, selected through the method of least likely and most likely cases. These are Netherlands, Sweden, Japan and France. In essence, these cases show that the Left-Right scale is indeed flexible, and can adapt to the current political discourse, and that a high relationship between preferences on political issues and self-placement on the Left-Right scale facilitates the matching of voters and parties of similar ideological conviction.

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Kaufman, Daniel A. "The Right in Chile after Pinochet : institutions and ideology in comparative-historical perspective /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3031942.

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Smith, Steven Roy. "The centre-left and new right divide? : political philosophy and aspects of post-1945 UK social policy." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.336786.

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Fraser, Duncan. "Long-wave economics and the changing fortunes of the political and social movements of the left and right." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1664/.

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A number of writers working in the fields of history and industrial relations have claimed a correlation between long-wave economics and the changing fortunes of political and social movements of the left and right. They have suggested both particular patterns of development and causations but often on the basis of piecemeal evidence, lacking a comprehensive theoretical and empirical basis. This thesis tests the validity of such a correlation through a comparative historical analysis of the domestic political histories of Britain, France, Germany and the USA over the four long-waves that have occurred in modern times; those of 1803-1848, 1848-1896, 1896-1948 and 1948-1998. It finds, that since industrialization, there has been a distinct and repeating pattern of political and social development that can be correlated with long-wave economics. Common ground is found with existing theoretical patterns, though also notable areas of difference, and this thesis provides a more comprehensive pattern of development. The thesis proceeds to explore possible causations for the pattern found. It does so by using existing political science theories explaining political change; those concerning voting behaviour, class struggle and party competition. It finds that aspects of these theories can be used to explain the pattern of development found. Above all, populations experiencing the different economic phases of the long-wave undergo significant motivational changes that are reflected in the shifting fortunes of the left and right. The thesis concludes by analyzing these findings and highlighting advances made on existing accounts. It also discusses those events within modern history that could be regarded as anomalous, with the intention of further understanding this process. Finally, it discusses the implications of the findings of this thesis for long-wave and political science theory.

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Torges, Gwendolyn B. "The right to be left alone v. the crime against nature: An analysis of Bowers v. Hardwick." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/298801.

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This qualitative case study analyzed the United States Supreme Court's opinion in Bowers v. Hardwick, 478 U.S. 186 (1986), and the historical and legal background leading up to the case. Often characterized as a decision representing an emotional rejection of homosexuality rather than a reasoned application of constitutional privacy precedent, this inquiry sought to identify and document the determinants of the outcome in Bowers, in which a slim majority of the Court ruled that the constitutional right of privacy did not prohibit states from regulating homosexual sodomy. The study demonstrated that although homophobia certainly played a part in the Bowers decision, that the opinion was not necessarily inconsistent with previous privacy decisions such as Griswold v. Connecticut , 381 U.S. 479 (1965), and Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973). The author concluded that the dominant insight gleaned from Bowers is that there is no such thing as a constitutionally protected right of privacy, at least not in the way that privacy is conventionally understood. The Bowers opinion illuminates that the Court's privacy jurisprudence has been more about the privileging of certain relationships (such as that between husband and wife or doctor and patient) than it has been about personal privacy. Such relationships serve an important limiting principle. The author concluded that the outcome in Bowers was not the insufficiency of the claim of a right to privacy, but the insufficiency of any limiting principle. The research documented and analyzed history of the two bodies of law most relevant to the Bowers opinion: state law which criminalized sodomy; and constitutional protection of individual privacy.

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Kang, Kathryn M. "Agnostic democracy the decentred "I" of the 1990s /." Connect to full text, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/667.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2005.
Title from title screen (viewed 22 May 2008). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Faculty of Economics and Business. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.

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Hyde, Sarah Jane. "From old socialists to new democrats : the realignment of the Japanese left." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7acd9f90-0e06-41a2-83c5-76d8d8de7f82.

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In 1996, a new left of centre party emerged in Japan called the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) and effectively replaced the Japan Socialist Party (JSP) as the main opposition party. This thesis asks what conditions caused this realignment and how the DPJ differs from the JSP. An increasing distrust and disinterest of politics and politicians has meant that the non-aligned voter in Japan forms the largest group of the electorate. Every party has lost support, but the left faced the worst drop of support. With the end of the Cold War, and the intensifying call for Japan to reassess its role on the World stage, the traditional ideology of the Japanese left, which has become synonymous with peace and preservation of the Peace Constitution, has lost its stabilising effect on the party and on its supporters. The labour unions, which were once the key mobilisational force for the left-wing parties at election time, began to question their relationship with the JSP and found new links to government. Simultaneously, they were also losing members so mobilisation of voters for the left also declined. Finally, a new electoral system did not reward the opposition as much as the LDP. Overall, the mobilisation of the electorate has become increasingly difficult for the Japanese left as a result of these factors. The DPJ has had to find ways of dealing with them and also has had to create its own identity. The way in which the party has dealt with this is by 'widening out' its types of candidate and using new methods to attract support. Furthermore, the DPJ has become more aware of its party coherence and has ensured that party unity is maintained even when ideological disputes occur.

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Saleam, Jim. "The other radicalism an inquiry into contemporary Australian extreme right ideology, politics and organization, 1975-1995 /." Connect to full text, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/807.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2001.
Title from title screen (viewed Apr. 22, 2008). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Dept. of Government and Public Administration, Faculty of Economics & Business. Degree awarded 2001; thesis submitted 1999. Includes bibliography. Also available in print form.

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Griffiths, Simon. "Responses to the new right : the engagement of the British left with the work of Friedrich Hayek, 1989-1997." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/325/.

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This is an examination of the context, content and significance of the surprising engagement of the British left with the arguments of Friedrich Hayek (1899-1992), one of the most influential theorists of the new right and an important influence on leading figures in the Conservative Government elected in the UK in 1979. The thesis examines in detail the engagement by four thinkers on the British left with Hayek's work: David Miller, Raymond Plant, Andrew Gamble and Hilary Wainwright. Its chronological parameters are the collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the election of ‘New Labour’ in the UK in 1997. Important contextual factors behind this engagement include the rise and fall of the British Conservative Party, the difficulties of statist forms of socialism and Hayek's own death. The engagement with Hayek's work provides a case study that demonstrates changes in political themes, in particular, the decline of statist forms of socialism with the left's embrace of the market and individual freedom, the decline in support for the paternalistic state and the search for more ‘feasible’ alternatives. I argue that the British left's engagement with Hayek is part of a wider intellectual break that constitutes the end of a ‘short twentieth century’ in political thought, and that the political landscape is now dominated by two strands of the liberal tradition. As such, the research will be of importance to anyone seeking a clearer understanding of recent changes in political thought and to the shape of the contemporary political landscape.

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Henderson, Peter Charles. "A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950 /." View thesis, 2002. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20030924.134813/index.html.

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Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Western Sydney, 2002.
"A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, December 2002, School of Humanities, University of Western Sydney" Bibliography : p. [419]-451.

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Fletcher, Jody D. (Jody Daniel). "The Pull to the Right in Western Europe: an Analysis of Electoral Support for the Extreme-Right." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278202/.

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This study develops a model explaining support for contemporary extreme-right parties. The history and political setting of relevant countries are examined. The research explores necessary state-level conditions, which are postindustrialism, convergence to the center by major parties, and proportional representation. Individual support is probed using survey data with bivariate and probit analyses. Being male and younger proved to be significant variables, while socio-economic status did not. Concerning issues, personal disaffection for immigrants, favoring nationalistic hiring practices, and free-market tendencies were significant variables. Opposition to feminism and pride to be from one's nation were insignificant explanations for extreme-right support. Implications of the analysis are discussed as are issues concerning future research.

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Correa, Sofía. "The politics of the Chilean right from the Popular Front to 1964." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:68a4ebfd-ebdb-4b8c-bf7b-d568313b3be5.

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The right in Chile has been crucial to the democratic politics of the country ever since the development of the party system. In the period covered by this thesis (1939- 1964) the Chilean right faced the combined challenge of reformist governments and the emergence of mass political parties on the left. This thesis describes the Chilean right as being composed by political parties, entrepreneurial associations and a leading newspaper, El Mercurio. which represented and expressed the interests, thoughts and common perspectives of the right as a whole. This thesis argues that the right in Chile was able not only to survive the reformist governments of the 1940s, but that it remained very influential politically and as an economic force. The strategies it successfully carried out were those of negotiation and co-optation, which rested in the right's congressional power. With the advent of populism at the beginning of the 1950s, the argument goes, the right faced new threats, especially the discredit of political parties and of Congress conceived as the arena par excellence for negotiation and compromise. The danger came both from within the right itself, threatening to divide it, and from populist governments, which put at risk the right's sources of influence. Thus, the rightist sectors had to develop new political strategies, which in essence pointed towards the formulation of a project of capitalist modernisation centered in private enterprise and free markets. With the election of Jorge Alessandri --an entrepreneurial figure-- as President of the Republic, the right had the opportunity to put into practice its novel economic ideas. In the long run, though, the results were negative. The thesis analises the political dimension of this failure. Once its project collapsed, the right became ideologically marginal, just at a time when Chilean politics had become strongly ideological as well as reformist if not revolutionary. This explains why the leaders of the long established parties of the right, the Conservatives and Liberals, dissolved themselves in 1965. Finally this dissertation speculates on the right at the present time looking for elements of continuity and change between today's right and the one studied for the 1939-1964 period.

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Stigermark, Anton. "Alt-Modernism : Challenging the idea of postmodernism as a left-wing movement." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324280.

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In this thesis, I’m working from the premise that postmodernism hitherto has been associated with the left. The next line of argument is, however, that this relation is contingent and that there is no necessity in postmodernisms association with left-wing ideas and political ambitions. To challenge this assumption, I intend to demonstrate that the Alt-Right, a far-right movement, at least in some respects can be considered as postmodern. If there is indeed cause to think of the Alt-Right as postmodern, then we would have to rethink postmodernisms political inclination. I intend to operationalize this by looking at the Alt-Right’s views on the changeability of politics and the social world, and pop culture, through the lens of a set of postmodern ideas. In particular, postmodern ideas concerning language, discourse and culture, and in doing so get a grip on whether it is correct to view the Alt-Right as postmodern or not. If a connection between the Alt-Right and postmodernism indeed exists, then we would have to rethink the necessity in the left-wing nature of postmodernism.

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Bar-on, Tamir. "The ambiguities of the intellectual European New Right, 1968-1999 /." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36750.

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The subject of this dissertation is the intellectual European New Right (ENR), also known as the nouvelle droite. A cultural "school of thought" with origins in the revolutionary Right and neo-fascist milieus, the nouvelle droite was born in France in 1968, the year of the spectacular student and worker protests. In order to rid the Right of its negative connotations, the nouvelle droite borrowed from the New Left ideals of the 1968ers. In a Gramscian mould, it situated itself exclusively on the cultural terrain of political contestation in order to challenge what it considered the ideological hegemony of dominant liberal and leftist elites. This metapolitical focus differentiated the nouvelle droite from both the parliamentary and radical, extra-parliamentary forces on the Right.
This dissertation traces the cultural, philosophical, political, and historical trajectories of the French nouvelle droite in particular and the ENR in general. The dissertation argues that the ENR worldview is an ambiguous synthesis of the ideals of the revolutionary Right and New Left, and that it is neither a new form of cultural fascism, nor a completely novel political paradigm. In general, the ENR symbiotically fed off the cultural and political twists of the Left and New Left, thus giving it a degree of novelty. In the 1990s, the ENR has taken on a more left wing and ecological aura rather than a right-wing orientation. As a result, some critics view this development as the formulation of a radically new, post-modern and post-fascist cultural and political paradigm. Yet, other critics contend that the ENR has created a repackaged form of cultural fascism.
The nouvelle droite has been able to challenge the main tenets of its "primary" enemy, namely, the neo-liberal Anglo-American New Right. Moreover, it has restored a measure of cultural respectability to a continental right-wing heritage battered by the burden of 20th century history. In an age of rising economic globalization and cultural homogenization, its anti-capitalist ideas embedded within the framework of cultural preservation might make some political inroads into the Europe of the future.

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Cho, Hye Jee. "Partisan politics and credibility in government bond markets what political institutions help leftist governments build policy credibility? /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1692119671&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Campello, Daniela. "Between votes and capital democracy and financial integration in the developing world /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1712249221&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Benowitz, June Melby. "Grace Wick : portrait of a right-wing extremist." PDXScholar, 1988. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3789.

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"Grace Wick: Portrait of a Right-Wing Extremist" is a biography of an American woman who lived between 1888 and 1958. Wick grew up in a small midwestern town, but as a young woman broke away from small town tradition by moving to the city to pursue a career as an actress in the theater and in silent movies. In the course of her acting career she traveled across North America and had the opportunity to associate with people from all walks of life. As an actress, she was able to achieve an autonomy enjoyed by few women during the 1910s and early 1920s. She also developed into a political activist, organizing campaign rallies for candidates, crusading to extend women's freedom, and was an active participant in mainline politics. However, as a middle-aged woman during the late 1930s, Wick developed a narrow focus on life, becoming involved with right-wing, pro-America organizations. By the 1940s she had become outspoken against immigrants and Jews and was actively distributing nativist, anti-Semitic propaganda. The thesis poses and suggests answers to the question of why a woman who had spent a number of years in the city, and in a career which afforded her the opportunity to gain a cosmopolitan view of the world, followed a course toward nativism and right-wing extremism in her later years.

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Blatt, David. "The resurgence of the extreme-right in France : political protest and the party system in the 1980's." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61980.

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Geddes, Gregory Edmund. "Literature and labor Harvey Swados and the twentieth-century American left /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2006.

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Späti, Christina. "Die schweizerische Linke und Israel : Israelbegeisterung, Antizionismus und Antisemitismus zwischen 1967 und 1991 /." Essen : Klartext, 2006. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/68628499.html.

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Estep, Erik. "Critiquing liberalism : the political thought of Garry Wills." Virtual Press, 1996. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1020183.

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This study concerned the political thought of Garry Wills. His books Nixon Agonistes (1969), and Confessions of a Conservative (1979), and the article "The Order of Convenience" (1961) were all analyzed. A common theme in Wills's thought is the rejection of individualism. He also finds fault in the liberal orthodoxies that serve as a governing orthodoxies in the United States. In place of liberal individual Wills suggests the Convenient State, a entity based on “loved things held in common." The potential inadequacy of the Convenient State is presented in light of the economic, racial, class, and ethnic divisions that trouble the United States.
Department of Political Science

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Hegstad, Vegard. "Conspiracy theories as counter-knowledge : alternative approaches to the current crisis of the capitalist system." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86422.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The aim of the study is to identify and analyse conspiracy narratives as popular counter-knowledge and as alternatives to leftist discourse and explanations of the contradictions of a capitalist system in a systemic crisis. The study makes a distinction between pathological and cultural approaches to conspiracy theories. While pathological approaches critically assess conspiracy theories as expressions of a certain political paranoia, cultural approaches are more inclusive and view conspiracy theory as cultural expressions of the postmodern condition. The cultural understandings break the categorical link between conspiracy theories and irrationality and allows a further discussion on how conspiracy theories might relate to leftist discourse and its attempts to counter neoliberal hegemonic structures. The approach taken by the study relies on the theoretical framework of historical materialism. Key theories used derive from Karl Marx, along with Gramscian, World Systems theory and critical approaches to global political economy. In the historical analysis that was performed, the understanding of structures in the historical development of the world economy, as well as the role of social forces which lead to changes in these structures were shown to be better approaches for understanding both historical events and the current crisis in the capitalist system. However, even within the opportune movement of an on-going capitalist crisis, the Left struggles to create a consistent counter-hegemonic narrative, and current counter-hegemonic movements, whilst being influential, are not succeeding in being transformative This suggests that leftist discourse fails to address the micro-level manifestations of the contradictions of the current system in a way that appeals to the masses. Accordingly, conspiracy theories as frameworks from which to critique the current global political economy are discussed. It is argued that although conspiracy theories are essentially reactionary, as well as historically a product of the far right, these theories might be understood as allegorical narrative constructs that serve as tools of orientation in a confusing political reality and, as such, the label of irrationality should not be applied without further consideration. It is further suggested that there is a proximity between various critical perspectives and conspiracy theories, although it is not implied that there is an exchange of ideas. It is argued that strands of critical theory and conspiracy theory share certain convictions about how the social world is constructed. While leftist/critical discourse relies on a scientific historical analysis, conspiracy discourses are often categorised lacking in scientific support. Critical theoretical perspectives are therefore suggested as the most effective remedy against utopian and simplistic narratives. While the thesis does not challenge the appropriateness of Marxist/critical perspectives at explaining economic crisis and global inequity, it aims at discussing the popularity of conspiracy theories as, for many, preferable tools of orientation in the present times. While political scientific theories and conspiracy theories are generally understood as in essence incompatible, this thesis attempted to discuss and analyse whether this established view could be challenged in light of recent scholarship on conspiracy culture. The study concludes that Marxist/critical approaches should understand conspiracy theories as alternative counter-knowledge and as popular doorways into major social issues that define global political culture, which could actually complement traditional leftist discourse.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van die studie is om sameswerings-verhale as populêre teen-kennis en as alternatiewe vir linkse diskoers en verklarings van die teenstrydighede van ’n kapitalistiese stelsel wat ’n sistemiese krisies beleef, te identifiseer en te analiseer. Die studie onderskei tussen patalogiese en kulturele benaderings tot samesweringsteorieë. Patologiese benaderinge raam samesweringsteorieë krities as uitdrukkings van bepaalde politieke paranoia, terwyl kulturele benaderinge meer inklusief is, samesweringsteorie beskou as ’n kulturele uitdrukking van die postmoderne toestand. Die kulturele begrip breek die kategoriese skakel tussen samesweringsteorieë en irrasionaliteit en fasiliteer nog ’n gesprek oor hoe hierdie teorieë moontlik verwant sou kon wees aan linkse diskoers, asook laasgenoemde se pogings om neoliberale hegemoniese strukture teen te staan. Die benadering wat gevolg word in die studie steun op die teoretiese raamwerk van historiese materialisme. Die vernaamste vertrekpunte wat gebruik word is afgelei van Karl Marx, tesame met Gramsciaanse, Wêreldstelsel-teorie en kritiese benaderings tot globale politieke ekonomie. In die historiese analiese wat onderneem is, word gedemonstreer dat ’n begrip van strukture in die historiese ontwikkeling van die wêreld-ekonomie, asook die rol van sosiale magte wat verandering in hierdie strukture meebring, beter verklarings bied vir beide historiese gebeure en die teenswoordige krisies in die kapitalistiese stelsel. Nietemin, selfs met die geleenthede wat geskep word te midde van die aangaande kapitalistiese krisies, sukkel Linksgesindes om ’n konsekwente teen-hegemoniese “verhaal” te skep. Kontemporêre teen-hegemoniese bewegings, ongeag hul skynbare invloed, slaag nie daarin om verandering te weeg te bring nie. Dit wil voorkom asof linkse diskoers nie daarin slaag om die manifistering van die teenswoordige stelsel se teenstrydighede aan te spreek op ’n wyse wat aanklank vind by die massas nie. Dienooreenkomstig word samesweringsteorieë bespreek as raamwerke vanwaar en waaruit die huidige globale politieke ekonomie gekritiseer kan word. Die argument word aangevoer dat, alhoewel hierdie teorieë essensieel reaksionêr is, asook histories gesien ’n verregse produk, hulle moontlik verstaan kan word as allegoriese verhaal konstrukte wat dien as middele vir orientasie in ’n verwarrende politieke werklikheid. As sulks, behoort die etiket van irrasionaliteit nie sondermeer en onkrities aan hulle toegedien te word nie. Verder, word daar in die studie voorgestel, dat daar raakpunte is tussen verskeie kritiese perspektiewe en samesweringsteorieë. Daar word egter nie gesuggereer dat daar ’n uitruil van idees is nie. Daar word egter wel ge-argumenteer dat daar elemente van kritiese teorieë en samesweringsteorieë is wat bepaalde oortuiginge deel oor hoe die sosiale werklikheid gevorm word. Terwyl linkse en kritiese diskoers gekoppel is aan wetenskaplike-historiese analise, word samesweringsdiskoerse gekategoriseer as verklarings wat gebrek lei aan wetenskaplike ondersteuning. Kritiese teoretiese perspektiewe word dus voorgehou as die mees effektiewe oplossing teen utopieseen simplistiese narratiewe. Terwyl die tesis nie die toepasbaarheid van Marxistiese/Kritiese perspektiewe, as verklarings vir die ekonomiese krisies en globale ongelykheid, uitdaag nie, het dit gepoog om die populariteit van samesweringsteorieë, as voorkeur raamwerke vir orientering in teenswoordige tye, aan te spreek. Die tesis het onderneem om vas te stel en te analiseer of die algemeen aanvaarde aanname dat politiek wetenskaplike teorieë en samesweringsteorieë essensieel onversoenbaar is, uitgedaag kan word, gesien in die lig van onlangse akademiese werk oor samesweringskultuur. Die studie bevind dat Marxistiese/kritiese benaderings samesweringsteorieë behoort te verstaan as alternatiewe teen-kennis en as populêre ingangspunte tot belangrike sosiale kwessies wat die globale politieke kultuur definieer. In die sin, sou samesweringsteorieë selfs tradisionele linkse diskoers kon aanvul.

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Henderson, Peter Charles. "A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950." Thesis, View thesis, 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/504.

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This thesis is a narrative history of the major groups and individuals on the Australian extreme right since 1950. It assesses their genesis, growth, successes and failures as well as their origins in regard to Australia’s domestic situation and international influences. Various arguments are put forward: groups that emerged in the post World War 2 period are different than preceding groups; the Social Credit movement is in decline; the ideas of neo-Nazi and fascist groups, while powerful, are generally no longer viable; anti-immigration and racial nationalist groups were an attempt to forge an indigenous movement; the role of individual activists are an important element in extreme right political activity; the Confederate Action Party was destroyed by internecine fighting; the Citizens Electoral Council is representative of a movement with the potential to promote dissent in society and may become one of the more important groups of the extreme right; Pauline Hanson’s movement eventually proved damaging to the extreme right. It is concluded that the extreme right has exerted a significant negative influence over Australian society, influencing both national and international trends

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Vaughn, Paulina. "Pushed towards the mainstream : A mixed method study of the West European radical left parties’ changing Eurosceptic positions." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-376424.

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Allen, Joseph B. "Where the Extreme Right Took Root: A Comparison of Midwestern Counties in the 1980s." PDXScholar, 1996. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/5053.

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This thesis evaluates two theories purporting to explain the rise of right-wing extremism in the Midwest during the farm crisis of the 1980s. The pluralist argument suggests that Midwestern right-wing extremism was rooted in previous episodes of agrarian radicalism. The political tradition perspective, on the other hand, claims that right-wing extremism in the Midwest was rooted in traditional conservatism. To evaluate these theories, an analysis of ten counties was performed. Particular attention was paid to seven variables which theorists argue point agriculturally based communities down political paths of radicalism or conservatism. Regional analyses were also performed on those counties which resided in similar areas of the Midwest. The findings offer stronger support for the political tradition perspective than for the pluralist argument. These finding suggest that those counties in which right-wing extremist activity did not occur were ones which supported past agrarian radical movements while those counties which experienced right-wing extremism were for the most part opponents of past radical agrarian movements. The thesis suggests that future research on rightwing extremism should focus attention on the political traditions of the communities were such movements become established and that a number of alternative variables should be considered.

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Tarhan, Cem. "A comparative case study of Lega Nord and Podemos voters : Voter attitudes of Left- and Right-Wing Populism in Southern Europe." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-414397.

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As populism in Europe is on the rise there are two sides of populism contesting to make an impact on their societies. In connection with existing research, this study is focusing on the most prominent left-wing populist party in Spain, Podemos, and the most prominent right-wing populist party in Italy, Lega Nord, and examines differences in their voters’ attitudes regarding a couple of crucial indicators of populism. The study is influenced by a previous study that examined the attitudes of left-wing and right-wing voters. The main distinction between this previous study and the current one is that my study also includes voters from the Spanish left-wing party Podemos, which was not included in the previous research. The result of my study show that Podemos voters are more positive towards the EU and towards immigration in difference to Lega Nord voters, whereas they have comparable attitudes towards material deprivation and elitism.

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Öman, Béatrice. "Euroscepticism – from 1986 to 2020 and beyond." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Statsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-35033.

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A semi-systematic literature review of research carried out on the evolution of the concept of Euroscepticism since the term first was reportedly used in 1986 with special focus on articles published around the year before the 2019 European Parliament elections and to this date. The thesis was conducted with a particular interest in gathering more knowledge on using an evidence-based method in political science. The purpose was twofold, therefore: one to see how the concept itself has evolved in research, in terms of definition and salience as well as in terms of measuring and explanatory factors, and the other to see if the method used is appropriate to this purpose. From the data gathered, it can be said that the method is pertinent and relevant when assembling research from a widespread and multifaceted area in terms of geography and content, since it is meant to avoid the pitfalls of ‘picking and choosing’ data. The articles thus uncovered have shown that there is a red thread in research on Euroscepticism, that its context has changed and therefore its content, and that Euroscepticism 2020 is a salient issue.

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Klein, Tanja. "Rechtspopulistische Parteien in Regierungsbildungsprozessen : die Niederlande, Belgien und Schweden im Vergleich." Universität Potsdam, 2012. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2012/5770/.

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Diese Publikation einer Masterarbeit leistet einen Beitrag, die bestehende Forschungslücke hinsichtlich der Rolle rechtspopulistischer Parteien in Regierungsbildungsprozessen zu füllen. Warum haben sich etablierte Parteien und Rechtspopulisten für eine bestimmte Konstellation entschieden? Welche Probleme traten durch den spezifisch rechtspopulistischen Charakter bei der Regierungsbildung auf? Welche Alternativen gibt es? Mittels eines vergleichenden Ansatzes werden dabei als Fallbeispiele die Regierungsbildungsprozesse nach drei Wahlen zu nationalen Parlamenten im Jahr 2010 in Belgien, den Niederlanden und Schweden analysiert.

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Urbat, Jens. "Rechtspopulisten an der Macht : Silvio Berlusconis Forza Italia im neuen italienischen Parteiensystem /." Münster ; Hamburg : LIT, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=014999857&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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Visser, Myda Marista. "Die ideologiese grondslae en ontwikkeling van die blanke fascistiese bewegings in Suid-Afrika, 1945-1995." Diss., Pretoria : [s.n.], 2000. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-08022006-105452.

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Hedlund, Kancans Alexander. "Motstånd mot den Europeiska Unionen ur flera åsiktsdimensioner : En statistisk studie om vilka värderingar som driver EU-kritik i Europa." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-69837.

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The purpose of this study is to investigate to what extent skeptical attitudes towards the European Union is driven by materialistic-, postmaterialist values and populism in different parts of Europe. To achieve this aim, the study is based on multivariate regression analysis with data utilized from the European Social survey 2014. The findings show that cultural questions associated with TAN values, such as a nationalistic resistance towards immigration, have the best ability to predict EU-skepticism over economic questions related with a subjective placement on the political left-right scale, or populism associated with a lack of trust in the state of political governance. These findings suggest that the subjective left-right scale do not structure attitudes toward the European Union to a great extent. Instead, the results of this study are in line with scholars that argue that the TAN-GAL scale as well as populism have grown in importance, as these axes of competition are both more linked with opinions on EU. These results hold for all regions in Europe that are examined in this study, although particular strong effects are found in Germany, where populism and TAN values shape attitudes towards EU to the greatest extent.

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Waltå, Göran O:son. "Poet under black banners the case of Örnulf Tigerstedt and extreme right-wing Swedish literature in Finland, 1918-1944 /." Uppsala : Stockholm : [Uppsala universitet] ; Almqvist & Wiksell International, (distr.), 1993. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/29476101.html.

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Schreiber, Leon Amos. "The third way in Brazil? Lula's presidency examined." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/17971.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study identifies the way in which Brazil was able to achieve significant economic and social development during the Presidency of Luiz Inácio Lula Da Silva from 2003 to 2010. The element which makes the achievement of this development extremely interesting is the fact that it was engineered by a traditionally radical Leftist party, the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT – Workers’ Party) within the context of the globalized world economy. Throughout much of its existence, the PT has called for a radical socialist transformation of Brazilian society. However, once it came to power, it not only rejected radical positions, but acquiesced fully with the constraints placed upon it by global capital. Thus, in addition to describing the process of development in Brazil, this study also attempts to account for the way in which it was achieved. This is done by postulating that the Lula (as he is commonly referred to) administration was successful in solidifying Brazilian economic fundamentals, as well as in significantly reducing poverty and inequality in one of the most unequal societies in the world, because it adopted Third Way economic and social policies. It is argued that, even though there were few clear indications from the government that it regarded itself as following the Third Way, a practical examination of Lula’s economic and social policies indicate that they overwhelmingly conform to the prescripts of the Third Way.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie identifiseer die manier waarop noemenswaardige ekonomiese en sosiale ontwikkeling in Brasilië plaasgevind het gedurende 2003 tot 2010, onder leiding van President Luiz Inácio Lula Da Silva. ‘n Faktor wat hierdie ontwikkeling besonder interessant maak, is die feit dat dit plaasgevind het binne die konteks van die globaliseerde wêreldekonomie, onder die bewind van ‘n tradisionele radikale Linkse party, die Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT – Arbeiders Party). Die PT het tradisioneel gestreef na ‘n radikale sosialistiese transformasie van die Brasiliaanse samelewing. Teen die tyd dat dit egter aan bewind gekom het, het dit radikale beleide verwerp en ten volle saamgewerk met globale kapitalisme. Hierdie studie beskyf dus nie slegs die proses van Brasiliaanse ontwikkeling nie, maar poog ook om te verklaar waarom hierdie ontwikkeling plaasgevind het. Daar word aangevoer dat Lula (soos hy algemeen bekend staan) se bewind suksesvol was in pogings om die fundamentele aspekte van die Brasiliaanse ekonomie te versterk, en terselfdertyd armoede en ongelykheid aansienlik te verlaag in een van die mees ongelyke samelewings ter wêreld. Die rede vir hierdie sukses is te vinde in die feit dat die PT regering “Third Way” ekonomiese en sosiale beleide toegepas het. Die studie voer aan dat, alhoewel daar weinig verwysing gemaak is na die “Third Way” deur Lula se regering, ‘n praktiese ontleding van hul ekonomiese en sosiale beleide toon dat Brasilië ‘n geval verteenwoordig van ‘n ontwikkelende land wat die “Third Way” prakties geïmplementeer het.

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Wennström, Johan. "Market, State, and Morality : Two Studies of How Left and Right Undermined Moral Motivation in the Swedish School System." Licentiate thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-137641.

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The bulk of the literature on the New Public Management (NPM) has been blind to the moral dimension of the market-oriented reforms of the public sector. However, this thesis studies the potential for institutional arrangements such as financial incentives and other market mechanisms to undermine intrinsic, moral motivation among both“producers” and “consumers” of tax-financed welfare services. The first paper demonstrates how the promotion of NPM-like ideas by various left-wing and right-wing agents after 1968 led to the erosion of a professional ethos among Swedish teachers. The second paper shows how an ill-conceived school voucher reform in Sweden, implemented under the banner of NPM, has encouraged moral hazard on the part of schools. The thesis demonstrates an ecumenism between the left and right that with few exceptions has been overlooked in political science. It also demonstrates that public administration systems that have adopted market-oriented reforms need morality in order to function in accordance with the principles underlying these institutions.

The series name, Linköping Studies in Arts and Science Thesis, is incorrect. Correct series name is FiF-avhandling.

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Taylor, Jeffrey L. "From radical to respectable : the declining influence of Jefferson's political thought on twentieth-century American liberalism /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1997. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9841189.

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Johansson, Simon. "Principer i praktiken : Svenska kommunstyrens partisammansättning och justeringar i den primärkommunala skattesatsen 1994-2018." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-176817.

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In this thesis I examine the relationship between party affiliation of the local political leadership and the municipal tax rate in Sweden’s 290 municipalities between 1994 and 2018. The mean tax rate of Swedish municipalities has increased by 1.3 percentage points in that time, while the prevalence of right-wing coalitions – consisting of parties that claim to want a lower tax rate – in leadership also has increased. I therefore examine to what degree right-wing coalitions have contributed to the increase in the mean tax rate compared to left-wing and mixed coalitions. I find that while right-wing coalitions have contributed to the increase in the mean tax rate to a lower degree than other coalitions, the difference is small, and the difference between the contributions of right-wing and left-wing coalitions is not statistically significant. I also examine how right-wing coalitions containing the Green Party and local parties have affected the municipal tax rate compared to coalitions consisting only of traditional right-wing parties. When the Green Party or local parties are part of a right-wing coalition, the mean increase in the municipal tax rate is much lower than that of coalitions consisting only of right-wing parties. Lastly I examine how the amount of parties that are part of a local right-wing coalition affect the municipal tax rate and find that the fewer parties, the larger the mean tax increase.

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Miller, Margaret Ada. "The left's turn : labor, welfare politics, and social movements in Washington state, 1937-1973 /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10380.

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Heine, Sophie. "Les résistances à l'intégration européenne en France et en Allemagne: une analyse des idéologies sous-tendant les critiques de gauche contre le Traité constitutionnel européen." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210553.

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Cette thèse constitue une analyse de contenu des critiques contre l'Union européenne exprimées par plusieurs acteurs politiques et sociaux de gauche en France et en Allemagne, au cours des débats sur le projet de Constitution européenne. Elle s'intéresse plus particulièrement aux idéologies sous-jacentes à ces critiques. Pour comprendre le sens de ces arguments, les comparer entre eux et les classer, certains idéaux-types ont été élaborés sur quatre dimensions (politique, socio-économique, identitaire et stratégique). Cette recherche a permis de combler une lacune importante dans l'analyse des acteurs dits "eurosceptiques", à savoir, l'étude des idéologies animant ces courants. L'essentiel de la littérature se concentre en effet surtout sur l'explication de l'euroscepticisme et, lorsqu'elle aborde leur idéologie, c'est pour construire des taxinomies excessivement globales. La thèse explore aussi en conclusion certaines pistes d'explications de ces résistances à l'UE en essayant d'aller au-delà des visions stratégiques, culturalistes et institutionnalistes, dominantes dans ce domaine, et en insistant davantage sur les dimensions idéelles et structurelles.

//

This doctoral dissertation analyses the content of the critiques made by some left-wing social and political actors in France and Germany against the current EU. The study focuses on the debates that surrounded the project of European Constitution and more specifically on the more general ideologies underlying these arguments. In order to understand, compare and classify these critiques, idealtypes have been elaborated on four dimensions (socio-economic, political, identity-related and strategic). This research fills a gap in the literature analysing so-called "eurosceptic" actors by concentrating on the ideas conveyed by these currents. Indeed, most of this literature mostly tries to explain this phenomenon. And when it addresses the issue of ideology, it is only to build too far-reaching categories. The conclusion also aims at exploring possible explanations of theses resistances to the EU beyond the traditional theories, based on strategic agency, culturalism and institutionalism, and insisting more on the role of ideas and material structures.

Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Ljunggren, Kristoffer. "Radikala högerpartiers framgångar i Västeuropa : En konsekvens av konvergens eller polarisering?" Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-91204.

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This essay will explain the electoral success of radical right parties in thirteen Western European countries over time. Based on a theory of convergence and polarization as a recent for the upsurge of radical right partiers. The two main factors that will be tested as potential explanations to the success of these parties are polarization and convergence along the leftright and the Gal-Tan dimensions respectively. The questions (and hypothesis) that will be answered in the essay are; Does left-right convergence between established parties lead to electoral success for Radical right parties (H1); Does Gal-Tan polarization lead to electoral success for radical right parties (H2). This research problem is approached then with statistical methods. The conclusion is that radical right parties benefits from polarization between parties in the party system on the left right and the Gal-Tan dimensions. Yet, the findings show that Gal-Tan polarization has a more profound effect than left-right polarization.

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Lind, Jenny. "Spelar politiken någon roll? : En jämförelse mellan Kalmar kommun och Karlskrona kommun." Thesis, University of Kalmar, School of Human Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hik:diva-489.

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Currently, the whole globe is faced with serious problems which negatively affect people around the world: increased pollution, excessive waste, and weather pattern changes. ‘Left’ and ‘right’ wing political parties alike have embraced ‘green’ politics and for many of these parties, environmental issues have become a top priority that is very much reflected in their manifestos. This study examines the environmental goals of two of Sweden’s largest political parties and how these ambitions are reflected at a local level. The conclusions I have drawn in the study have been achieved by analysing official documents and by the comparison between two Swedish municipalities. As a result of my research, I have learned that the political leanings of a party are substantial in determining the goals and works for long-term sustainability at a local level. However, whether the prevailing parties are of the ‘left’ or ‘right’ political orientation does not seem to be of big importance because both ‘wings’ in Sweden are very liberal and have very similar environmental goals.

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Nickbon, Parisa. "Vänster, höger, upp eller ner? : En kvalitativ studie om var Sverigedemokraterna kan placeras på det politiska spektrumet." Thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Avdelningen för samhällsvetenskap, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-34800.

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Throughout the years there has been rise to extensive debate in the media and in the research world about the Swedish Democrats being labeled as a populist radical right-winged party or even leaning towards a centrist position with authoritarian values. With a general election coming up soon this year the aim of this study is with the help of a two-dimensional approach, combining the traditional left/right dimension and the GAL-TAL dimension, to find out where the SD place themselves on the political spectrum. The left/right dimension focuses on socioeconomic interests – the relationship between the state and the market while GAL-TAN considers socio-cultural issues such as independence and the degree of individual freedom. By conducting a qualitative content analysis and an ideal-type analysis in this study, several statements from the party's manifestos from the year 2010, 2014 and 2018 have been analyzed to find out where the party can be placed on the political spectrum. The study shows that the SD can be placed on the two-dimensional scale, where the party combines elements of TAN, some libertarian elements (GAL), where SD positions itself as a centrist-right party in some issues of the economic dimension. In addition, results show that social conservatism has been a prominent ideology in the SD:s manifestos over the years.

2018-06-07.

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Backlund, Anders. "The Sweden Democrats in Political Space : Estimating policy positions using election manifesto content analysis." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-19043.

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In the Swedish general elections of 2010, the party the Sweden Democrats for the first time entered the parliament. In an election otherwise characterised by competition between two explicit political blocs, the Sweden Democrats profiled itself as a party free from ideological blinders, ready to represent the will of the people. Commonly referred to as a populist party, there is considerable disagreement about where in the Swedish political space the party actually belongs. At the same time, there exist within political science a multitude of methodological approaches aimed at answering such questions. By combining election manifesto content analysis and survey-based approaches, the study of this paper presents cross-validated estimates of where in Swedish political space the Sweden Democrats belong. The study also evaluates strengths and weaknesses of the different approaches to the estimation of policy positions in the specific context of the Sweden Democrats. The party is found to be economically centrist but highly authoritarian, making it an outlier along both a "traditional" and a Swedish left-right continuum. Some methodological difficulties that may be particularly important to consider when analyzing parties such as the Sweden Democrats, e.g. bias, dimensional salience and linguistic volatility, are suggested.

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Uebel, Jonas. "Liberal högersväng? : En jämförande analys av folkpartiet liberalerna och Det Radikale Venstres ideologiska positionering." Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-1375.

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The aim of this paper is to empirically examine the ideological trends and positioning of the Swedish liberal party with the Danish social liberal party. This paper also aims to analyze the reasons behind the trends. By examine the development in these two Nordic liberal sisterparties, this paper contributes to our understanding of why and how party change is initiated. The paper commences with an intuitive notion that the Swedish party has in fact, made a lurch towards the right, during the past ten to fifteen years while the Danish party has retained their social-liberal position in the centre of the Danish political spectrum. The questions then asked are: can this hypothesis be verified empirically? If so, how can this phenomenon of divergence, be explained?

The method used in this thesis is process-tracing and the empirical material does to a large extent rely on interviews with central agents as they are specified in the theory of each party. The starting point of the paper is theory on party change, which identifies the important agents, goals and determinants of party policy.. It rely on rational choice assumption, pays regard to institutional boundaries and is placed somewhere in the category of new institutionalism.

This thesis argues that it is empirically unquestionable that the Swedish party de facto has made a lurch to the right during the last decade, while the Danish party has shown significant stability in their ideological position. The thesis further argues that the development in the Swedish party can be explained through a shift of primary goals, from policy-seeking toward vote-maximising, while the Danish party’s primary goals have since the beginning of the nineties until now, remained primarily policy-seeking. This explains why their ideological trend has kept a stable course. The paper concludes by stating that the divergent development within the two parties is explainable on the basis of the institutional organisation within each party, together with the different political environments they are occupied in.

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Henning, Luiz Felippe de Castro. "Representações de ciência e tecnologia no anarquismo brasileiro contemporâneo e a ação direta." Universidade Tecnológica Federal do Paraná, 2017. http://repositorio.utfpr.edu.br/jspui/handle/1/2747.

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CAPES
O ano de 2013 é marcado pelo ascenso de manifestações de rua massivas no Brasil, bem como do reaparecimento da ideologia anarquista em meio aos movimentos sociais, junto da ação direta. Diferentes modalidades de ação direta foram vistas nas ruas. Este trabalho tem por finalidade a compreensão das relações existentes entre as representações de mundo dos anarquistas e seu modelo de prática política: a ação direta. Partimos da hipótese de que as diferentes formas de ação direta, que se encontram dispostas nas distintas correntes do anarquismo, refletem diferentes representações de ciência e tecnologia presentes nesse movimento político, variando de noções deterministas a noções sociotécnicas. Para verificação de tais elementos, realizaram-se pesquisas de campo e entrevistas durante o ano de 2016, na cidade de São Paulo, visando contemplar as distintas correntes do anarquismo. Como resultado deste esforço de pesquisa, defrontamo-nos com um anarquismo que possui dissensos internos, porém, estes são menores que sua confluência, visto que há um padrão de representação de ciência e tecnologia anarquista. Nesse sentido, tal pesquisa reforça o anarquismo como uma corrente que possui noções e perspectivas claras, alinhavadas com seus princípios, teoria e práticas.
The year of 2013 is marked by the rise of massive street demonstrations in Brazil, as well as the reappearance of anarchist ideology within the social movements, along with direct action. Different modalities of direct action were seen in the streets. This work aims to understand the relationships between the anarchist world representations and their mode of political practice and direct action. Our hypothesis is that the different forms of direct action, that are arranged in the different currents of the anarchism, reflect different representations of science and technology, present in this political movement, that range from deterministic to sociotechnical notions. To verify these elements, field surveys and interviews were conducted during the year of 2016 in the city of São Paulo, aiming to contemplate the different currents of anarchism. As a result of this research effort, we face an anarchism that has internal dissensions, but these are less important than its confluence points, thus, a standard of anarchist science and technology representation underlies the movement. In this sense, therefore, such research reinforces anarchism as a current that its own notions and perspectives, which are aligned with its principles, theory and practices.

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Petersson, Oscar. "Populism Versus the Populist Parties : An Analysis of the Relationship Between Ideology and Populism on the Cases of Fidesz and Syriza." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-90978.

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This is a case study aiming to clarify the potentially outdated focus on the populist features in modern populist parties. By analyzing the right-wing populist party of Fidesz and the left-wing populist party of Syriza the aim is to clarify whether populism as a feature is descriptive enough to illustrate these parties, regardless their ideological stance, or whether ideology should be taken more into account than it tends to do today. To do this, the policies of each party are mapped to distinguish populist similarities, despite their ideological disparity and their differences. The analysis is delimited by the three pillars of civil society: Freedom of Associations, Freedom of Peaceful Assemblies and Freedom of Expression, referred to as the three pillars of civil society. The study shows that the descriptiveness of Fidesz as a right-wing populist party is conformed. However, the policies of Syriza demonstrate a variation of partially right-wing and left-wing populism, but also tendencies of no populism at all in their foreign policies. The descriptiveness of contemporary left-wing populist parties in the case of Syriza is thereby questionable.

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KARREMANS, Johannes. "State interests vs citizens’ preferences : on which side do (Labour) parties stand?" Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/45985.

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Defence date: 31 March 2017
Examining Board: Professor Pepper Culpepper, formerly EUI/University of Oxford (Supervisor); Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI (Co-Supervisor); Professor Ferdinand Müller-Rommel, Leuphana Universität Lüneburg; Professor Maurits Van der Veen, College of William & Mary
This dissertation deals with the question of how the partisan nature of government still matters in the current globalized and post-industrial world. In particular, it compares the representativeness of two contemporary centre-left governments with that of two centre-left executives from the 1970s in the Netherlands and the United Kingdom. According to the more provocative theories about the state of contemporary representative democracy, these countries should be forerunners of a general European trend in which governments care more about technical competence rather than political representation and responsiveness. These tendencies are expected to particularly affect the partisanship of Labour ministers. In order to test these theories, I do a comparative content analysis of how Labour finance ministers/Chancellors justify the yearly government budget in front of the parliament. The justifications are divided into those that characterize the government as representative of the partisan redistributive preferences (input-justifications) VS those that profile it as a competent caretaker of public finances (output-justifications). Following the above-mentioned theories, the hypothesis is that today the output-justifications are more important than in the past. As this approach is relatively novel with regards to the study of responsiveness, the thesis also dedicates one chapter to the justification strategies of a technical and a neoliberal government. The purpose of this extra comparison is to have more empirical evidence of what renders an output-justification different from an input-justification. By incorporating these two cases, thus, I get a deeper comparative insight into what is a typical left-wing/partisan discourse characteristic and what constitutes governmental/institutional talk. This extra comparison, consequently, allows me to reflect more deeply on the findings emerging from the overtime comparison of Labour governments. The findings of my research tell a two-sided story. On the one hand, contrary to my hypothesis, the contemporary cases feature slightly more input-justifications than the governments from the 1970s. On the other, the logic of the discourses suggests that, while in the 1970s the responsiveness to social needs was presented as a policy goal per se, today the input-justifications tend to be more subordinated to justifications about economic and financial considerations. The findings thus speak both to theories according to which today we are not witnessing a decline of political representation, but simply a change in kind, as well to the theories speaking of a gradual hollowing out of political competition. In the iv conclusion of my dissertation I reflect on what is right and wrong on the two sides of the debate.

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Liburn, Sandra G. (Sandra Gail). "Dividing the political : a feminist critique of the New Right / by Sandra G. Lilburn." 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/18607.

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Errata sheet pasted inside front cover.
Bibliography: leaves 372-400.
ix, 400 leaves ; 30 cm.
Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Politics, 1996?

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Lilburn, Sandra G. (Sandra Gail). "Dividing the political : a feminist critique of the New Right / by Sandra G. Lilburn." Thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/18607.

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49

Childs, Christopher E. "Right-wing authoritarianism and prejudice : a meta-analysis." 2011. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1656579.

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This study is a meta-analysis of publications of the relationship of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) to racial/ethnic prejudice. In addition to examining the relationship between RWA and prejudice, two control/comparison analyses were conducted. The first looks at the relationship between RWA and attitudes toward homosexuality over the same time period as the racial prejudice analysis. An additional set of control analyses involved social dominance orientation (SDO). The hypothesis was that the relationship between RWA and racial/ethnic prejudice has decreased over time but that the relationships between RWA and anti-gay prejudice and the relationship between SDO and racial/ethnic prejudice and SDO and anti-gay prejudice will be relatively stable over time. The results showed as time passed there was a negative relationship between RWA and racial/ethnic prejudice, a positive relationship with RWA and anti-gay prejudice, a non significant correlation with SDO and racial/ethnic prejudice, and a negative relationship between SDO and anti-gay prejudice.
Department of Psychological Science

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DELLA, PORTA Donatella. "Organizzazioni politiche clandestine : Il terrorismo di sinistra in Italia durante gli anni Settanta." Doctoral thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5249.

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Defence date: 20 March 1987
Examining Board: Prof. A. Melucci, Università di Milano ; Prof. G. Pasquino, Supervisor, Università di Bologna e Johns Hopkins University ; Prof. A. Pizzorno, I.U.E. e Harvard University ; Prof. P. Schmitter, Supervisor, I.U.E. e Stanford University ; Prof. S. Tarrow, Cornwell University
First made available online on 10 September 2013.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Right and left (Political science) – Netherlands'

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